Yemeni Children’s Plight Deepens as Globe Marks World Children’s Day

Yemeni Children’s Plight Deepens as Globe Marks World Children’s Day

By Xinhua News Agency

As the globe marks World Children’s Day on Friday, Yemeni children are suffering from hunger, poverty and disease amid the COVID-19 pandemic in the war-torn country.

“We have been warning for several months that Yemen was heading towards a cliff,” said Jens Laerke, spokesman for the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

“We are now seeing the first people falling off that cliff,” Laerke said, referring to the war-inflicted Arab country’s younger generation.

During what the United Nations says the largest humanitarian crisis in the world, children in Yemen are the most vulnerable.


When Mohammed Hassan was transferred to the Al-Sabeen Hospital in Sanaa, the 15-year-old boy weighed only 14 kilograms.

He suffered acute malnutrition for years because his family was never able to put enough food on the table since the starting of the war.

“My children and I are hungry… our daily meal is dry bread, and sometimes we do not get it. The war and blockade have devastated our life. We live now in a tenet with very little food,” Hassan’s father lamented.

Hassan’s family was one of the thousands of Yemeni families that become unable to secure one meal a day or rent a house as food prices are rising and the value of the country’s currency is falling because of the war.

About one-third of the Yemeni families have gaps in their diets, and hardly ever consume foods like pulses, vegetables, fruit, dairy products, or meat, according to the World Food Program.

The malnutrition rate among Yemeni children has soared to the highest level ever recorded.

The United Nations estimated that 7.4 million people in Yemen need nutrition assistance, and 2 million of them are children under the age of five.

In parts of Yemen, as many as 20 percent of the children under five are acutely malnourished.


With nearly half of the health facilities in Yemen closed down, the other half is now barely functional as their operation almost completely relies on international aid.

The humanitarian aid is quickly draining off. According to the United Nations, 15 of its 41 major programs in Yemen have been reduced or shut down for lack of funds and the humanitarian response plan for Yemen is only 38 percent funded.

The surging malnutrition rate and a shattered health care system is a catastrophic combination. Yemen is now becoming a living hell for the country’s children.

Many families face a cruel and painful choice: to use the little money they have to treat the ailing children or to buy food and save the lives of the whole family.

Having limited access to sanitation and clean water, children here have fallen easy prey to deadly epidemics, including cholera, malaria, dengue fever, and the novel coronavirus.

Although Yemen has only reported about 2,000 COVID-19 cases, it has a death rate of 25 to 30 percent, one of the highest in the world. The United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF] warned that the COVID-19 pandemic in Yemen is “an emergency within an emergency.”


The United Nations said that the war in Yemen has damaged or destroyed more than 2,500 schools and forced 2 million children out of school.

Many students have not been able to return to their schools for more than five years. Those who are lucky enough to go back often have to study in straw-roof huts or even under trees because the war has destroyed most of the school buildings.

But what’s worse than the shortage of classrooms and textbooks is the lack of teachers. Many teachers were displaced during the war and those who stayed did not get paid for years.

A recent UN statement pointed out that thousands of Yemeni teachers have not received salaries since the eruption of the war. Many of the teachers have sought other works to survive.

“Children out of school face increased risks of all forms of exploitation including being forced to join the fighting, child labor, and early marriage,” the United Nations Children’s Fund has warned.


The war and blockade have caused the collapse of the country’s economy and the local currency, forcing millions of children to go to hard labor in order to help their families survive.

Adel Rabie, 13, should be in school. Instead, he works at a market in the Hajjah province in northern Yemen, trying to earn a living.

Adel says he tries to earn around two US dollars a day to buy some food for his mom and his little sisters living in a tent at a camp for the families, displaced by war from the northern border villages. Adel’s father died at the beginning of the war.

Labor is an everyday reality for around 23 percent of children between 5 and 14 years old in Yemen. They are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.

Despite all disasters, the resilience and fortitude of Yemenis also provide some hope. We see parents help schools to build classrooms, doctors offer free treatment for poor families, charity bakeries give out free bread, and so on.

But if the international community does not act quickly, such hopes will also die out. It’s down to the world now to whether rekindle those hopes or watch the whole younger generation of Yemen slid into abysmal despair.

Biden Signals a Desire To End the Yemen War. Here’s Why Yemenis Aren’t Buying It

Joe Biden Foreign Policy

By Ahmed Abdulkareem


As news broke that Joe Biden almost certainly won the U.S. presidential election, some Americans became hopeful that the new administration could hearken in an era of calm in the Middle East. In Yemen, however, that sentiment was not shared.

Most Yemenis have little hope that the new White House will end the blockade and the devastating war in their country, which is now nearing the end of its sixth year. Nor are they hopeful that the announcement that U.S. support for the Saudi military intervention in Yemen could end during Biden’s presidential term will materialize into action after he is sworn into office on January 20, 2021.

Ibrahim Abdulkareem, who lost his 11-month-old daughter, Zainab when a Saudi warplane dropped an American-made bomb on his home in Sana`a in 2015, told MintPress that Biden’s statement is not good news to him, ”I am not optimistic that Biden will stop supplying Bin Salman with bombs like the ones that killed my daughter,” he said. Like Ibrahim, Yemeni civilians are losing their loved ones, homes, and infrastructure to American weapons supplied to the Saudi Coalition in droves, and there is little hope that president-elect Biden will end support, including the supply of weapons and military equipment, to Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

The Iranian boogeyman

In fact, officials in both Sana’a and Aden – the respective seats of power for the opposing sides in Yemen’s war – see little chance that Biden will take action to end the conflict given the current geopolitical reality in the Middle East. That reality includes the fever of normalization with Israel sweeping across Arab governments, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are no exception. Closely related is the ongoing obsession from concurrent U.S. administrations with trying to contain so-called “Iranian influence” in the Middle East and linking the war in Yemen with that effort.

Yemeni politicians have called on Biden to change how the White House views the conflict and to stop treating it as a proxy war with Iran over influence. Unfortunately, it has been reduced down to that binary argument, with U.S. officials on both sides of the aisle blaming the entire affair on Iran, reductively claiming that the Houthis are an Iranian proxy, and framing the entire conflict in an Iran-centric geopolitical context – and not the true context of foreign aggression and a battle to control the strategic areas and some of the region’s most lucrative untapped oil and gas reserves.

American support

Most Yemenis view American support for the Saudi-led coalition not only as fueling the fighting but also view the American government as a party to serious war crimes in their country, directly at fault for the devastating humanitarian crisis they now face. Yemen is on the verge of yet another countdown to catastrophe as it faces a devastating famine within a few short months according to a recent report by the UN issued on Wednesday. That famine, in large part, stems not only from the Saud-led war and blockade, but from drastic cuts to humanitarian food and aid programs implemented by President Trump.

Since March 2015, when the war began, rather than halting weapons sales or pressuring Saudi Arabia diplomatically, the White House instead opted to ignore calls from the international community to address the suffering of Yemeni civilians. Worse yet, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have been given carte blanche to carry out the most brazen and egregious violations of international law and collective murder in modern history without so much as a scolding from the United States.

he Saudi-led war has killed more than 100,000 people since January 2016, according to a report by the Armed Conflict and Location Event Data Project (ACLED). That figure does not include those who have died in the humanitarian disasters sparked by the conflict, particularly famine and the thousands of tons of weapons, most often supplied by the United States, that have been dropped on hospitals, schools, markets, mosques, farms, factories, bridges, and power and water treatment plants.

Thirsty for peace

If Biden is serious about reaching a diplomatic end to the war, he has a real chance to add ending one of the twenty-first century’s most violent conflicts to his presidential legacy. Yemen is thirsty for peace. Both the resistance forces led by Ansar Allah and the Saudi-backed militant groups’ that oppose them have signaled a desire to reach a political settlement, a sentiment, of course, not readily reflected by the governments of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Those governments, however, do face increasingly dwindling support among the same forces in Yemen that allegedly invited them to intervene in their country under the auspices of returning ousted president Abdul Mansour Hadi to power. Now, even among the coalition’s staunchest allies, Saudi Arabia’s actions are increasingly seen as little more than an effort to balkanize the nation into regions and factions that can more easily be managed.

Among the Houthis (Ansar Allah), the most stalwart of forces opposed to a foreign presence in Yemen, an attitude of reconciliation pervades. Throughout the conflict, the group has proven its propensity for diplomatic rapprochement and a desire to work within the structures of international mediators to negotiate an end to the war. According to high-ranking officials in Sana’a, preparations for negotiations are being made in case the Biden administration is serious about ending the war.

However, the group’s leadership is taking Biden’s statement with a grain of salt. A wait and see approach persists among decision-makers in Sana’a, and rumors are flying that Biden may work with Yemen’s Brotherhood, a Saudi Arabia ally.

Untangling the quagmire

Trump’s own legacy in the Middle East is another factor that Biden will have to maneuver if he wishes to untangle the complex quagmire that is Yemen. The Trump administration recently notified Congress that it approved the sale of more than $23bn in advanced weapons systems, including F-35 fighter jets and armed drones, to the UAE, Saudi Arabia’s most prominent partner in its war on Yemen.  The Houthis have played down the announcement, saying that consent is one thing, but delivery is another entirely and if the Biden administration does go through with the sale, they will consider it a crime against Yemen.

High-ranking Houthi officials told MintPress that while they do not expect the president-elect to recognize their right to sovereignty, they are hopeful that the situation in Yemen will be re-assessed by the incoming administration and that the Houthis will no longer be seen as a threat to Washington or their allies in the region, and there is some evidence to substantiate that idea.

Every Houthi attack on Saudi Arabia and the UAE has been retaliatory, not preemptive, in nature. Even the attack on the Saudi Aramco facility on September 14,  2019, came in response to ongoing Saudi Coalition military maneuvers inside Yemen. Prior to the 2015 Saudi-led Coalition war on their country, the Houthis did not show animus towards the Kingdom, nor a desire to target it militarily. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia a major exporter of the same kind of jihadist ideology that drives groups like al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and ISIS, groups that the Kingdom has used to try to undermine Houthi power, making the Houthis a natural ally to any force working to contain those organizations.

Saudi Arabia launched its war on Yemen in March of 2015 under the leadership of Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed Bin Salman. Salman claimed his objective in launching the war was to roll back the Houthis and reinstate ousted former Yemeni president Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, who fled the country to Saudi Arabia following popular protests during the Arab Spring. From the moment the highly unpopular war began, Saudi officials have worked hard to frame it as a necessary step in liberating the Arab country from Iran, repeating the still unfounded claim that the Houthis are an Iranian proxy.

Continued pressure on Yemen will inevitably force the Houthis to lean more heavily into their relationships with Iran, Russia, and China, all perceived enemies of the United States, as they indeed have done under the Trump presidency. Iran’s newly appointed ambassador to Yemen arrived in Sana’a last month, and prior to that, the Houthis sent an ambassador to Tehran. Syria and Qatar are expected to follow and reopen their embassies in Sana’a according to Houthi officials, and if the staggering human cost of the war is not enough, that should give Biden an incentive not to allow the protracted conflict to carry on.

خطوط دفاع مأرب تنهار: معسكر الماس في أيدي قوّات صنعاء


 رشيد الحداد السبت 14 تشرين الثاني 2020

خطوط دفاع مأرب تنهار: معسكر الماس في أيدي قوّات صنعاء
جرى التحام مباشر بين قوّات هادي وصنعاء قبيل سقوط المعسكر (أ ف ب )

أحكمت قوّات صنعاء، بعد أسبوعَين من المعارك، سيطرتها على معسكر الماس الاستراتيجي الذي يُعدُّ آخر وأهمّ خطوط الدفاع عن مدينة مأرب. تَطوّرٌ فَتح الطريق أمام الجيش و«اللجان» للتقدُّم في اتجّاه المدينة، سواء من صحراء الجدعان، أم من الخطّ الرئيس الرابط بين صنعاء ومأربصنعاء | سقط معسكر الماس الاستراتيجي الواقع غربي مدينة مأرب بأيدي قوّات صنعاء، فجر يوم أمس، ما أدّى إلى انهيار مَن تبقّى مِن قوّات موالية للرئيس المنتهية ولايته، عبد ربه منصور هادي، في محيط المعسكر. هذا التقدُّم الاستراتيجي الذي خاضت قوات الجيش و”اللجان الشعبية” من أجله معركةً مصيريّة مع قوّات هادي، في الأسبوعين الماضيين، يتيح المجال للتقدُّم نحو مدينة مأرب من صحراء الجدعان، أو من الخطّ الرئيس الرابط بين العاصمة ومأرب.

سقوط المعسكر الذي يُعدُّ آخر وأهمّ خطوط الدفاع عن مدينة مأرب، مَنح قوات الجيش و”اللجان الشعبية” هامشاً واسعاً للسيطرة على ما تبقّى من المناطق الصحراوية المحيطة بالمدينة، والتقدّم في اتّجاه منطقة الدشوش المطلّة على معسكرَي صحن الجن وتداوين ووزارة دفاع هادي الواقعة عند البوابة الغربية لمأرب، وكذا السيطرة على مساحة جغرافية كبيرة في صحراء الجدعان المحيطة بالمدينة، وتأمين القوّات المتقدّمة نحو مأرب من أيّ هجمات غادرة من الخلف، أو أيّ التفاف عسكري للقوّات المعادية.

وأكّد مصدر قبلي في مأرب، في حديث إلى “الأخبار”، سقوط معسكر الماس الاستراتيجي ووادي الماس وجميع المناطق والأودية والمواقع المحيطة به، مشيراً أيضاً إلى سقوط الخطّ الإسفلتي الرئيس الرابط بين صنعاء ومأرب بعد سيطرة الجيش و”اللجان الشعبية” على منطقة حلحلان بالكامل، ونقل المعركة إلى ما بعد نقطة الكسارة في اتّجاه مأرب. وكانت قوات صنعاء أحكمت سيطرتها، بعد معارك عنيفة، مساء الثلاثاء، على مفرق معسكر الماس ونقطة الشرطة العسكرية، وصولاً إلى صحراء اللسان التي كانت تُستخدم من قِبَل المرتزقة كخطّ إمداد أخير للدفاع عن المعسكر. وعلى رغم محاولة الطرف الآخر بناء التحصينات والاستبسال في الدفاع عن المعسكر، إلّا أن طائرات العدوان استهدفت الموالين له، في اليومين الماضيين، بعد غارات هستيريّة شنّتها لإعاقة تَقدُّم قوّات الجيش و”اللجان الشعبية” نحو المعسكر. من جهته، وصف قيادي في قوّات هادي، يدعى سلطان الروسا، المواجهات “الفاصلة” التي جرت مساء الخميس قبيل سقوط المعسكر بـ”الحرب التي لا تشبه أي حرب”، مشيراً، في تغريدة عبر “تويتر”، إلى أن “عناصر الطرفين التحما وجهاً لوجه للمرة الأولى”.

فرّت قوّات هادي في أعقاب سقوط معسكر الماس، نحو صحراء الجدعان

هذا التطوّر المهمّ تزامن مع سقوط معظم مناطق وقرى مديرية رغوان الواقعة بالقرب من معسكر الماس بأيدي قوّات الجيش و”اللجان الشعبية” في الأيام الماضية، ونجاح وساطات قبليّة بتفعيل اتفاقات كانت قوات صنعاء أبرمتها مع قبائل رغوان في تموز/ يوليو الماضي، والتزمت بموجبها يتجنيب القرى والمدن التابعة للمديرية ويلات الدمار وعدم اعتراض أبناء قبيلة الجدعان المنسحبين من صفوف قوّات هادي، في مقابل السماح لها بالدخول سلميّاً إلى مناطقهم. اتّفاقات توسّعت ودفعت كبار مشائخ قبيلة الجدعان التي تمتدّ أراضيها من شرق صنعاء وصولاً إلى غرب مأرب وشرق الجوف، إلى زيارة صنعاء الأربعاء الماضي، وإعلان الولاء لقيادة “أنصار الله”. هذه الخطوة أثارت جدلاً واسعاً في أوساط قوّات هادي التي اعتبرت تأييد قبيلة الجدعان لصنعاء، صدمة معنوية كبيرة ستفقد الجبهات الموالية لـ”التحالف” التوازن والصمود في المعركة، لكون أبنائها قاتلوا في صفوفه على مدى ثلاث سنوات، وقتل 700 منهم في جبهات القتال.

وفرّت قوّات هادي في أعقاب سقوط معسكر الماس، نحو صحراء الجدعان التي تمتدّ من المدخل الغربي لمدينة مأرب إلى شرق الجوف. وتفيد المصادر بأن قيادة القوات المشتركة وصلت مساء الخميس إلى معسكر تداوين، أحد أهمّ مقرات قوّات التحالف السعودي – الإماراتي شمال غرب مدينة مأرب، حيث عَقدت اجتماعاً طارئاً بحضور ضبّاط سعوديين لتدارس الموقف، في ظلّ اشتداد المعارك غربي المدينة. إلّا أن صاروخاً بالستياً، لم تُعلِن صنعاء مسؤوليتها عنه، كان لهذا الاجتماع بالمرصاد، ليتسبّب في وقوع عدد كبير من القتلى والجرحى، منهم قيادات عسكرية كبيرة موالية لهادي، وثلاثة ضباط سعوديين تفيد المعلومات بمقتلهم. وجاء الهجوم الصاروخي على الاجتماع بعد يومين من مقتل قائد اللواء أول مشاة جبلي الموالي لهادي، العميد محمد مسعد جعبان، في جبهة مدغل في ظروف غامضة، وذلك عقب خلافات تصاعدت بينه وبين رئيس أركان قوّات هادي، اللواء صغير بن عزيز. ولا يستبعد مراقبون أن تصاعد الغارات “الخاطئة” التي تستهدف بعض مجاميع قوّات هادي في جبهات مأرب، تندرج في إطار التصفيات بين الأجنحة المتصارعة في جبهات مأرب والجوف.

وكانت قوات هادي قد صعّدت عسكرياً، خلال الساعات الـ72 الماضية، في جبهات خب والشعف في محافظة الجوف، محاولةً بذلك تخفيف الضغط على جبهات غرب مأرب، ورفع معنويات عناصرها المنهارة، فردّت قوات صنعاء، الخميس، بشنّ هجوم واسع في اتّجاه منطقة اليتمة الواقعة على الحدود مع السعودية، لتسيطر على مناطق الدحيضه والتبة الحمراء وقرن السعراء شرق الجوف.

زورقان وطائرات مسيّرة تستهدف السعودية

بعدما هدّدت “أنصار الله”، قبل أيّام، عشية “قمّة العشرين” المزمع عقدها في الرياض يومَي 21 و22 الجاري، باستهداف مواقع عسكرية واقتصادية حيويّة في الداخل السعودي، بدأت الحركة تنفيذ تهديداتها اعتباراً من مساء الأربعاء، حين هاجمت بزورقين مفخّخين مسيّرين منصّة تفريغ عائمة تابعة لمحطّة توزيع المنتجات البترولية في جيزان جنوب المملكة، ما أدّى الى اندلاع حريق في المنشأة، بحسب اعتراف السلطات السعودية. اعترافُ جاء على لسان “مصدر مسؤول في وزارة الطاقة” أكّد في حديث إلى وكالة الأنباء السعودية، “واس”، أنه “تمّ التعامل مع حريق اندلع يوم الأربعاء بالقرب من منصّة تفريغ”، مشيراً إلى أن”الحريق اندلع بعدما اعترض التحالف (…) زورقين مفخّخين في جنوب البحر الأحمر”، ما أدّى إلى “اندلاع حريق في الخراطيم العائمة في المنصة، وقد تم التعامل مع الحريق، ولم تحدث أي إصاباتٍ أو خسائر في الأرواح”. كذلك، أعلن التحالف السعودي – الإماراتي، يوم أمس، “اعتراض 5 طائرات مسيّرة تابعة للحوثيين، اثنتان منها في الأجواء اليمنية”، كانت قد أطلقتها قوات صنعاء في اتجاه أهداف داخل الأراضي السعودية.

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Saudi-led blockade keeps lifeblood Yemeni port at standstill

Saudi-led blockade keeps lifeblood Yemeni port at standstill

October 31, 2020

Original link:


News report on the deteriorating situation at Yemen’s lifeblood port of Al Hudaydah caused by the Saudi-led blockade.

Source: RT Arabic

Date: October 24, 2020
(Important Note: Please help us keep producing independent translations for you by contributing as little as $1/month here:

RT reporter:

A complete standstill and empty berths with no commercial ships nor humanitarian aid… This is the situation at the Yemeni port of “Al Hudaydah” that is waiting for cargo-laden ships to bring it back to life.

Al Hudaydah Port is the second biggest Yemeni port. It is the lifeblood of two-thirds of Yemen’s population. The overpopulated provinces receive imports, and medical and food aid via this port. The restrictions and measures imposed by the (Saudi-led) Arab coalition on the entry of ships (to the port) increase the suffering of civilians, as asserted by those in charge of the facility who have called on (the Saudi-led coalition) to keep the port out of the conflict.

Yahya Sharaf (Al-Deen), Vice Chairman of Red Sea Ports Corporation in Hudaydah:

The blockade and restrictions on foodstuff and oil products are one of the most significant factors that have led to this humanitarian crisis. However, unfortunately, the United Nations (UN) does not mention the (Yemeni) crisis except when it is looking for donors. It talks about the suffering and humanitarian crisis in Yemen only to scrounge help from (other) states. However, it turns a deaf ear to the actions of the (Saudi- led) coalition that are preventing the Red Sea Ports Corporation from receiving oil products and food supplies.

RT reporter:

The dockers at the (Al Hudaydah) Port are living in terrible conditions due to the decline in the number of ships arriving. Their suffering worsens because their source of income has been cut off.

Yasser Makbouli, a worker at Al Hudaydah Port:

The Al Hudaydah Port is suffering because of the (Saudi-led) Coalition. More than 30 or 40 tankers carrying diesel, fuel and petrol (have been detained by the Coalition). We are suffering greatly. The poor workers at the Al Hudaydah Port don’t earn enough to live on for even one day. We have been just sitting around (doing nothing) for four months.

Muhammad Al-Rimi, a worker at Al Hudaydah Port:

The situation (at the port) is miserable for everyone, present or absent. There is nothing to do. We are just sitting around.

RT reporter:

Yemen is facing a humanitarian crisis described by the UN as the worst globally because of the ongoing war and blockade. This (crisis) has caused food shortages, an increase in malnutrition rates, and even famine in some remote areas, in addition to a spread of diseases and epidemics as medicine stocks dwindle.

Jamal Al Ashwal, RT, at the Al Hudaydah Port.

Yemeni Revolutionaries Step up Retaliatory Attacks against Saudi Targets

October 26, 2020

Spokesman of Yemeni Armed Forces Brigadier General Yahya Saree

Yemeni revolutionaries stepped up attacks on Saudi targets in retaliation to continuous Saudi-led aggression on TH Arab improvised country.

Spokesman for the Yemeni Armed Forces Brigadier General Yahya Saree announced on Monday that Saudi Airport of Abha was subjected to an attack by Yemeni drone Qassif 2K.

The spokesman said that a military target at Abha Airport was accurately hit, noting that the attack in response to crimes committed by the Saudi-led coalition launching aggression on Yemen since 2015.

Hours earlier, Yemeni revolutionaries attacked the same airport late Sunday with another drone, Sammad-3, hitting “sensitive target.”

Earlier on Sunday, the Yemeni military carried out retaliatory attacks on an airbase in Saudi Arabia’s southwestern province of Asir, using domestically-manufactured combat drones.

Saree told Yemen’s al-Masirah television that “the attack hit aircraft hangars accurately,” noting that the attack was in response to the Saudi-led coalition airstrikes and blockade on the Yemeni people.”

The airbase, which is located in the vicinity of Khamis Mushait City, belongs to the Royal Saudi Air Force (RSAF).

Source: Agencies

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The House of Saud Struggles to Normalize Ties with “Israel” As It Sinks in the Yemeni Swamp

The House of Saud Struggles to Normalize Ties with “Israel” As It Sinks in the Yemeni Swamp

By Staff

The father and son relationship between Saudi King Salman and his son the Crown Prince – Mohammed bin Salman [MBS] – is at crossroads regarding the methods in which normalization with the apartheid “Israeli” entity would occur; though the sand kingdom is over its head regarding the consequences of the brutal war it waged on Yemen.

MBS is interested in a normalization with the entity, while King Salman likes the so-called “Arab Peace Initiative”, but the war in Yemen and threats to the Crown Prince at home are keeping them busy.

In a rare speech this week, Salman said Saudi Arabia still adheres to the so-called “Arab Peace Initiative”, which conditions normalization on an “Israeli” withdrawal to the 1967 lines and the establishment of a Palestinian state. But MBS wants to speed up normalization as part of his strategic and, above all, economic vision.

In his speech, King Salman focused on regional affairs: Iran and the “Israeli”-Palestinian so-called “peace” process – though he never mentioned the “Israeli’ entity’s normalization with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain.

Was he trying to prove that he’s still in control of his kingdom and that he still sets foreign policy? Is this an intergenerational dispute, pitting the son’s project against the father’s traditional attitudes?

Saudi Arabia’s decision-making processes are enigmatic, as are relationships among members of the royal family and the kingdom’s domestic and foreign-policy considerations.

Yet, Saudi-“Israeli” normalization – which Jared Kushner, US President Donald Trump’s son-in-law and adviser announced will be happening very soon – seemed to be delayed.

Moreover, it’s not clear whether the delay is a matter of principle – that is, until a Palestinian state arises, or at least until “Israeli”-Palestinian negotiations resume – as King Salman said, or only a temporary one, until MBS manages to persuade him.

The difference in the two royals’ positions also raises another question. Saudi Arabia has provided an umbrella for the latest “peace” deals. Not only did it not condemn them, it praised the UAE and Bahrain for taking this step, which was coordinated with MBS, and opened its airspace to flights to and from the “Israeli” entity.

Not to mention, the public opinion in Saudi Arabia for a historic turnabout in the sand kingdom’s relationship with the “Israeli” entity is being paved.

Though, one issue stays unresolved.

It’s clear that Riyadh need to make peace with Washington, either before or as part of a deal with the “Israeli” entity. The main dispute between them is the war in Yemen, which began after King Salman was crowned in 2015.

In this war, the Saudi and UAE armies have treated Yemen’s civilian population brutally and used American weapons to do so. More than 125,000 people have been martyred, including 14,000 who were killed in deliberate attacks on civilian targets.

Hence, the Saudis’ aggression on Yemen has reappeared on the Washington agenda due to a partially classified report on US involvement in the conflict written by the State Department’s inspector general. The document’s unclassified sections, which were reported in the American media, reveal the magnitude of war crimes by Saudi and Emirati forces and their mercenaries, to the point that the US faces a risk of prosecution at the International Criminal Court.

Oona Hathaway, a former Department of Defense lawyer and now a Yale professor, told The New York Times: “If I were in the State Department, I would be freaking out about my potential for liability. I think anyone who’s involved in this program should get themselves a lawyer.”

Public and international pressure led Trump’s predecessor, Barack Obama, to freeze an arms deal with Riyadh in 2016 as a way of pressuring the Saudis to change their tactics in Yemen. One year later, Trump reversed that decision and opened the floodgates of US arms sales to the Saudis.

To Trump, Saudi Arabia, he said, has “nothing but cash,” which it uses to buy American services, protection and other goods. Regarding the slaughter of civilians in Yemen, he said the Saudis “don’t know how to use” American weapons.

Congress didn’t believe Trump’s explanations, and in April 2019, it passed a bipartisan resolution calling for an end to US military involvement in Yemen. Trump vetoed the resolution and circumvented the ban on arms sales to Riyadh by declaring a state of emergency over Iran, which allowed him to continue complying with Saudi requests.

The US government did budget $750 million to train Saudi soldiers and pilots on fighting in populated areas, with the goal of reducing harm to civilians. It also gave the Saudis a list of 33,000 targets they shouldn’t strike. But the Saudis don’t seem to have been overly impressed, and violations continue to this day.

Unlike Saudi Arabia, the UAE understood the dangers of its involvement in the war in Yemen and withdrew its forces, overcoming the ban on selling it F-35 fighter jets and other arms. It then overcame the “Israeli” obstacle by signing this month’s so-called “peace” deal.

MBS, who started the war in Yemen along with his father, is still wallowing in the Yemeni swamp that has complicated his relationship with the US. And that’s on top of his resounding failures in managing the Kingdom’s foreign policy, like forcing then-Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri to resign, imposing a blockade on Qatar, waging an unsuccessful oil war with Russia that sent prices plummeting and abandoning the Palestinian issue.

Domestic issues haven’t gone that well for MBS either. His Vision 2030 is stumbling. The Kingdom’s treasury has had problems funding megalomaniac projects like his city of the future, which is supposed to involve three countries (Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan), diversify Saudi Arabia’s sources of income and reduce its dependence on oil. So far, it remains on paper.

He did boast an impressive achievement in the war on corruption when he detained dozens of billionaires at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel and shook them down, but this was more about squeezing his political rivals’ windpipes than fighting corruption.

Accordingly, MBS can only envy his friend, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed [MBZ], the UAE’s de facto ruler who extricated his country from the war in Yemen and became Washington’s darling – not only because he normalized ties with the “Israeli” entity. And above all, he isn’t surrounded by hostile relatives.

So the question arises: Did all this happen in defiance of Salman’s wishes?

MBS who according to US intelligence didn’t hesitate to put his own mother under house arrest and keep her away from his father for fear she would work against him – may also prove to be someone who doesn’t see obeying his parents as a cardinal virtue. King Salman may be able to give speeches in support of the Palestinians, but his son, as defense minister, has the power to stage a coup against his father if he thinks this will serve him or his agenda, which might yet include normalizing ties with “Israeli” entity.

Iran Says Houthis Use Its Military Know-How In Battle Against Saudi Arabia

South Front

Iran has supplied Ansar Allah (also known as the Houthis) with technical expertise and know-how, a spokesman for the Iranian Armed Forces Brigadier General Abolfazl Shekarchi said on September 22. However, the general claimed that Yemeni forces “have learned how to produce missiles, drones and weapons in Yemen on their own” and Iran has no military presence in the region. Shekarchi described what Iran is doing across the region as “spiritual and advisory presence”.

“Countries of the resistance front have armies and forces themselves. We provide them with advisory help. In order to share our experience with the people of Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen, our skilled forces go there and assist them, but this is the people and armies of these countries who stand against the enemies in practice,” the general stated.

Apparently, it was Iranian “spiritual” power which helped the Houthis to regularly pound targets inside Saudi Arabia, including the Kingdom’s capital and key oil infrastructure objects, with missiles and drones, despite the years of Saudi-led air bombing campaigns against Houthi forces and the land and maritime blockade of the areas controlled by them.

Iran also denies reports of weapon and equipment supplies to the Houthis. This means missile components must have appeared in the Houthis’ hands and their missile and combat drone arsenal been expanded thanks to some unrevealed technological breakthrough behind the scenes.

Thus, the military cooperation deal officially signed between the Houthi government and Iran in 2019 was just a formality to highlight the sides’ unity on the frontline in the battle against ‘Zionist plots’ in the region, which became especially obvious in 2020 when the Houthi leadership, alongside with Iran, appeared to be among the most vocal critics of the UAE-Israel and Bahrain-Israel normalization deals. According to them, these developments are a part of the wider Zionist campaign against Middle Eastern nations.

Meanwhile in Syria, sources loyal to the Turkish-backed terrorist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (formerly the Syrian branch of al-Qaeda) claim that its members had killed a Russian special forces operator on the contact line near Kafra Nabl in southern Idlib.

According to militants and their supporters, they repelled an attack of pro-government forces there inflicting multiple casualties on the Syrian Army and its allies. Photos showing the equipment of the alleged Russian special forces operator were also released by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham media wing.

Pro-government sources did not report any notable clashes in the area last night or active operations involving Russian units there. According to them, the incident involving the Russian special forces operator may have happened several weeks (or even months) ago. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and their Turkish sponsors probably opted to use the obtained photos as propaganda to create a media victory in September to compensate for the losses and destruction caused by the Russian bombing campaign against the terrorist infrastructure in Idlib.

Details of the incident and the fate of the alleged Russian special forces operator involved in it remain unclear. In general, the Russian Defense Ministry reports all casualties among Russian service members deployed. Further, the militants did not show the body of the supposedly killed fighter. Therefore, if the incident really did take place, the Russian soldier most likely received injures and was then evacuated.

Meanwhile, the Russian Aerospace Forces continued bombing terrorist infrastructure in the Idlib region. Therefore, al-Qaeda and its Turkish sponsors are forced to console themselves with media victories.

Ansarullah Dares Saudi King to Directly Face Iran If He Has Scores to Settle

Ansarullah Dares Saudi King to Directly Face Iran If He Has Scores to Settle

By Staff, Agencies

A senior Yemeni Ansarullah official asked Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz to settle scores with Iran if he dares to face the Islamic Republic directly.

Chairman of Yemen’s Supreme Revolutionary Committee Mohammed-Ali al-Houthi made the remarks in a sarcastic tweet on Friday.

“King Salman well knows the Yemenis are only fighting the Americans who are using the Saudi soil and US-made weapons to wage a war against the Yemeni nation,” al-Houthi said.

“If the Saudi king has scores to settle with Iran, he’d better face the country directly,” he added.

The Ansarullah official made the remarks in reaction to the Saudi king’s virtual address to the 75th General Assembly of the United Nations, in which he said Riyadh would not take its hands off the Yemeni nation until it “gets rid of Iran’s domination.”

King Salman blamed the Islamic Republic for much of the Middle East’s instability, and repeated a host of baseless accusations against Iran, ranging from “sponsoring terrorism” to seeking weapons of mass destruction.

The video of the speech was released on Wednesday showing the aging monarch sitting at his office as he struggled to read the text from papers, which he was grasping with both hands, without looking at the camera.

The 84-year-old monarch accused Iran of providing support to Yemen’s popular Ansarullah movement, which has been defending the Arab country against the kingdom’s 2015-present war. He once again blamed Iran for the 2019 Yemeni attacks against Saudi Arabia’s Aramco oil installations.

The Saudi ruler also took aim at the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, claiming Tehran exploited the agreement to “intensify its expansionist activities.” He also claimed “the kingdom’s hands were extended to Iran in peace with a positive and open attitude over the past decades, but to no avail.”

Iran strongly dismissed the Saudi king’s claims, and highlighted the Saudi regime’s atrocities and civilian massacres in Yemen, of which King Salman made no reference during the speech.

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Saudi Air Force Is Leveling Yemeni Capital To Ground In Response To Houthi Strikes On Riyadh

South Front

Saudi Air Force Is Leveling Yemeni Capital To Ground In Response To Houthi  Strikes On Riyadh: izwest — LiveJournal

The Saudi-led coalition has been bombing Yemen with a renewed energy following the recent missile and drone strikes on the Kingdom’s capital by the Ansar Allah movement (also known as the Houthis).

According to pro-Houthi sources, Saudi warplanes conducted over 60 airstrikes on different targets across the country during the past few days. They insist that the most of the targets that were hit were objects of civilian infrastructure. At the same time, Riyadh claims that it has been precisely bombing Houthi military positions.

For example, on September 12, the Saudi-led coalition announced that it had carried out a series of airstrikes on the Military Engineering Complex in the Sa’wan Suburb, east of the Yemen capital of Sanaa. According to pro-Saudi sources, the Yemeni Armed Forces loyal to the Houthi government, which controls Sanaa, were “manufacturing and assembling” ballistic missiles and combat drones. The pro-Houthis al-Masirah TV confirmed that Saudi-led coalition warplanes had targeted the Military Engineering Complex with six airstrikes.

On the next day, the new wave of Saudi airstrikes hit the countryside of Sanaa. They allegedly targeted Four drones at Al Dailami Air Base, a military research facility in the Weapons Maintenance Camp, a number of barracks and military posts in the districts of Bani Harith and Arhab, and a headquarters in the al-Sawad Camp.

On September 14, additionally to the Yemeni capital, the Saudi Air Force also conducted raids against Houthi forces in the province of Marib, where the defense of pro-Saudi groups has been collapsing. Clashes between Saudi-led forces and the Houthis have been ongoing across the districts of al-Jubah and Rahbah. However, the main target of the Houthi advance is still the Maas base. Yemeni sources claim that as soon as the base falls, Houthi units will launch an advance on the provincial capital. The Saudi-led coalition captured it in April of 2015 and since then it has successfully kept it under its own control.

Nonetheless, in late 2019 and early 2020, the course of the conflict with no doubt turned to favor the Houthis and Saudi Arabia found itself in conflict even with the main formal ally in the intervention coalition, the UAE. So, the Houthi government now has a good chance to take back the city and the entire province.

This development will become a painful blow to the Saudi leadership and became yet another piece of smoking gun evidence showcasing the failure of its military campaign in Yemen. In response, the Saudi Air Force will likely continue its intense bombing campaign aiming to level Sanaa and other big cities in the hands of the Houthis. The problem with this approach is that this very campaign forces the Houthis to conduct more intense and regular missile and drone attacks on targets inside Saudi Arabia itself.

Yemeni Resistance Targets Saudi Capital, Vows More Painful Operations

Yemeni Resistance Targets Saudi Capital, Vows More Painful Operations

By Staff

The Yemeni resistance scored yet another achievement against the enemy of the Yemeni nation, targeting the Saudi capital city of Riyadh with a ballistic missile and several drones.

Yemeni Armed Forces Spokesman Brigadier General Yehya Saree read the following statement:

With God’s support, the Yemeni Armed Forces Propelled Air Fore and Rocketry Force carried out a joint operation that targeted an important target in the Saudi enemy’s capital, Riyadh, using a Zolfiqar ballistic missile and 4 Sammad-3 drones.

This targeting comes in response to the continued escalation by the enemy and its continued blockade against our dear nation.

We promise the criminal and aggressor Saudi regime with more painful operations had it continued its aggression and blockade against our great nation and dear people.

The Yemeni resistance has been carrying out distinguished military operations over the course of the war against Yemen, most notably in the past two years in which it has been inflicting heavy material and humanitarian losses upon the forces of aggression.

Yemen has been under a brutal Saudi-led military aggression since March 2015. The Saudi war has taken a heavy toll on the impoverished country’s infrastructure, population and economy.

The United Nations refers to the situation in Yemen as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, with more than half of hospitals and clinics destroyed or closed and millions of Yemenis on the brink of famine.

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Yemeni Resistance Scores New Successful Operation Targeting Saudi Abha Int’l Airport

Yemeni Resistance Scores New Successful Operation Targeting Saudi Abha Int’l Airport

By Staff

The Yemeni resistance announced a new major achievement in retaliation to the five-year long Saudi war against their nation.

In a statement read by the Yemeni Armed Forces Spokesman, Brigadier General Yehya Saree, it was revealed that the latest operation targeted Saudi Arabia’s depth, particularly the Abha International Airport.

Air Forces Hit Saudi Military Sites, Abha Airport

The statement read the following:

With God’s grace and generosity, the Propelled Air Force carried out a wide-scale attack against Abha International Airport with several drones that targeted military posts and sensitive targets. The strikes were accurate, thanks to God.

This operation is in response to the continued aerial escalation, aggression and blockade against Yemen.

The Yemeni resistance has been carrying out distinguished military operations over the course of the war against Yemen, most notably in the past two years in which it has been inflicting heavy material and humanitarian losses upon the forces of aggression.

Yemen has been under a brutal Saudi-led military aggression since March 2015. The Saudi war has taken a heavy toll on the impoverished country’s infrastructure, population and economy.

The United Nations refers to the situation in Yemen as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, with more than half of hospitals and clinics destroyed or closed and millions of Yemenis on the brink of famine.

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حسم معركة مأرب ينتظر ساعة الصفر: نحو تحوّل تاريخي في مسار الحرب

حسم معركة مأرب ينتظر ساعة الصفر: نحو تحوّل تاريخي في مسار الحرب
تؤكّد مصادر متعدّدة أن قوات صنعاء باتت على أعتاب تحقيق «انتصار تاريخي» (أ ف ب )


لقمان عبد الله

الخميس 27 آب 2020

بسقوط أحد أهمّ خطوط دفاع التحالف السعودي – الإماراتي في الجهة الجنوبية – الغربية لمحافظة مأرب، ينفتح الباب على تحوّل تاريخي في مسار الحرب على اليمن، يبدو واضحاً أن الرياض تخشى التدحرج إليه سريعاً. وفيما لا يزال حسم المعركة في مأرب مُعلّقاً على قرار سياسي من قيادة صنعاء، تزداد حالة التشرذم في صفوف القوات الموالية لـ«التحالف»، مُنبِئةً بهزيمة مدوّية ستلحق بها في آخر معاقلها في الشمالأحدثت استعادة الجيش واللجان الشعبية مناطق واسعة في محافظة البيضاء من تنظيمَي «القاعدة» و«داعش» صدمة كبيرة لدى أصحاب القرار في السعودية، خصوصاً أن استماتة التحالف السعودي – الإماراتي في تأمين التغطية الجوية والإسناد البرّي واللوجستي للقوى التكفيرية أظهرت أن ثمة تعويلاً كبيراً من قِبَل الرياض على تلك التنظيمات في أكثر من اتجاه. وكنموذج من ذلك، تُمكن الإِشارة إلى أن «القاعدة» و«داعش»، على رغم خلافاتهما البينية، كانا يشكّلان خطّاً دفاعياً متقدّماً لـ«التحالف» من الجهة الجنوبية الغربية لمحافظة مأرب. وعليه، فإنّ سيطرة قوّات صنعاء على مركز ثقل التنظيمَين في البيضاء أدّت إلى تراجع معنويات «التحالف» والقوى المحلية الموالية له، لتتسارع إثر ذلك عمليات الانسحاب من عدد كبير من الحاميات العسكرية القريبة من مدينة مأرب، إلى حدّ الحديث عن سقوط معسكر ماس، الذي يُعدّ أهمّ معسكر في الدفاع عن المدينة. إلى الآن، لم تعلن صنعاء عن إنجازاتها كما جرت عادتها في معارك كهذه، في انتظار اكتمال المرحلة الأخيرة من العمليات بعد صدور القرار السياسي بدخول مأرب. وفي هذا الإطار، تؤكّد مصادر متعدّدة، بما فيها مصادر قريبة من «التحالف»، أن قوات صنعاء باتت على أعتاب تحقيق «انتصار تاريخي» في الحرب، ستكون له تداعيات كبيرة على مسارها.

يقف النظام السعودي، اليوم، عاجزاً عن وقف اندفاعة قوات صنعاء باتجاه مأرب، على رغم استخدامه المكثّف للطيران الحربي. ويتجلّى عجزه بوضوح في إخفاقه في تجميع صفوف القوى المحلية التي تقاتل إلى جانبه، فضلاً عن إيجاد إطار مشترك لها تحت قيادة موحّدة. وعلى رغم أن تلك القوى المحلية باتت تستشعر قرب هزيمتها، إلّا أنه لا تزال تتجاذبها الصراعات الفصائلية والأيديولوجية والشخصية، فيما يبدو كلّ منها في نسق مستقلّ ومعزول، بعيداً من أيّ تنسيق أو عمل مشترك، بل إنها لا تتوانى، لدى وقوع أيّ خسارة أمام الجيش واللجان، عن اتّهام بعضها بعضاً بالتنسيق مع صنعاء والتسبّب في هذه الخسائر.
وتنقسم الجهات العسكرية المحلّية المقاتلة تحت راية العدوان في مأرب على النحو الآتي:
أولاً: قوات ما يسمى «الشرعية»، والمنقسمة بين:
– ألوية تابعة لرئيس أركانها، الفريق صغير بن عزيز، المحسوب على حزب «المؤتمر الشعبي العام» – جناح أبو ظبي.
– ألوية تابعة مباشرة لنائب الرئيس علي محسن الأحمر الذي يمثّل الجناح العسكري لحزب «التجمع اليمني للإصلاح» (إخوان).
ثانياً: ميليشيا «الإصلاح» والتي تُعتبر الأكبر عدداً وعدّة والأكثر تنظيماً، مقارنة بما هو عليه حال تلك الميليشيات في بقية المناطق.
ثالثاً: القبائل المقاتلة إلى جانب «التحالف»، وهي قبائل مراد وبعض أفخاذ قبيلة عبيدة، علماً أنه في الآونة الأخيرة حصل تواصل بين تلك القبائل وقيادة صنعاء أفضى إلى تفاهمات تراعي مصلحة الطرفين، الأمر الذي انعكس تراجعاً في حافزية المقاتلين القبليين للقتال، وجنوحاً باتجاه الصلح مع «أنصار الله».

بهزيمة «القاعدة» و«داعش» في البيضاء سقط خطّ دفاعي متقّدم لـ«التحالف» في مأرب

رابعاً: ميليشيات سلفية بقيادة يحيى الحجوري، يناصبها «الإصلاح» العداء، وقد عمل طوال السنوات الماضية على التنكيل بها في محاولة لفرض أجندته عليها.
خامساً: مرتزقة من المحافظات الجنوبية استقدمتهم القوات السعودية في الساعات القليلة الماضية، في محاولة لتعويض الخسائر التي تَعرّض لها وكلاؤها المحلّيون في جبهات مأرب.
قلّة الحيلة السعودية في مأرب استدعت من السفير البريطاني لدى اليمن، مايكل آرون، التدخّل لمآزرة الرياض، عبر إجرائه اتّصالاً بمحافظ مأرب، سلطان العرادة، زعم فيه أن «التحالف» عرض وقفاً لإطلاق النار في المحافظة، لكن «أنصار الله» رفضته. وعلى رغم أن قوات صنعاء تفادت إلى الآن استهداف المناطق المأهولة، وأنه لم يُسجّل سقوط ضحايا مدنيين في المدينة، إلا أن آرون وصف الهجوم على مأرب بـ«غير الإنساني»، علماً أن وكلاء «التحالف» المحلّيين هم مَن ارتكبوا مجزرة بشعة بحق عائلة آل سبيعيان الشهر الماضي، أدت إلى مقتل سبعة من أفراد العائلة بينهم أطفال ونساء، بدعوى موالاتهم لـ«أنصار الله». كذلك، طالب السفير البريطاني، صنعاء، بالتعامل بجدّية مع المبعوث الأممي إلى اليمن، مارتن غريفيث، بعدما كانت حكومة الإنقاذ أوقفت التعامل مع غريفيث على خلفية انحيازه الفاضح إلى الجانب السعودي، لا سيما في ما يتعلّق بمأرب، حيث قَدّم مبادرة لوقف إطلاق النار في المحافظة من دون أن يُدرج فيها أيّ بند متّصل بالقضايا الإنسانيّة. وردّ نائب وزير خارجية حكومة الإنقاذ، حسين العزي، على آرون بالقول إن «من المهمّ أن يضع الشعب البريطاني حدّاً لسياسات حكومته تجاه صنعاء، باعتبارها سياسات تقف بقوة وراء كلّ معاناة الشعب اليمني، وتواصل انحيازها القبيح لحكومة غير شرعية ولا تُعبّر عن اليمنيين، بقدر ما تُعبّر عن خليط من الفاسدين والقاعدة وداعش». ووصف العزي، تصريحات السفير البريطاني، بأنها «تفتقد إلى المصداقية، وهدفها تضليل الرأي العام البريطاني والهروب من التبعات السلبية (للحرب) التي ساهمت فيها بلاده».



South Front

Since the start of the Saudi intervention in Yemen in March 2015, the official Saudi propaganda, Western diplomats and mainstream media outlets have been arguing that the coalition is somehow combating terrorists there.

As a part of this narrative, Saudi Arabia, the United States & Co claim that the Houthis (Ansar Allah) are “Iranian-backed terrorists” that oppose the establishment of a democratic rule in Yemen. What the Saudi kingdom (where people still can be executed for witchcraft) or the United States (where only two political parties are de-facto allowed) know about the real ‘democracy’ is the unanswered question.

The kingdom’s leadership and its allies are especially concerned by Houthi drone and missile strikes on military and infrastructure targets inside Saudi Arabia, and cry foul about the Iranian support to the Yemeni movement. At the same time, the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen as a result of the Saudi-led blockade and the wide-scale Saudi bombing campaign aimed at the destruction of the Yemeni civilian infrastructure that led to hundreds of thousands of civilian deaths are considered as something ordinary and justified.

The dramatic growth of ISIS and al-Qaeda influence in Yemen since the start of the Saudi intervention is also the factor mostly ignored by the ‘democratic international community’.

Houthis' War On Terror In Yemen (Videos, Maps)

Therefore, the Houthis labeled by Saudi propaganda as “terrorists” took the situation in their own hands and started conducting operations against ISIS and al-Qaeda in central Yemen. The recent advances of the Houthis allowed them to expand these efforts and further. The most recent Houthi operation against ISIS and al-Qaeda was kicked off in the Yemeni province of al-Bayda in August.

On August 19, the Houthis announced that their forces had liberated 1,000km2 from ISIS and al-Qaeda cells in the district of Wald Rabi of al-Bayda province. According to the Houthi media wing, they neutralized over 250 terrorists, destroyed 12 camps and gatherings of the terrorists, and seized large quantities of weapons and explosive devices.

“Among those killed there were five commanders of ISIS, including the group’s leader [in Wald Rabi’] as well as the security and financial officials,” a spokesman for the Houthi-led Armed Forces, Brig. Gen. Sari said. “We found complete information and evidence confirming that these elements had carried out various operations during the past years in more than one Yemeni region.”

“We also obtained evidence confirming that the Takfiris [terrorists] were coordinating with other elements in Arab and foreign states.”

After August 18, the Houthis continued their offensive on ISIS and al-Qaeda cells in the province. According to them, terrorists receive support from foreign states, first of all Saudi Arabia. Earlier, there were multiple reports that members of Al-Qaeda on the Arabian Peninsula were openly supporting Saudi-led forces in their attacks on the Houthis.

Despite the dominance in the air and support from such factions, the Saudi-led coalition de-facto lost the conflict in Yemen and even failed to capture the country’s capital, Aden.

In these conditions, the MSM-labeled ‘terrorist group’ became the main and the only real anti-terrorism force in Yemen. This situation showcases the cornerstone of the mainstream coverage of the conflict in Yemen and many other conflicts around the world. “War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength” are no more just quotes from George Orwell’s “Nineteen Eighty-Four”, but rather the slogan of the mainstream media around the world.

Houthis' War On Terror In Yemen (Videos, Maps)

Under the Pretext of Coronavirus, Saudi Authorities Remove Ashura Flags in Qatif

Under the Pretext of Coronavirus, Saudi Authorities Remove Ashura Flags in Qatif

By Staff

As part of the continued security pressures practiced by the Saudi authorities against the people of Qatif while commemorating the Ashura mourning ceremonies, security forces removed all black Ashura flags raised in the Tarout Island graveyard.

The action represented a blatant provocation for the Ashura mourning organizers who, according to Qatif local sources speaking to al-Ahed, are subjected to unprecedented tightening under the pretext of the Coronavirus.

According to information obtained by al-Ahed, intelligence officers were granted ultimate authorities to intervene and impose their restrictions as part of the personal behavior and intervening in the details of the mourning ceremonies.

Donations made for supporting the ceremonies were totally banned. Additionally, names, contacts and civil records of the Ashura lecturers were collected by the authorities.

Local sources told al-Ahed that the authorities also prevented Ashura mourning organizers from raising the voice of mourning inside Husseiniyas and family gatherings.

The same sources added that the imposed measures were very strict and aimed at controlling all Ashura ceremonies.

Shia Muslims across the world commemorate the martyrdom anniversary of third Shia Imam Hussein bin Ali [AS] and his family members and companions who stood up to injustice and fought in the battle of Karbala in the year 61 Hijri. The ten-day commemoration begins on the first of Muharram, the first month of the Islamic year.

Yemeni Court Issues Death Sentences For MBS, MBZ

Yemeni Court Issues Death Sentences For MBS, MBZ

By Staff, Agencies

A Yemeni court sentenced Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman [MBS] and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed [MBZ] to death in connection with the assassination of the former head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council.

A special criminal court in al-Hudaydah on Monday sentenced 16 men, including Bin Zayed and Bin Salman, to death for espionage that led to the assassination of Saleh al-Sammad, the head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council in 2018, Yemen’s Saba news agency reported.

The list of the convicts also includes Yemen’s former President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and Yemen’s former prime minister Ahmed Obeid bin Daghr.

Al-Sammad was martyred in Saudi Arabia’s airstrike in the western province of al-Hudaydah on April 23, 2018. He had been elected President in the capital city Sanaa by the Supreme Political Council in late 2016.

According to a report by al-Arabiya back then, a Saudi-owned pan-Arab television news channel, the Saudi-led military coalition, which has constantly bombarded Yemen since 2015, had offered a 20-million-dollar prize for any information that could help uncover the location of Sammad’s domicile.

Saudi Arabia and a number of its regional allies launched a devastating campaign against Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing Hadi’s government back to power and crushing the Ansarullah revolutionary movement.

According to reports, the war has claimed close to 100,000 lives over the past five years.

The war has also taken a heavy toll on the country’s infrastructure, destroying hospitals, schools, and factories. The UN says over 24 million Yemenis are in dire need of humanitarian aid, including 10 million who are suffering from extreme levels of hunger.

IG Report: Weapons Sales to Saudi Arabia Failed to Assess Civilian Casualty Risks

IG Report: Weapons Sales to Saudi Arabia Failed to Assess Civilian Casualty Risks

By Staff, Agencies

The State Department failed to implement its own policies to fully assess and mitigate the risk of civilian casualties when it declared a national security emergency authorizing the transfer of sophisticated US weapons to Saudi Arabia last year, the department’s inspector general has found.

The IG report, released Tuesday, also concluded that Secretary of State Mike Pompeo followed legal requirements in certifying the emergency over bipartisan congressional objections to the $8 billion sale, which also included some armaments to the United Arab Emirates and Jordan.

That conclusion was emphasized in a prerelease briefing for reporters Monday by a senior State Department official. “The big takeaway” from the report, the official said, was “that the Secretary used these authorities in accordance with the law.”

But much of the report focuses on human rights concerns that Congress raised in attempting to hold up the sales and requesting the IG investigation in the first place. The office of the inspector general declined to comment Tuesday.

A UN report issued in September 2019 said the United States may be complicit in potential war crimes in Yemen, where a Saudi-led coalition fighting the Yemeni Ansarullah revolutionaries has been accused of intentionally starving Yemenis as a tactic of war and killing thousands of civilians in airstrikes carried out with US-supplied precision-guided munitions. Human rights organizations have made similar charges.

Yemen’s humanitarian crisis is largely a result of policies pursued by the Saudi-led coalition backed by the United States.

At the time of the IG review, the report said, “coalition air strikes in Yemen continued to result in high rates of civilian casualties and damage to civilian sites.”

Because the Arms Export Control Act does not define the word “emergency,” the report said, the IG did not evaluate whether Pompeo’s stated reason – aggression from Iran – constituted one. But in making the emergency declaration, it said, the State Department did not meet other requirements to “fully assess risks and implement mitigation measures to reduce civilian casualties and legal concerns associated with the transfer of” precision-guided munitions.

The Monday briefer, in response to a question, said the report included “a recommendation that State implement additional mitigation measures to reduce the risk of US origin defense articles. . . contributing civilian harm, reducing the risk of civilian harm. So we agree with that, of course.”

But details of the IG’s findings and the department’s response to the civilian casualty concerns were not part of the public release. They were instead part of a classified annex to the report, following a claim of “executive branch confidentiality interests, including executive privilege,” according to a cover letter signed by acting inspector general Diana R. Shaw.

Some parts of the annex, provided to Congress, were “inappropriately redacted,” House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Eliot L. Engel [D-N.Y.] said in a Tuesday letter to committee members. He said he would seek a reversal of the blackouts.

Parts of the publicly released report were also blacked out, including those related to the timing of Pompeo’s emergency declaration. According to an unredacted copy obtained by The Washington Post, State Department staff first proposed the use of the emergency authority to bypass congressional restrictions on April 3, 2019, nearly two months before Pompeo, on May 24, told Congress that emergency action was required.

The following month, Assistant Secretary of State R. Clarke Cooper indicated to lawmakers that the unspecified emergency had arisen just days before Pompeo’s declaration.

Other redactions deal with when the weapons were actually provided. According to blacked-out portions of the report, at the time of the IG review last fall only four of 22 arms transfers included in the emergency had been transferred. “Precision-guided munitions were among the first items delivered,” one redaction said.

Delivery of 11 of the 22 was scheduled to begin before the end of 2019, and five “would not begin delivery until 2020 or later,” according to redacted portions. In a letter to the inspector general, attached to the report, Cooper said that “the Certification itself was perhaps the most major ‘deliverable,’” apparently as a reflection of administration support for the Saudis.

The report does not make entirely clear what happened to the other two “cases.”

During a visit to Saudi Arabia in spring 2017, his first trip abroad, President Trump hailed what he said was Riyadh’s agreement to purchase US weapons worth $110 billion. Although Trump has repeatedly resisted any attempt to limit the sales, total Saudi purchases have been far below that number.

While the administration is legally bound to notify Congress of any arms transfers, only a veto-proof majority vote of the House and Senate can stop them. Bipartisan majorities had repeatedly voiced concern over weapons sales to Saudi Arabia, both because of the Yemen situation and the Saudi killing of political opponent Jamal Khashoggi in October 2018. While majorities voted not to permit the emergency transfer, Trump vetoed the measure.

The report also noted that the department had “regularly” approved the shipment of components of weapons identical to some of those listed in the emergency without congressional notification, under a “threshold” exception provided in the arms export law.

Congressional ire over the sales rose last spring, when Trump, at Pompeo’s request, fired Steve Linick, who had served as inspector general since 2013. Linick’s successor as acting IG, Stephen Akard, resigned last week after only a few months and was replaced by Shaw, his deputy.

In focusing on the legality of Pompeo’s emergency declaration and playing down what the report said about civilian casualties, Engel said the Monday briefer, whom he identified as Cooper, was trying to “pre-spin” the findings in “an attempt to distract and mislead.”

The IG report noted that under the Trump administration’s Conventional Arms Transfer Policy, issued in April 2018, “the United States seeks to reduce the risk that supplying US defense articles and services to foreign allies and partners will harm civilians.” Consistent with international law, it said, the policy “expressly prohibits the Department from approving arms transfers in cases where the United States has knowledge that the transferred arms will be used to commit attacks intentionally directed against civilians.”

The policy, it said, is the same as that of the Obama administration, with the addition of the word “intentionally” for attacks directed at civilians.

جيش سوريّ وطنيّ بتداعيات إقليميّة

د.وفيق إبراهيم

وحيدٌ بين الجيوش العربية في الشرق يدافع عن شعبه ودولته منذ عقد تقريباً بإرادة حديديّة مواصلاً حرباً مفتوحة في وجه الأميركيين والأتراك والإسرائيليين وبعض القوى الأوروبية محجماً المشروع الكردي ومئات التنظيمات الإرهابية المدعومة من الخليج.

هذا هو الجيش السوريّ الذي يحتفل بعيد تأسيسه الخامس والسبعين وسط حرب مفتوحة عليه لها بعدان، الأول محاولات تفتيته بذرائع مناطقية واخوانية وطائفية ورشى مالية ضخمة والثانية كسره في الميدان بفتح عشرات المعارك عليه في آن معاً لبعثرة قواه. فلا هذه أفلحت ولا تلك نجحت.. ولا يألو الجيش العربي السوري بعديده الذي ينيف عن ثلاث مئة الف جندي، من دون احتساب ألوية الردفاء والأنصار يجول في ميادين سورية من حدودها السورية مع الجولان المحتل والأردنية والعراقية والتركية، ولا ينسى حدوده مع لبنان لضبط حركة الإرهاب والتهريب.

كيف صمد الجيش السوري هذه المدة الطويلة متمكناً من تحرير سبعين بالمئة من بلاده، ومحافظاً على تماسكه؟

الإعداد الوطني المدروس لهذا الجيش، ادى الى تماسكه العسكري في وحداته وألويته بعقيدة قتال راسخة تقوم على حماية الدولة بما تشكله من شعب ومؤسسات وتاريخ يزهو على كل دول الإقليم.

هذا الشعور بالانتماء عميق لدى الجندي السوري الذي يتعلم في المؤسسات العسكرية انه يحارب دفاعاً عن أهله وشعبه وآلاف السنوات من عمر سورية.

قد يكون هذا الجانب مطلوباً، لكنه يتعلم أيضاً انه يدافع عن الشرق بأسره عندما يدافع عن ميادين بلاده.

هناك من المتخاذلين السوريين والعرب من يعزو انتصارات الجيش لتحالفاته الإقليمية والدولية، فيرد عليها إعلام أجنبي مؤكداً لها ان هذه التحالفات اتت الى سورية بطلب من دولتها ولوجود تقاطعات في المصالح تتعلق برهبتها من خسارة الدولة السورية وهذا معناه انتشار الإرهاب في بلادها.. ألم يقل الرئيس الروسي بوتين بأنه قاتل في سورية لكي لا يجد نفسه مضطراً لمحاربة الإرهاب في موسكو… وكذلك إيران التي تعرف أن هزيمة المشروع الاميركي ـ الخليجي ـ التركي ـ الإرهابي في سورية، يؤدي الى تخفيف الهجمات على إيران نفسها.

يتبين ان ادوار الجيش السوري متنوّعة لتنوع أهمية سورية في الشرق والإقليم، فضلاً عن مؤسسة الجيش نفسها التي تدرب أفرادها على اساس الانتماء للشعب والدولة.

داخلياً، قاوم الجيش إغراءات مالية من دول الخليج، شملت الأفراد والضباط والقادة بالمباشر حيناً وعبر أصحابهم حيناً آخر وبواسطة أصدقائهم وقرارهم وبلداتهم والمبالغ المعروضة تشكل ثروة وتصل مع القادة العسكريين الى ملايين الدولارات، مروراً بخمسين ألف دولار للجنود العاديين.

إلا أن هذه المحاولات عجزت عن اختراق الأسوار الوطنية العالية للجيش السوري، ولم يتأثر إلا نفر قليل لا يزيد عن ألفين او أقل، لم ينجح مشغلوهم ببناء تنظيم عسكري خاص بهم.. مكتفين ببعض الاعلانات التهريجية لصور عسكريين فارين اصبحوا عمالاً في الخليج وتركيا والمانيا، مخترعين صوراً لمدنيين، جرى إلباسهم ازياء عسكرية مع محاولات تمويهية لإخفاء وجوههم للزوم تمرير الاخبار الكاذبة.

هناك أربعة انواع من التداعيات انجزها الجيش العربي السوري في قتاله المستمر منذ نحو عقد:

الأول هو دفاعه ونجاحه بالحفاظ على وحدة سورية بتحريره معظم مناطقها وبشكل أجهض فيه أي إمكانية لتقسيم او كنتنة ناجحين، فحتى المناطق التي يسيطر عليها أكراد «قسد» في شمال شرقي سورية، لا تستطيع بناء دولة عليها، لافتقارها الى سواحل وطرقات متصلة بخارج متصالح معها وبعثرة مناطقها السوري ورفضها من قبل السكان السوريين من غير الأكراد الذين يشكلون الغالبية فيها، اما المناطق الداخلية فمستقرة في اطار الإيمان الكامل بالاندماج الوطني الداخلي.

لجهة الدور الثاني، فإن ضرب الجيش السوري للإرهاب في بلاده، أفشل حركته بالتموضع والانتشار في لبنان، معطلاً نموه في الأردن، ومحطماً بناه الممتدة الى العراق.

كما منع الإخوان المسلمين المتحالفين مع الأتراك من التموضع في أجزاء من سورية، مجهضاً إمكانية تحرّكها بحرية نحو الجوار المباشر لسورية.

كذلك فإن الجيش السوري دافع بقتاله للإرهاب في سورية عن الأردنيين انفسهم مبعثراً حركته نحو مدنهم وقراهم، علماً أن المملكة الهاشمية رعت في بدايات الحرب السورية، انطلاق الإرهاب نحو سورية وحمته وحاولت التقدم بواسطته نحو درعا عاصمة حوران، وهكذا يحافظ الجيش السوري على وحدة الأردن الذي شاركت دولته في محاولات تدمير سورية.

كذلك فإن لجم الإرهاب في سورية أسهم بإضعافه في العراق وإفساح المجال امام الجيش والحشد الشعبي فيه لتفكيك أوصال اقوى منظمات ارهابية كانت على وشك السيطرة على بغداد نفسها.

فيكون الجيش السوري بعمليات ضربه للارهاب اوقف من نموه في كامل الشرق لأنه حلقة متصلة، كانت تأمل بالسيطرة على سورية لتأمين حريات حركة واسعة لها في الإقليم.

ودول الخليج والأردن التي دعمت الارهاب هي في طليعة المستفيدين من تدمير الجيش السوري للإرهاب في سورية.

هذا ما جعل بوتين يعترف بدور سورية في منع الإرهاب من الانتقال الى مجمل الدول في العالم، ومنها روسيا، الأمر الذي يدعو الى مدى خطورة الرئيس التركي اردوغان الذي استثمر في الارهاب مهدداً بالسماح لمئات الآلاف من النازحين السوريين ومن بينهم ارهابيون الى اوروبا، وعندها بدأ الاتحاد الاوروبي يخصص مساعدات لتركيا كي تعيل بها النازحين فسرقتها وأعادت تنظيم الارهاب التركماني والاخواني بها.

بذلك يتضح دور الجيش السوري وطنياً واقليمياً وعالمياً في مكافحة الارهاب المعولم واجهاض حركته الدولية من جهة ووظيفته في تدمير الدولة السورية من جهة ثانية.

ألا يستحق هذا الجيش وساماً عالمياً على مثل هذا الدور الصانع للاستقرار في سورية والعالم؟ لذلك فإن هذا الجيش الذي يشكل مؤسسة طليعية من مؤسسات الدولة السورية، مثابر على تحقيق دور وطني يؤمن له وليس كمجرد وظيفة، إنه دور الدفاع عن سورية قلب الشرق، وبالتالي عن كامل الإقليم مسهماً في آن معاً في دعم الاستقرار العالمي.

For the 6th year, Yemenis never Know the Holiday أضحى سادس في ظلّ العدوان: العيد لا يعرف اليمنيين

For the 6th year, Yemenis never Know the Holiday

By Rashid Haddad – Al-Akhbar Newspaper

Translated by al-Ahed Staff

The Yemeni capital, Sanaa, welcomed Eid Al-Adha this year, with a stagnation that dominated both the popular and modern markets.

This comes as most of the streets are almost empty of cars and pedestrians due the lack of oil derivatives. The crisis has begun since a month and a half, when the aggressive [Saudi] coalition arrested 17 ships loaded with more than 320 thousand tons of gasoline and diesel.

And it is not the only fuel crisis that the Yemenis are suffering this holiday.

According to the latest United Nations report, as the aggression and the blockade continue for the 6th year on a country where more than 20 million are under the poverty line, many are struggling to provide basic life necessities, in light of the rise in food prices by 15.

It is a hike that the sacrifices [sheep] were not far from. Its prices in local markets – just days before the holiday – increased by 50% compared with last year.

In an attempt to alleviate the suffering, Sanaa authorities announced the disbursement of half salary for state employees, in an attempt to bypass the pressure exerted by the United Nations to end this process, which is funded by Al-Hudaydah’s Central Bank branch.

Meanwhile, the matter is still a dispute between The Rescue Government and the Government of the Outgoing President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi.

During the past few days, the Finance Ministry in Sanaa withdraw more than 8 billion riyals from the aforementioned account and disbursed it as half salary, which was met with more international dissatisfaction.

An official source in “The Rescue Gov’t” denounced the pressure exerted by the international sides on the government. In parallel, he revealed that the “Supreme Political Council” received UN offers to halt the half salary payment in exchange for the release of the seized fuel shipments. This was rejected by the Council President, Mahdi Al-Mashat. The government called on the United Nations to supervise the disbursement process, calling on it to work hard to stop the employees suffering. It further accused the UN envoy to Yemen Martin Griffiths’ office of failing to resolve this file two years ago despite the concessions made by Sanaa leadership. Moreover, the “The Rescue Gov’t” renewed its willingness to pay the salaries of all state employees according to the statements of 2014 if the problem of oil and gas revenues, taxes and customs, which are supplied to the Hadi government account, is addressed.

Sanaa, along with it the governorates under the control of “the Rescue”, suffers from a crisis in gas supplies as well, due to the custody of a tribal sector, with coverage from the Hadi government, the trailers coming from the Safer facility, in the Juba region between the governorates of Maarib and Al Bayda.

Meanwhile, the damage caused by the floods in the past days worsens the situation, especially in Al-Hudaydah and Hajjah governorates. According to local sources, more than a thousand poor families in the countryside of Al-Hudaydah were affected by the torrents, which destroyed dozens of homes and buried others, and washed away their farms and thousands of sheep, as well as the IDP camps in the Abas region in Hajjah Governorate. Because of the severe damages, dozens of activists launched a call to implement a popular relief campaign for coastal residents in the two provinces.

اليمن رشيد الحداد الخميس 30 تموز 2020

صنعاء | تستقبل العاصمة اليمنية صنعاء عيد الأضحى، العام الجاري، بركود تجاري يطغى على الأسواق الشعبية والحديثة، فيما تكاد غالبية الشوارع تكون خالية من السيارات والمارة بسبب أزمة المشتقات النفطية التي تعانيها المدينة منذ أكثر من شهر ونصف شهر، بفعل احتجاز تحالف العدوان 17 سفينة مُحمّلة بأكثر من 320 ألف طن من مادّتَي البنزين والسولار.

وليست أزمة الوقود الوحيدة التي يعانيها ملايين اليمنيين في هذا العيد. فمع استمرار العدوان والحصار، للعام السادس على التوالي، على بلد يعيش أكثر من 20 مليوناً من سكّانه تحت خطّ الفقر، يكافح الكثيرون من أجل توفير أدنى متطلّبات الحياة، في ظلّ ارتفاع أسعار المواد الغذائية بنسبة 15% بحسب آخر تقرير رسمي صادر عن الأمم المتحدة. وهو ارتفاعٌ لم تكن الأضاحي بعيدة عنه، إذ ازدادت أسعارها في الأسواق المحلية – قبيل العيد بأيام – بنسبة 50% عن العام الماضي.

وفي محاولة منها لتخفيف حدّة تلك المعاناة، أعلنت سلطات صنعاء صرف نصف راتب لموظفي الدولة، متجاوزةً بذلك الضغوط التي تمارسها الأمم المتحدة عليها لوقف هذه العملية التي يتمّ تمويلها من الحساب الخاص برواتب الموظفين في فرع البنك المركزي في الحديدة، والذي لا يزال مثار خلاف بين حكومة الإنقاذ وحكومة الرئيس المنتهية ولايته عبد ربه منصور هادي. وخلال الأيام الماضية، وَجّهت وزارة المالية في صنعاء بسحب أكثر من 8 مليارات ريال من الحساب المذكور وصرفها كنصف راتب، وهو ما قوبل بمزيد من عدم الرضى الأممي.

إزاء ذلك، استهجن مصدر مسؤول في «الإنقاذ» الضعوط التي تمارسها المنظمة الدولية على الحكومة، كاشفاً تلقّي «المجلس السياسي الأعلى» عروضاً أممية بوقف صرف نصف راتب للموظفين مقابل الإفراج عن شحنات الوقود المحتجزة، وهو ما قابله رئيس المجلس مهدي المشاط بالرفض. ودعت الحكومة، الأمم المتحدة، إلى الإشراف على عملية الصرف، مطالِبةً إيّاها بالعمل الجادّ على رفع معاناة الموظفين، مُتّهمة مكتب المبعوث الأممي إلى اليمن مارتن غريفيث بالفشل في حسم هذا الملف منذ عامين على رغم التنازلات التي قدّمتها قيادة صنعاء. وجدّدت «الإنقاذ» استعدادها لصرف رواتب موظفي الدولة كافة وفق كشوفات عام 2014 في حال عولجت مشكلة إيرادات النفط والغاز والضرائب والجمارك التي تُورّد إلى حساب حكومة هادي.

تعاني صنعاء أزمة حادّة في المشتقّات النفطية والغاز المنزلي

وفيما تعاني صنعاء، ومعها المحافظات الخاضعة لسيطرة «الإنقاذ»، أزمة في إمدادات الغاز أيضاً، جرّاء احتجاز قطاع قبلي، بتغطية من حكومة هادي، المقطورات القادمة من منشأة صافر، في منطقة الجوبة بين محافظتَي مأرب والبيضاء، تأتي الأضرار التي تسبّبت بها السيول في الأيام الماضية لتزيد الطين بلّة، وخصوصاً في محافظتَي الحديدة وحجّة. ووفقاً لمصادر محلية، فقد تضرّرت أكثر من ألف أسرة من الأسر الفقيرة في ريف الحديدة من جرّاء السيول، التي دَمّرت عشرات المنازل وطمرت أخرى، وجرفت مزارعها ومعها الآلاف من رؤوس الأغنام، فضلاً عن تضرّر مخيمات النازحين في منطقة عبس في محافظة حجة. وبفعل جسامة تلك الأضرار، أطلق عشرات الناشطين دعوة إلى تنفيذ حملة إغاثة شعبية لسكان المناطق الساحلية في المحافظتين.

«دعوهم ينزفوا حتى الموت وعندما يتعبون سيصلون إلى حلّ»!

د. علي أحمد الديلمي _

بعد أن اختبروا الكثير منها، لم يعد اليمنيون يثقون بنجاح التسويات، حتى وإنْ كانت برعاية أممية، كما أنّ الواقع الجديد للحرب في اليمن، التي تحوّلت إلى حروب متداخلة، جعل المجتمع الدولي يُعيد النظر في مسارات الحلّ السياسي ويُغيّر طبيعة المفاوضات من مفاوضات بين طرفين إلى مفاوضات متعدّدة الأطراف وهؤلاء الأطراف جميعهم يحملون السلاح ويعمد كلّ طرف منهم إلى وضع شروطه بناء على ما لديه من أوراق القوة وأدوات الضغط الأخرى التي يمتلكها على أرض الواقع. نتيجة لهذا الوضع المعقد في طبيعة الصراعات ونمط التحالفات المتغيِّرة بين اليمنيين، وجد جميع المبعوثين الأُمميّين إلى اليمن صعوبة في استكمال مهمّتهم التي جاؤوا من أجلها وكذلك في كسب ثقة كلّ الأطراف اليمنيين، ما أدى إلى فشلهم في معظم الأحيان، إلا في ما يتعلّق ببعض أعمال التهدئة المنوطة بالأمم المتحدة كمنظمة عالمية من واجبها دعوة كلّ الأطراف إلى الانخراط في مسار السلام للحفاظ على الأمن والسلم الدوليين.

لم يكن تاريخ الأمم المتحدة في صراعات سابقة في اليمن محموداً على الإطلاق، وفي كتابـه «اليمـن الثـورة والحـرب»، يوجـز الكاتــب البريطاني إدغــار أوبالانس تدخـُّل الأمم المتحدة في اليمـن بأنـه «كان إخفاقــاً كئيبــاً بســبب التأييــد الضئيــل الــذي يقــع تحــت رحمــة مزيــد مــن الضغــوط المتصارعة، وأدى إلى سـوء فهـم وعـداء أكـثر مـن تهيئـة المناخ الـذي يقـود إلى السلام». ويضيف: «إنّ بعثــة الأمم المتحدة أُحيطــت بمنازعات داخليــة، ونظــر إليهــا بشــكّ عميـق من جانـب كلّ الأطراف المشتركة في النــزاع والحــرب». وبــدا الموقف الدولي مــن حــرب اليمــن والـصـراع العــربي المتعلق بهــا، مطابقــاً لعبــارة أطلقهـا أحـد مستشـاري البيـت الأبيض حينهــا في جمــع مــن الدبلوماسيين العــرب: «دعوهــم ينزفــوا حتــى الموت، المصريون تنشغل قواتهــم، والسعوديون ينفقــون، واليمنيــون يعانـون، وعندما يتعبـون سـيصلون إلى حــلّ”.

وأظهرت تطوُّرات الأشهر الأخيرة أنّ المبعوث الأممي الحالي إلى اليمن مارتن غريفيث، الذي يتحرك مشمولاً بدعم دولي غير مسبوق، خصوصاً من بلاده بريطانيا التي تتولى مهمّة حاملة القلم في الشأن اليمني في مجلس الأمن، يمضي في طريق شبه مسدود فجميع أطراف الصراع لا تثق به، حتّى أنها تنظر إلى دوره بشكّ عميق، بالإضافة إلى عدم فهمه تعقيدات الوضع في اليمن واعتماده على القوالب الجاهزة التي تُعطى له من مكتبه الذي يعتمد على الآليات الجاهزة لعمل الأمم المتحدة والتي لا تراعي التغيرات والأحداث اليومية، بينما يستمرُّ المبعوث الأممي في جهوده ومبادرته رغم كلّ الصعوبات.

وكان مصدر في مكتب غريڤيث كشف مطلع الشهر الحالي أنّ أطراف الصراع في البلاد تسلَّمت مسودة اتفاق جديد لحلّ الأزمة المستمرة منذ نحو 5 سنوات.

وأوضح المصدر لوكالة أنباء “الأناضول” أنّ غريڤيث سلّم الأطراف الثلاثة الرئيسية (الحكومة، الحوثيّون، التحالف العربي) مسوّدة مُعدَّلة لحلّ الأزمة.

وتتضمّن المسودة التي نشرتها “الأناضول” في أبرز بنودها “وقفاً لإطلاق النار في كافة أنحاء اليمن، إضافة إلى عدد من التدابير الاقتصادية والإنسانية الضرورية لتخفيف معاناة الشعب اليمني، وتهيئة البلاد لمواجهة خطر تفشّي فيروس كورونا”.

كما تنصّ على “وقف إطلاق نار شامل في كافة أنحاء اليمن يدخل حيِّز التنفيذ فور التوقيع عليه”.

وتُلزم المسودة الأممية “طرفي النزاع وجميع من ينتسب إليهما بوقف جميع العمليات العسكرية البرية والبحرية والجوية”. كما تتضمّن “تشكيل لجنة تنسيق عسكري برئاسة الأمم المتحدة وعضوية ضباط رفيعي المستوى من طرفي النزاع، لمراقبة وقف إطلاق النار، إضافة إلى إنشاء مركز عمليات مشتركة يتولى التنسيق لتنفيذ الاتفاق، وإدارة تدفق المعلومات”.

فيما تشمل التدابير الاقتصادية والإنسانية معالجة ملفات رئيسية منها “الأسرى، والرواتب، والمطارات والموانئ، والطرق الرئيسية بين المحافظات”.

وتتضمّن المسودة في ترتيباتها الاقتصادية والإنسانية “إطلاق جميع المعتقلين والمحتجزين، وفقاً لاتفاق ستوكهولم، إضافة إلى فتح طرق رئيسية في محافظات تعز والضالع (جنوب) وصنعاء ومأرب والجوف (شمال)”.

كما تنصّ على “فتح مطار صنعاء الدولي أسوة بباقي المطارات اليمنية، ورفع القيود عن دخول الحاويات والمشتقات النفطية والسفن التجارية بموانئ محافظة الحديدة (غرب)”.

وبحسب توقعات الكثيرين من أصحاب الشأن والقريبين من دوائر الصراع داخل اليمن، فإنّ مثل هذه المبادرات والأعمال التي يقوم بها المبعوث الأممي تظلّ بعيدة عن الواقع وما يدور بين أطراف الصراع داخل اليمن والقوى الإقليمية والدولية المرتبطة بأطراف الصراع التي تعمل خارج أطر الأمم المتحدة وأدواتها.

فهل تصحُّ مقولة المستشار الأميركي “دعوهم ينزفوا حتى الموت وعندما يتعبون سيصلون إلى حلّ”؟

*دبلوماسي يمني

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UN Agencies Warn of More Food Shortages in Yemen

UN Agencies Warn of More Food Shortages in Yemen

By Staff, Agencies

Food shortages will rise sharply in parts of war-torn Yemen in the next six months mainly because of the overall economic decline and the coronavirus pandemic that has ripped through the Arab world’s poorest country, United Nations agencies warned.

A report by the World Food Program [WFP], the UN Children’s Fund and the Food and Agriculture Organization said the number of people facing high levels of acute food insecurity is expected to increase from two million to 3.2 million in the country’s south.

Yemen has been the site of the largest food crisis in the world since the beginning of the Saudi war against the country in 2015.

Coronavirus restrictions, economic shocks, conflict, reduced remittances, desert locusts, floods and significant underfunding of this year’s aid response have compounded an already dire hunger situation after five years of war.

Famine, nevertheless, has never been officially declared in Yemen.

“Yemen is facing a crisis on multiple fronts,” said Laurent Bukera, the WFP director for Yemen. “We must act now.”

Yemen’s conflict has killed more than 100,000 people and created the world’s worst humanitarian disaster, with more than three million people internally displaced and two-thirds of the population reliant on food assistance for survival.

“Yemen is again on the brink of a major food security crisis,” said Lise Grande, the UN humanitarian coordinator for Yemen.

Some 24 million Yemeni people – 80 percent of the country’s population – require some form of assistance or protection, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

And 75 percent of UN programs for the country, covering essentially every sector, from food to healthcare and nutrition, have already shut their doors or reduced operations.

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