Yemen Defense Forces Not Far From Recapturing Whole Marib – Report

September 1, 2021

Yemen Defense Forces Not Far From Recapturing Whole Marib - Report

By Staff, Agencies

Yemen’s allied defense forces decisively escalated their counterattacks on Saudi Arabia’s allies in Marib, the capital of a hugely strategic west-central Yemeni province of the same name, and are reportedly on the verge of recapturing the whole city.

The Yemeni army and Popular Committees were reported on Tuesday to have advanced as far as the city’s “government buildings.”

The advancements were made possible, despite heavy Saudi bombardment of the flashpoints in the city from above, Yemen Press Agency reported. It came after the forces successfully pushed back against the kingdom’s allies there, namely Riyadh-backed militants and al-Qaeda terrorists, the outlet added.

The terrorists, it added, have been forced to abandon their positions and beat a retreat towards the city’s administrative buildings.

The Yemeni forces “are not far from” reestablishing Sanaa’s sovereignty over the city, Yemeni media sources noted.

The two sides are now engaged in intense confrontation “using heavy weaponry,” local sources noted.

The Saudi-led coalition, meanwhile, tried to shift the Yemeni allies’ attention away from their pending victory by trying to create diversionary clashes in other places. It, however, failed in its bid, the Yemeni outlets said.

The locals said the coalition’s forces had suffered considerable human and material losses during the developments. “A large number” of the enemy’s military commanders were either killed or injured during the advances, they announced.

The coalition invaded Yemen in March 2015 in a self-proclaimed bid to restore power in the country to Saudi Arabia’s favorite officials.

Seven years on, however, it is still nowhere close to realizing that avowed aim.

The invasion has, meanwhile, killed tens of thousands of Yemenis in the process. The military aggression and a simultaneous siege of Yemen has also turned the Arab world’s already poorest nation into the scene of, what the United Nations has deplored as, the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

The Yemeni forces have invariably retaliated heavily against the war, striking targets that lie as far as the capital of the kingdom itself and its war ally, the United Arab Emirates.

Pledging never to lay down their arms until Yemen’s complete liberation, the forces have been focusing on Marib and its surrounding province’s recapture for many months now.

Given its strategic location, the province’s liberation is expected to open the floodgates of further victories for the Yemenis.

According to Yemen’s Ambassador to Tehran, Ibrahim al-Deilami, the war in Marib is currently underway in “more than 50 fronts.”

The Yemeni counterblows have managed to fully liberate as many as nine of the province’s 14 districts so far.

Enforced Disappearance: A Crime against Humanity Systematically Practiced by Saudi Arabia

August 31, 2021

Enforced Disappearance: A Crime against Humanity Systematically Practiced by Saudi Arabia

By the European Saudi Organization for Human Rights

On the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearance, which is commemorated every year on August 30, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres stressed that, despite being “strictly prohibited by international human rights law in all circumstances, enforced disappearances continue to be used worldwide as a means of repression, intimidation and stifling opposition. Lawyers, witnesses, political opposition and human rights defenders are at particular risk of enforced disappearance,” he said. “This deprives families and communities of the right to know the truth about their loved ones, accountability, justice and reparations.”

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia practices enforced disappearance, on a large scale, especially against political detainees and opinion-makers through blatant circumvention and evasion. Most families of the victims are unaware of the fate of their relatives, after they have been detained on the street or in their workplaces, because they have been deprived the right to communicate with them and have no access to a lawyer.

In many cases, after a forced disappearance, that last for hours or days, officials at General Investigation Prisons allow the disappeared person a brief contact to inform his family of his whereabouts, only to return and disappear for periods lasting a year or more, during which he is tortured and denied the right to communicate with the outside world or access a lawyer.

In other cases, enforced disappearance extends without any information about the victim’s whereabouts or the reason for the arrest, for months or years. In light of Saudi Arabia’s intimidation policy against activists and human rights defenders.

The European-Saudi Organization for Human Rights documented the Saudi Arabian government’s use of enforced disappearance as a prelude to torture, extracting confessions, and in many cases the use of these confessions to issue death sentences.

Enforced disappearance is defined, according to the article II of the International Convention for the Protection of Persons from Enforced Disappearance, as “arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the State or by persons or groups of individuals acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which deprives him of the protection of the law”.

During 2021, ESOHR monitored the practice of enforced disappearance by the security services against a number of detainees, including activists:

Abdullah al-Mubaraki:

On July 22, 2021, Al-Mabaheth forces arrested online activist Abdullah bin Awad al-Mubaraki from his home in Yanbu. The family does not officially know the reason for the arrest and news broke from the moment of the arrest. Despite attempts by the family to find out where he is, and to verify his whereabouts from the prisons of Yanbu, Medina and Jeddah, they have been unable to reach him. However, activists believe that the reason for his arrest stems from his expression of opinion, his participation in campaigns on social media to defend political and civil rights, and his opposition to government policies.

Lina al-Sharif

In late May 2021, officials from the Saudi State Security Presidency raided the Sharif family’s home in Riyadh, arresting Dr. Lina al-Sharif and taking her to an unknown location. Before her arrest, al-Sharif had been active on social media, discussing Saudi politics and defending human rights issues in Saudi Arabia.

Abdullah

On May 12, 2021, State Security forces arrested Abdullah Jilan, in Medina, after it stormed his mother’s house and searched him before taking him to an unknown location. Jilan was active on Twitter, calling for his right to work and fundamental freedoms in Saudi Arabia. So far, his fate and whereabouts remain unknown.

Najla Abd El-Aziz:

Saudi security forces arrested activist Najla Abdul Aziz Mohammed al-Marwan on July 20, 2021, from her home in the capital al-Riyadh. Najla is a young divorced woman and a mother of two children. According to reports, Saudi Arabia is still forcibly hiding her after more than a month in detention, and the family has no information about her.

Najla’s Twitter account shows that she welcomed and supported the call to demonstrate in conjunction with Arafa Day. A group of activists launched a hashtag called #Arafat_Day_protest, and called for participation in a campaign against the government’s policies and the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, with the goal of calling for the release of detainees, in addition to enabling young people’s right to employment, tax removal, and more.

ESOHR also monitored other arbitrary arrests. Local sources said victims were also subjected to enforced disappearance, including Sheikh Abdullah al-Shihri, who was arrested for tweets criticizing statements made by Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. Among those reported missing are Reina Abdulaziz and Yasmine al-Ghafili.

Continuous Enforced Disappearances:

In addition, Saudi Arabia regularly hides individuals, with no information on their whereabouts for years.

In April 2016, preacher Suleiman al-Darwish disappeared during his visit to Mecca. His family does not know any details about the arrest or its reasons nor has it been officially informed of any information about his whereabouts. However, the Ministry of Interior posted his name on its website, which is dedicated to identifying the names and status of detainees. The statement indicated that he was “under investigation”, but his name was removed after a while.

Al-Darwish is still missing and despite the request from the UN Working Group on Enforced Disappearances for official information from Saudi Arabia on his whereabouts, his whereabouts remain unknown.”

Human rights organizations that received information in May 2012 confirmed to them that Al-Duwaish was transferred directly to the office of Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman after his arrest, where he beat him.

In August 2015, the Saudi government announced the arrest of Ahmad al-Mughassil in the Lebanese capital, Beirut. Since his arrest six years ago, the family has not been able to contact him or to know his whereabouts. Although Saudi Arabia announced the arrest, it did not announce where he was being held or the charges he is officially facing. Information the family received about the possible murder or death under torture raised concerns that the family could not get any information about his condition since his arrest.

In January 2020, Saudi security forces arrested Mohammed Al Ammar during a military raid in Qatif. The Saudi government announced the arrest of Ammar, who had been on wanted lists for years, but the family was unable to find out where he was, and they did not allow him any visits. In light of information about his severe injury during the arrest. Al-Ammar was not offered a trial, unless his whereabouts were known to be in enforced disappearance.

Hide as an introduction to unfair judgments:

Besides the cases in which individuals are still forcibly disappeared, detainees face harsh sentences, sometimes up to death, despite being subjected to enforced disappearance at the time of arrest. Among them is Mohammed Al-Shakhouri, who was forcibly disappeared by the Saudi government for three days after his arrest, and who was then able to communicate with his family in brief call, not being able to know what he was exposed to for eight months. The organization has also monitored executions of detainees including minors, despite violations there were subjected to including enforced disappearances, such as Abdelkrim al-Hawaj.

According to ESOHR, the Saudi government uses enforced disappearance for a variety of reasons. While in many cases concealment is used as a prelude to torture in order to extract confessions, it is used for reprisal motives that refuse to disclose definitively the status and location of the person forcibly disappeared and to intimidate the community and families.

The organization maintains that Saudi Arabia, through its practice of enforced disappearance, is committing a “crime against humanity” violating its domestic and international laws. And it recalls that no justification for the continuation of this crime can be invoked, as affirmed in the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance: “No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or the threat of war, internal political instability or any other exception, may be invoked to justify enforced disappearance.”

Raisi Lauds Yemeni People’s Steadfastness for 7 Years

August 25, 2021

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen

In a response sent to Yemen Supreme Political Council President Mahdi al-Mashat, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi reiterates his country’s solidarity with the Yemeni people against the aggression.

Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in Parliament, August 21st 2021
Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in the Parliament, August 21, 2021

The Yemen Supreme Political Council President, Mahdi al-Mashat, received a thank-you letter from Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in reply to his congratulatory letter on his victory in the presidential elections.

Al-Masirah reported that the Iranian President lauded the steadfastness of the Yemeni people against the aggression for the 7th year in a row, stressing his country’s solidarity with the Yemeni people’s plight in their battle against the brutal blockade and acts of aggression. He also stressed his keenness on expanding the horizons of cooperation between the two brotherly countries and peoples in different fields, in service of their common interests.

The Iranian President had received, early this month, “Ansar Allah” Spokesperson Mohammad Abdul Salam, who headed the national Yemeni delegation. During the meeting, President Raisi said that the epic resistance and steadfastness the Yemeni people have embodied so far have astounded the world.

Raisi had declared in his inauguration speech on August 5 that his administration “will stand beside the oppressed wherever they may be, in Europe, America, Africa, Yemen, Syria, or Palestine.”

Yemeni Military Media Releases Video of Large-scale Operation against Saudi Forces in Jizan

23 July 2021 

Visual search query image

By Staff, Agencies

The Yemeni Military Media released on Thursday scenes of a major offensive against Saudi mercenaries on the outskirts of Al-Doud Mountain close to the kingdom’s southwestern region of Jizan.

The Army and the Popular Committees carried out a military operation against Saudi-backed militants, mercenaries from Sudan, deployed in the axes of Al-Madafin and Al-Mlahidh, which culminated in the control of several sites, killing, wounding and capturing Saudi-paid Sudanese mercenaries.

The Army and the Popular Committees conducted the offensive on two fronts, and they managed to establish control over a number of districts and inflict material and human losses on enemy forces in the process.

They destroyed four vehicles belonging to Saudi-backed militants, burned their camps and barricades, seized various weapons, and captured a number of Sudanese mercenaries.

The scenes documented by the military media lens also showed the moments of the Yemeni Army advancing to enemy positions and storming them.

The scenes also showed the Army and Popular Committees chasing the fleeing Sudanese mercenaries between valleys and hills, capturing a number of them.

In conjunction with the implementation of the operation, the US-Saudi aggression aircraft tried to support its mercenaries with a number of raids to stop the progress of the Army and Popular Committees, but to no avail.

Related Videos

MORE ON THIS TOPIC:

Yemen: Biden Shrugs Off Campaign Promise as US Backs New Saudi Offensive and AQAP Support

July 13th, 2021

By Ahmed Abdulkareem

Source

The US has refused calls to stop arming Saudi Arabia amid its devastating war in Yemen and is now doubling down on a military solution, falling back on its reliance of armed militant groups that it used to devastating effect in Syria, Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.

AL-BAYDA, YEMEN — President Joe Biden gave a lot of people a sense of cautious optimism when he took to the campaign trail and promised to bring a swift end to the Saudi-led war on Yemen. The oil-rich monarchy, supported heavily by the United States, has been waging arguably the deadliest military campaign of the past decade on the forgotten country for over six years, exacting a brutal humanitarian toll on its civilian population.

To his credit, Biden sent Tim Lenderking to lead a team of negotiators in an attempt to broker reconciliation between the conflict’s many belligerents. But without the political will to stand up to the Saudi monarchy and the varied American interests that profit handsomely from its wars, Lenderking had little chance of success. Now it seems the Kingdom — once again emboldened, armed, and covered by the United States — has all but abandoned any pretense of reconciliation and doubled down on its brutal war.

A Piercing Star falls to earth

Last week, the Saudi-led Coalition began a massive military operation they’re calling al-Najm al-Thaqib, which translates from Arabic into The Piercing Star. The operation ostensibly aims to recapture large swaths of territory in central Yemen’s al-Bayda province, which was captured by Ansar Allah after a series of long and grueling battles with militants from al-Qaeda on the Arabia Peninsula (AQAP) last fall. AQAP had been entrenched in the province for decades, somehow persevering through concerted military efforts by both the Saudi-led Coalition and at least four consecutive U.S. administrations to dislodge it — including Barack Obama’s infamous drone war.

On August 28, 2020, local tribal partisans backed by Ansar Allah defeated AQAP and myriad extremist allies, including elements of IS, in a week-long operation. This victory came just as AQAP was preparing to sweep the Yemeni provinces of al-Bayda, Dhamar, and Sana’a in an operation that aimed to repeat the scenarios seen in Mosul, Iraq and Raqqa, Syria, where ISIS was able to take and hold a so-called caliphate extending from western Iraq to into eastern Syria.

Al-Bayda and the surrounding provinces saw a state of relative calm in the wake of the operation, as residents experienced life without the yoke of al-Qaeda, some for the first time in their lives. Now, some of those residents fear that Saudi Arabia, backed by the United States, is attempting to resettle those groups in al-Bayda as a hedge against Ansar Allah.

Saudi jets have carried out scores of airstrikes in al-Bayda in recent weeks, flying in from the north to unleash tons of bombs made and supplied by the United States and giving AQAP a potential avenue to retake the province, as the airstrikes have targeted Ansar Allah and their local tribal allies almost exclusively.

According to the nonprofit Yemeni Executive Mine Action Center (YEMAC), American-made cluster bombs — which even the U.S. military has pledged not to use, due to their high rate of collateral damage — including the CBU-58, CBU-105, CBU-87, M26, and DPICM M77, have all been used in the offensive.

In a press conference, YEMAC displayed unexploded American bombs used in the operation, including the same GBU-39 and GBU-31 that were used with deadly effect in Israel’s recent attacks on Gaza. YEMAC held the press conference after an unexploded U.S.-made GBU-24 was recovered from a civil-defense building in Sana’a.

While there is not yet conclusive evidence of direct coordination between the Saudi Coalition and AQAP in the offensive, AQAP militants began pushing into al-Bayda from the south almost as soon as the Saudi airstrikes began. The southern villages of al-Zaher and al-Sma’h — including the areas of Jumaima, Wafaa, Sharadeh, al-Sous, Shabakat Dhi Madahi, Akrama, Shawkan and others — have already been recaptured by al-Qaeda according to a number of Saudi state-funded media outlets, which celebrated the putsch as a victory for the Saudi-led Coalition.

No “Certain Victory”

However, the celebrations were short-lived, as Ansar Allah has already begun to recapture areas it gained last August in a military operation it has dubbed al-Nasr al-Mubin, an Arabic phrase meaning “Certain Victory.” That operation has already seen the defeat of AQAP and militants allied with Saudi Arabia in the al-Zahir Directorate as well as dozens of military sites in the al-Dahaki and Al-Soma`h districts, and even areas that Ansar Allah failed to capture from AQAP during its August offensive, according to a statement it issued on Tuesday.

Yemen Marib
An armored vehicle belonging to Saudi-backed militants shows a poster that reads, “martyr commander brigadier general Self Abd al-Rab al-Shadady.” Al-Shadady” was recently killed in clashes in Marib, Yemen, June 19, 2021. Nariman El-Mofty | AP

On Friday, the media bureau of the Houthis’ Operations Command Center published a video showing some of its victories in al-Bayda. Several senior AQAP commanders were killed or captured in the battles, including the infamous Abu Dharr al-Tayabi, Tawfiq al-Farawi and Othman Ahmad Abdullah al-Mushdali. A spokesman for Ansar Allah said:

Despite having mobilized members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and Daesh (IS) Takfiri terrorist groups, Saudi [Arabia] failed and has so far reaped nothing other than defeat on every front. The coalition has received severe blows in al-Bayda, even though it has hired al-Qaeda and Daesh terrorists.”

But Ansar Allah is far from a decisive victory. Fierce clashes continue near Lahj province and coalition warplanes continue to pound al-Bayda.

US cooperation with a Jihadi recruiter

According to members of the Houthi negotiating delegation, who spoke to MintPress on condition of anonymity, the escalation in al-Bayda is being used to pressure Ansar Allah to halt its advance on the oil-rich Marib province and to force it to accept conditions that Saudi Arabia and Lenderking’s envoy have imposed on Ansar Allah as a precondition for a peace deal.

For their part, the Houthis have promised to retaliate by resuming drone and ballistic missile attacks on Saudi oil and military targets in the Kingdom’s southern provinces, according to Brigadier General Abed Al-Thor and General Aziz Rashid, who told MintPress that military pressure on the Kingdom will only be increased in the wake of the recent Saudi escalation.

The attacks on al-Bayda come in the wake of meetings between the Saudi-backed vice president of Yemen, Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, and Vice Admiral Brad Cooper, commander of the U.S. Naval Forces Central Command and the U.S. 5th Fleet and Combined Maritime Forces. Cooper pushed for intelligence sharing and support for armed militant groups under the banner of curbing the arming of the Houthis by the Iranian government.

Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar
Al-Ahmar speaks to journalists during a 2011 press conference in Sanaa, Yemen. Hani Mohammed | AP

Al-Ahmar has been tied to various extremist groups in Yemen and, according to Reuters, “The Muslim Brotherhood and other Sunni Islamists gained strength, particularly under … al-Ahmar, who built a power base in the army. Jihadist fugitives formed al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).” According to a 2000 New York Times report, al-Ahmar even “traveled to Afghanistan in the 1980s to meet Osama bin Laden, and assisted in recruiting militants from across the Muslim world for the Afghan struggle.”

The U.S. has long been involved in the training and arming of militants in Yemen, whom it saw as a hedge against Ansar Allah. Al-Ahmar has publicly praised the U.S. for cooperating with him to combat what he called “the Iranian project.”

Grim prospects for peace

On July 1, U.S. State Department spokesman Ned Price said that the United States was “beyond fed up” with the Houthis’ advance in Marib and laid the blame for the humanitarian situation in Yemen squarely at the feet of the Houthis, claiming it was they who failed to work with the “other parties … who are actively working towards peace,” a reference to Saudi Arabia and its allies in the country.

Price’s statements and the Biden administration’s about-face on Yemen has raised questions among activists struggling to stop the war, especially as the U.S. has largely refused calls to stop arming Saudi Arabia amid a devastating civilian death toll, and now seems to be doubling down on its commitment to a military solution to the conflict, falling back on its habit of supporting armed militant groups that it used to devastating effect in Syria, Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.

“The Biden administration should have stopped providing weapons and training to the warring parties to ensure that the war would not continue, and not support one at the expense of the other, so logic and reality say,” Dala al-Matari, an activist from the Stop the Bombing of Yemen campaign said. Like many Yemenis, al-Matari believes that President Biden used his seeming opposition to the highly controversial war as a trump card to boost his chances in last year’s presidential election.

For its part, Ansar Allah has outright accused the Biden administration of giving a green light to Saudi forces to attack al-Bayda so that it can more easily provide al-Qaeda and IS with weapons and intelligence information. Officials in Sana’a say the Biden administration is playing with fire by not only destroying peace efforts but also resettling and supporting al-Qaeda, especially amid a Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan.

Dhaif Allah al-Shami — the spokesman for the Sana’a-based Yemeni government run jointly by Ansar Allah and the General People’s Congress, the largest political party in the country — said that the United States had “run the recent military escalation in al-Bayda.” He accused the Biden administration of being behind the plan, stating: “The United States, which falsely and wrongly claims to be concerned with peace in Yemen, is [the one] fueling the bitter clashes in the al-Zahir district of the province.”

Major General Nasser Al-Atif, minister of defense in the Ansar Allah-led government, said in a statement on Monday:

We have a new strategy to face the new Saudi escalation that will cost the coalition a heavy price if they continue to support terrorist elements, and this is something they should understand well. Saudi Arabia and the United States claim that they are keen on peace, stopping the war, and addressing the inhumane issues, but in fact they are talking all this just for media consumption and the exploitation of international and regional positions.

Why did Saudi Arabia wage a war on Yemen?

12 July 2021

Visual search query image

To say the war on Yemen was a major development in the history of West Asia might be an understand. It will certainly go down In history, perhaps not in favor of the Saudis though.

TEHRAN (Iran News) –  Why did Saudi Arabia wage a war on Yemen? To say the war on Yemen was a major development in the history of West Asia might be an understand. It will certainly go down In history, perhaps not in favor of the Saudis though.

In March 2015, Saudi Arabia declared that it and some allies had formed a coalition led by Riyadh and began a military operation. At the time, this was something unheard of, especially in the Arab world; that the Arabs had formed a military alliance for the first time in many decades and were conducting wide-scale bombing campaigns with such energy and such enthusiasm. The military campaign was dubbed Operation Decisive Storm. Many in the region had jokingly highlighted what exactly happened that we are suddenly witnessing this courageous will and heroic leadership among a handful of Arab states.

The Storm of the Arabs! In fact it was quite unfortunate. For decades, since 1948, the Palestinians had witnessed one massacre after the other and we never got to see an Arab storm. Not even a breeze of this storm on Yemen. The Palestinians and the Lebanese who also suffered from Israeli occupation had dreamt to only smell an Arab storm of this magnitude. The reasons or excuses at the time, Saudi Arabia offered to wage a war to this extent on another country were THREE. Firstly, the Saudis claimed that the former government of Yemen led by former President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi had requested the military intervention. By the way, the Palestinians had also requested such an intervention and is still requesting such an intervention today but to date, their appeals have fallen on death ears. Instead the Saudis and their allies are accused of conspiring against the Palestinians and sold the third holiest site in Islam in occupied Jerusalem al-Quds to the Israelis.

The Saudis claimed they sensed a threat from Yemen, where peace talks between the former Saudi backed government in Sana’a and the new National Salvation Government broke down and clashes ensued between the two sides. Here it’s important to note, former President Hadi allied with Riyadh, naturally took sides with Riyadh. Whereas the new National Salvation Government backed by a popular public revolution on the ground expressed opposition to Saudi Arabia’s decades old control on Yemen and was seeking independence from the Kingdom.

As Hadi lost grip on the country, so did the Saudis and Hadi quite naturally fled to Riyadh. For arguments sake, even if Hadi’s term had not expired and he was overthrown by a popular  revolution, was this enough to wage such a devastating war? even if Riyadh had claimed it wanted to reinstate what it considers or claims to be the legitimate President of Yemen. Here, again important to note, many other Saudi allies like former Tunisian President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was toppled during the Islamic Awakening in 2011 by the Tunisian Revolution also fled to Saudi Arabia. Where was the Saudi war on Tunisia to reinstate Ben Ali? Likewise Saudi Arabia’s neighbor, Egypt with Hosni Mubarak which Saudi Arabia tried its best to reinstate but not to the extent that it waged a war or militarily intervened. Not only does this prove the Saudi reasoning is false in nature but also puts the spotlight on Yemen. Why only a war on Yemen? Why this quick decisive action to wage war on Yemen, why no talks first, no dialogue or other non-lethal attempts?

The second reason Riyadh stated for this very surprising yet very unfortunate war on its southern neighbor is that the new situation on the ground (the popular revolution spearheaded by Ansarullah alongside the Yemeni army and many legal and popular institutions and committees) poses a threat to Saudi Arabia, the Persian Gulf as well as the security of the Red Sea. Was this accurate? Did Saudi Arabia present any evidence (even a verbal statement by a Saudi official) to back this accusation to the region or the world. Was the presentation of evidence to back up this claim not necessary to wage a deadly devastating war? It is well known that Yemen is the poorest nation in the region. It was also well known that Yemen had many challenges ahead from legal issues to public issues to security issues for example writing a new constitution, bringing back basic services to its people, fighting Takfiri terrorist cells operating on its land such as al-Qaeda. This needed time for the new Yemeni government. Can a new born country in this state pose a threat to Saudi Arabia, the richest Kingdom in the region or the Persian Gulf or the Red Sea. This also proved to be false. The third and most important reason that was circulating on Saudi media and all Saudi sponsored media in the region and the world at the time, perhaps the most serious allegation by the Saudis is that Yemen has become ‘occupied’ by Iran, ‘controlled‘ by Iran and military intervention is required to return Yemen back to an ‘Arab state’.

In other words, Yemen became Iranian overnight. When you study Yemeni history, literature, culture and recent pride, dignity, resistance and willpower and steadfastness against the Saudis; If the Yemenis are not Arabs, then who are the Arabs?

However, as this was a major accusation, it needs to be documented and examined carefully and with logic. When the Saudis said occupation, let’s tackle the simple aspects first. Where is the evidence that Iran ‘occupies’ Yemen? An occupation tends to have a presence, as with every occupation in the world. Was Iran’s army or Iranian forces occupying Yemen or parts of Yemen. Were there any Iranian military bases on Yemeni territory? The accusation was so absurd it was actually laughable. Let’s assume the Saudis actually didn’t mean a military occupation but some form of Iranian control over Yemen. This also needs to be addressed to understand the misconception not just in Yemen but the entire region.

Here, one has to understand the mentality of the tribal ruling monarchy of Saudi Arabia that is backed by the United States and widely believed to be backed by Israel. This ruling monarchy has an issue with something called independent democratic states in West Asia. An independent Tunisian state or Syrian state or for arguments sake an independent Egyptian state or independent Persian Gulf States or even an independent Saudi Arabian state with democratic institutions. The monarchies in West Asia where one tribe rules an entire population with an iron fist views any form of independence as a form of resistance to its rule of power.

That’s in a nutshell.

The facts and reality on the ground is that this logic by these ruling tribes leads to regular foreign policy miscalculations, losses and diplomatic blunders. It’s difficult to find the last time Saudi Arabia made a real foreign policy achievement. More than six years of Saudi Arabia’s war on Yemen, which Riyadh predicted would end in a couple of weeks has been a failure, a defeat and a quagmire for the Kingdom.

These are the same statements that we hear again and again and again from regional states like Iraq, like Syria, like Palestine, like Lebanon and others. The lack of a strong Saudi leadership in the region despite all its rich resources and home to the two holiest sites in Islam, this lack of leadership or failed policies is what leads nations to request help from an independent nation in West Asia such as the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Here is where Riyadh needs to change its mentality and be a source of inspiration for West Asia. For example, Lebanon 1982, when Israeli forces invaded and reached Beirut. All the Arab monarchies and dictatorships ignored Lebanon. The only two states that supported Lebanon during its darkest era was Iran and Syria. Both countries under blockade and siege or war and terrorism. Despite that, Lebanon requested help from Iran, a country that itself was facing a war from Saddam’s regime but Iran fulfilled its duty to another oppressed nation by sending a team of military advisors.

However, it’s very important to highlight, despite western and regional propaganda, that the Lebanese resistance that was formed against Israeli occupation was a Lebanese resistance; made up of Lebanese men; commanders and soldiers not Iranian. Until today, the Saudis describe the Lebanese resistance in its media as Iranian without a shred of evidence while there are thousands of shreds of evidence proving otherwise. The same again with Palestine, if Saudi Arabia supported the Palestinians against the Israeli occupation with the same willpower and money and hundreds of billions of dollars worth of weapons it spent on the war on Yemen, the Palestinians may not have turned to Iran for support. The same goes for Iraq and Syria during the era of Daesh’s occupation. Where were the Arab monarchies? had it not been Iranian military advisors, Daesh would have taken over both countries. More important than this, to make the picture clearer (and counter American/Israeli/Saudi propaganda) never once have these nations stated in their history, that Iran ordered us to do something in return for Tehran’s support.

This reality, where independent states, or those still looking to liberate their lands from occupation, can form an alliance and be free or independent at the same time poses a danger to Saudi Arabia and its allies. Elections in Iran, Iraq, Syria or Lebanon or Palestine or Yemen poses a threat to monarchical rule. Saudis nationals are asking (quite rightly) why don’t we have elections, but analysts argue this is why American support for these monarchies (whether Saudi Arabia knows it or not) allows it to maintain its hegemonic presence in West Asia and serve Israeli interests.

Returning to Yemen, prior to March 2015, Saudi Arabia had been interfering in Yemen for decades and in literally every aspect; controlling its governance, policies, army, economy and even faiths and sects. What has Saudi Arabia offered to Yemen after all those years? Where was the infrastructure in Yemen? where was the state of the economy? where was the security? Did Saudi Arabia include Yemen in the Persian Gulf Security Council, considering its alleged staunch support for the country? Saudi Arabia kept Yemen as the region’s poorest nation. The Yemeni people are the ones that reached the conclusion based on their will and took a decision to part ways with Riyadh and reclaim their country, borders, sovereignty, independence and most importantly dignity.

Yemeni Forces Liberate Strategic District, Several Areas in Bayda

10/07-2021

Yemeni Forces Liberate Strategic District, Several Areas in Bayda

By Staff, Agencies

The media bureau of Yemen’s Operations Command Center has published video footage of Yemeni army forces and allied fighters conducting a large-scale anti-Saudi military operation in the central province of al-Bayda, and establishing control over several regions there.

The video shows Yemeni troops and their allies, backed by local tribal fighters, engaged in a major offensive against Saudi-led coalition forces and their Takfiri mercenaries on the outskirts of the strategic Az Zahir district.

The Yemeni armed forces repeatedly strike the positions of Saudi forces and militants as the latter flee the area en masse to save their lives.

Yemeni snipers are also seen firing shots at designated targets.

The video goes on to show the Yemeni army forces and allied Popular Committees fighters purging several areas, which terrorist groups had long been using as strongholds to make bombs and various explosive devices under the auspices of the Saudi-led coalition.

The Yemeni army soldiers and Popular Committees fighters inflicted heavy losses on the ranks of Saudi-backed extremist outfits during the multi-pronged military operation, before they managed to establish complete control over Az Zahir district and several other areas.

On Thursday, the spokesman for Yemen’s popular Ansarullah movement said despite having mobilized members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula [AQAP] and Wahhabi Daesh [Arabic acronym for “ISIS” / “ISIL”] terrorist groups, the Saudi-led military coalition and its mercenaries have failed miserably in their battles against the Yemeni armed forces and their allies in Bayda province.

“The Saudi-led alliance has so far reaped nothing other than defeat on every front. The coalition has received severe blows in al-Bayda, even though it has hired al-Qaeda and Daesh terrorists,” Mohammed Abdul-Salam wrote in a post published on his Tweeter page.

He noted that the Riyadh regime and its allies are bogged down in the Yemen quagmire, no matter how hard they struggle to escape.

Earlier, a Yemeni military source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Yemen’s al-Masirah television network that Yemeni troops and Popular Committees fighters had carried out two military operations in the Az Zahir and As Sawma’ah districts of Bayda province.

The source noted that more than 80 Saudi-paid mercenaries, including senior commanders, were killed or injured during the offensives. Several areas were also liberated from the grip of Saudi-backed Takfiri militants.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and regional allies, launched the devastating war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of former Yemeni president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and crushing Ansarullah.

Yemeni armed forces and allied Popular Committees have, however, gone from strength to strength against the Saudi-led invaders, and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

The Saudi war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. The war has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases across the Arab country.

Related Videos

MORE ON THIS TOPIC:

Yemeni People Reject Call For ‘Peace’ With Those Killing Them – Ansarullah Official

03/07/2021

Yemeni People Reject Call For ‘Peace’ With Those Killing Them – Ansarullah Official

By Staff, Agencies

Member of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council, Mohammad Ali al-Houthi reacted to the latest remarks by US Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking about ongoing clashes in the country’s strategic central province of Marib, emphasizing that Yemeni people dismiss the call for peace with parties that are targeting and killing them on a daily basis.

“Yemeni people hate siege, attacks by the Saudi-led coalition and their mercenaries, as well as the call for peace with aggressors who are killing them every day,” al-Houthi wrote in a series of posts published on his Twitter page late on Thursday.

He added, “The United States is negotiating with and supporting al-Qaeda and Daesh [Arabic for terrorist ‘ISIS/ISIL’ group] worldwide. This is while it expresses concern over the Yemeni nation’s campaign and struggle against these terrorists.”

“The hatred for America will end as soon as its aggression stops, the siege is lifted and the occupation of Yemen halts. This is what the Leader of Ansarullah movement [Sayyed Abdul-Malik al-Houthi] has long been demanding,” Houthi pointed out.

“Why doesn’t the United States stop selling its weapons to those waging aggression against Yemen? The main reason is its insistence to prolong the war and occupy Yemen,” the Ansarullah official noted.

Earlier in the day, Lenderking said there was a need to pressure Yemeni Ansarullah fighters into stopping their attacks on Marib.

The US State Department spokesperson Ned Price also told a press briefing that Washington is “beyond fed up” with retaliatory attacks by Yemeni army forces and their allies.

Houthi’s remarks come as all efforts by the United Nations and collective action at the international level for establishing peace and ending the imposed war have failed.

The Yemenis say the Saudi-led aggressors have to end all their attacks against Yemen, take out all their forces, end an all-out siege that they have been imposing on the Arab country, and compensate the victims before entering any peace process.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and regional allies, launched the devastating war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of former Yemeni president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and crushing the popular Ansarullah resistance movement.

Yemeni armed forces and allied Popular Committees have, however, gone from strength to strength against the Saudi-led invaders, and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

The Saudi war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. The war has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases across the Arab country.

Saudi Aggression Commits New Massacre in Yemen’s Border Area of Al-Raqo

01/07/2021

Saudi Aggression Commits New Massacre in Yemen’s Border Area of Al-Raqo

By Staff, Agencies

The US-Saudi aggression committed a new massacre early Thursday in Yemen’s border area of al-Raqo in Saada province less than a day after a similar crime.

Two citizens were martyred and six others were wounded as a result of Saudi missile and artillery shelling on the border area of al-Raqo in Munabbih district.

On Wednesday, Al-Masirah network reported that the border area of al-Raqo was subjected to Saudi missile and artillery shelling, which injured eight civilians, some of whom are in serious condition.

Al-Masirah explained that the al-Raqo market was bombed by the Saudi-led aggression in an indiscriminate manner that lasted for hours, and the Apache helicopters run by the US-Saudi aggression had flown heavily over al-Raqo area since the early morning hours.

In recent weeks, dozens of civilians, including children and women, were martyred and wounded in almost daily crimes committed by the Saudi forces, especially in al-Raqo area and the border areas in general.

In light of its defeats on various frontlines and its failure to achieve any of its objectives, the US-Saudi aggression is notorious for its indiscrimination shown by its numerous attacks against densely-populated centers especially in Saada province, including markets, hospitals, and schools.

Tens of thousands have lost their lives since August 2015, when Saudi Arabia and a number of its regional allies launched its devastating campaign against Yemen.

Related Videos

Related News

Yemenis Talk of ‘Immense Loss’ To Drone Strikes

28/06/2021

Yemenis Talk of ‘Immense Loss’ To Drone Strikes

By Staff, The Guardian

Relatives of people martyred in drone strikes in Yemen have written to the UK’s war secretary to ask about his country’s involvement in the killings and request that he meet them.

In a piece by Haroon Siddique published by The Guardian, the family members said they have suffered “immense loss” of loved ones – including children – at the hands of US targeted drone strikes and are demanding to know what part the UK has played.

Among the bereaved signatories are members of the al-Ameri and al-Taisy families who between them have lost 34 relatives, nine of them children – the youngest just three months old – in a series of strikes over several years. They included a US drone strike in 2013 on the wedding of Abdullah al-Ameri and Warda al-Taisy.

The letter to war secretary Ben Wallace, seen by The Guardian, says: “The loved ones that have been taken from us are not ‘collateral damage’ or casualties of war. We live far from any battlefield and have no connection to militant groups of any kind. Can you tell us, face to face, that the UK played no role in the missile attacks that have ripped our families to pieces?

“We would like to know: was the UK involved in the strikes that killed our family members? Did UK intelligence feed into the strikes? Were our family members selected for death from US bases on British soil? And do UK pilots fly the surveillance missions that continue to terrorize our communities?”

The US drone program has been criticized as unlawful. The extent of the UK’s role has long been the subject of concern with carefully worded denials issued by the government.

The letter, from clients of the charity Reprieve, which supported them in coordinating and sending it, refers to the UK government’s fight to keep secret its policy for helping the US target drone strikes. Reprieve has been seeking full disclosure of the UK’s targeting policy, which also governs assistance provided to partners and US bases in the UK, under the Freedom of Information Act, but its attempts have so far been rebuffed.

The signatories say that not only did they lose loved ones but the strikes have left a legacy of fear with “the buzzing noise above … a constant reminder that our lives could be ended in an instant, without warning”.

Ahmed bin Ali Jaber, 31, said his uncle Salem, a teacher, and cousin Waleed, a policeman, were both killed when a missile struck their village in 2012. He said children and adults alike have been psychologically scarred, with his wife crying in fear every time a drone flies overhead.

“I can’t even begin to explain how painful and very horrifying the incident was, it’s a day that the whole village won’t forget,” he said. “We want to live peacefully. I know that Britain is a democracy and I would hope if the British government has any role in aiding the US drone program it would not accept that such a peaceful village still continues to live in fear.”

The bereaved signatories acknowledge that Covid travel restrictions make an in-person meeting impossible so ask that Wallace meet them via Zoom.

Another signatory, Adel al Manthari, who was the only survivor of a strike in 2018 which killed four of his family members and paralyzed him, said: “For three years there has been no accountability for the drone strike that paralyzed me, just silence. Now I understand the British may have been involved. Will they provide the accountability their partner [the US] has not?”

A ministry of war spokesperson said: “The secretary will review this correspondence when it is received and respond through the appropriate channels.”

S. Arabia has lost its cards in Yemen: analyst

June 23, 2021 – 18:55

By Reza Moshfegh

TEHRAN – A Yamani writer says that Saudi Arabia looks for a solution to get out of Yemen’s swamp as it has lost its cards in the regions and Yemen.

“Saudi Arabia is looking for a way to exit from this war, which entered this year its seventh,” Talib al-Hassani tells the Tehran Times.

“Saudis have lost more cards facing more military and economic pressures, and this means that time is not going in their favor, but rather in the interest of Yemen,” al-Hassani adds.

Following is the text of the interview:

Q: How do you see Saudi Arabia’s position on Yemen after the Yemenis showed that they are able to respond to the Saudi aggression? Is Saudi Arabia in a position of strength?

A: Saudi Arabia is looking for a way to exit from this war, which entered this year its seventh.

 Meanwhile, Saudis have lost more cards facing more military and economic pressures, and this means that time is not going in their favor, but rather in the interest of Yemen.

The decision to end this catastrophe will not be in hands of Saudis, as the war decision was. The United States of America is a major partner in decision-making, and therefore today they are partners in the search for safe exit from Yemen.

These partners in war after their failure have no card on the negotiating table, unless embargo, economic sanctions and further restrictions.

All the Saudi or American initiatives that have been put forward since Biden came to power are based on negotiating with Sana’a over two options: 

lifting the siege in exchange for stopping targeting Saudi Arabia and freezing military operations inside Yemen, including the process of restoring the city of Marib in eastern Yemen, which is the last stronghold of the Saudi-led coalition in northern Yemen, or continuing embargo and more sanctions.

Sana’a has rejected this deal in whole and in detail and stipulated the lifting of the siege without expecting something in return, as well as the withdrawal of the Saudi and Emirati forces and all foreign forces from the south of the country.

This is a very big achievement and progress for Yemenis that did not exist during the past years.

In all cases, and according to the current developments, the coalition not only failed, but prompted Saudi Arabia and the Emirates to search for a gradual retreat, and it is now clear that Sanaa has achieved two strategic goals:

The first is to preserve the revolution and to remove Yemen from the U.S. and (Persian) Gulf camp that has lasted for decades.

The second is putting Yemen on an anti-U.S. axis that is a real threat to some (Persian) Gulf countries. This shift means that the American axis has failed after years of unremitting efforts and billions of dollars.

The first objective of the aggressive war on Yemen was to return it to the arms of America, through blocking efforts for change, and to impose more hegemony within two axes:

The first is a regional axis that ensures the existence of America’s allies in the region, and the second is international and within the conflict with Iran, China and Russia. In a word, the two axes are the continuation of dominance over the Bab al-Mandab Strait and the coasts of the Red Sea and Arab Sea or the Indian Ocean. 

All the headlines that were raised and announced in the media, including the restoration of the government of Abd Rabbeh Mansour Hadi, are considered marginal.

Saudi Arabia is currently in a predicament after losing its military and political reputation and is also threatened by political and economic instability.

The goals of the Saudi crown prince and Saudi rulers will not be realized as long as the war remains open, and therefore it will be the biggest loser.

Q: How do you see the level of coordination between the Yemeni resistance with other resistance groups in Iraq, Lebanon, and Palestine?

A: Yemen has become practically and openly within the axis of resistance; it is an important stronghold and a great addition to the axis, especially given its geopolitical geography is very pivotal in terms of supervising one of the most important seaports, Bab al-Mandab, as well as part of the map of the Chinese Silk Road. The Israeli statements were clear about their fear of Yemen playing an important role in blocking the movement of the Israelis in the Red Sea.

The other matter is the military future of Yemen, as the predictions say that Yemen will turn into a large military force, which is not far from the occupied Palestinian territories. The offer of Abdul Malik Badr Al-Din Al-Houthi, the leader of the revolution, to send military assistance to the Palestinian resistance factions in the last war, Seif Al-Quds, signals an important change in the regional balances. It is very important, and the Palestinian resistance factions commented on that with much praise and belief that this is a major shift on the path to liberating Palestine. This was not a slogan, but rather Yemen currently possesses winged missiles and drones whose range reaches the Palestinian territories. All the resistance factions have representatives in Sana’a, and there is clear coordination.

Q: What is the status of the Palestinian cause among the Yemenis? What are the reasons for Yemeni support for Palestine?

A: The Yemeni people view the Palestinian cause from a religious ideological standpoint. Al-Quds and Al-Aqsa Mosque are sacred lands and must be liberated.

The other matter is that America seeks hegemony over the Yemeni people, which constitutes a real threat to Islam and Muslims.

The U.S. has committed war crimes against Yemeni people that are not permissible. Yemeni people cannot remain silent or form a coalition with the United States of America, which represents an existential threat to Islam.

The Yemeni people also look at the Palestinian cause from a nationalistic point of view. Palestine is an Arab land that must be liberated, and this appears through the broad popular response in demonstrations and marches in solidarity with the Palestinian people on all occasions, including the International Quds Day.

Therefore, the Yemeni people are still part of the Arab nations. The new development is that the Ansar Allah Islamic Movement has now become the ruling political front in the country, and this movement led by Abdul Malik Badr Al-Din Al-Houthi succeeded in changing the failed and puppet traditional system, which did not represent the Yemeni Islamic and religious identity.

This shows the volume of support for this popular movement, which is a major shift in the future of the country, especially its active role in making and influencing the decision in the region in the future.

Q: What will be the fate of the peace negotiations between Yemen and Saudi Arabia? Who are the mediators in peace talks?

A: Negotiations still have a long road to reach results. It was clear that the Omani delegation that went to the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, to meet with officials was expected more than what it could carry out, and therefore hopes were opened wide to reach an end to the war on Yemen, lifting the siege, and opening Sana’a International Airport, which has been closed since 2017. 

There are many reasons for this reliance on the Omani role, the first of which is the positive position of the Sultanate of Oman and its great efforts in playing the role of mediator between the various regional and international parties, as well as its embrace of the Yemeni national negotiating team, as it has been leading this role for years.

Among these reasons is the Yemenis’ confidence in Omanis, and hence some observers confused the mission of the sultanate’s delegation with the chaos of political analysis and deductions based on wrong information.

 Especially since it coincides with a great regional and international diplomatic move, from which it was understood that the final touches are being put in steps to stop the war that has been going on for six-and-a-quarter years.

But the reality says:

First, the delegation does not have an Omani initiative to be presented to various parties, if so the Sultan of Oman would have presented it to officials in the capital, Sana’a, and if that was the case, this initiative would have been announced.

Secondly, the official Omani media, even the unofficial ones, did not issue a statement explaining the mission of the delegation, and the official media were limited to referring to the presence of this delegation in Yemen. This necessarily means that the delegation, despite its importance, does not exceed its mission as a continuation of efforts to bring the views closer and try to overcome the obstacles to address the crisis and support the process of negotiations that do not move much.

Third, the official statements made by the chief Yemeni negotiator and head of the national negotiating team, Muhammad Abd al-Salam, who accompanied the Omani delegation, whether made during arrival or during departure, were limited to praising the humanitarian role of the Sultanate of Oman and referring to the establishment of humanitarian arrangements in an effort to (to mitigate the suffering of our Yemeni people) as Muhammad Abd al-Salam says, and this means that efforts are focused on trying to separate the humanitarian file and lift the siege on the civil international airport of Sana’a, as well as the port of Hodeidah from the political and military files.

Whoever follows the statement issued by the ruling Supreme Political Council in the capital, Sana’a, which followed the meeting of Al-Mashat and members of the Political Council with the Omani delegation who praised the position and role of the Sultanate, will find that he focused on three main points, one of which is very important, which is the point related to the necessity of the withdrawal of Saudi, Emirati and foreign forces from all Yemeni lands before talking about any ceasefire initiative, as well as lifting the siege and opening Yemeni airspace for civilian flights as a legitimate, humanitarian and sovereign right of the Republic of Yemen.

The statement summarizes the Yemeni vision that was presented to the Omani side, and therefore the mission that the royal delegation carried out did not go beyond the fact that Oman wanted to know directly from the office of Mr. Abdul-Malik Badr al-Din al-Houthi, as the leader of the revolution, towards the various issues being discussed.

They wanted to address the major reasons for the failure of the United Nations and the failure of Biden’s envoy to Yemen, during the past few months.

The mission of the Omani royal delegation can be described as being limited to knowing Sana’a’s point of view, ideas, and approaches to a comprehensive solution in Yemen, and then transferring it to the other side. 

Therefore, this is an Omani effort that cannot be talked about its failure or success. In the end, it is a humanistic effort, an effort that its results cannot be discussed.

Some went on to think that the Sultanate of Oman intended to present an initiative of its own to Sana’a, and linked the visit of the Omani Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi and his delivery of a message from Sultan Haitham bin Tariq to King Salman and the delegation that flew to the capital Sana’a. 

Therefore, the failure of the “Omani initiative” would mean that the position of the Sultanate has changed over Yemen. This perception and description is inaccurate and goes beyond the pivotal and important strategic role that Oman plays for all parties, a role that stems from its stance and vision of the crisis in Yemen.

Some Arab newspapers and Saudi analysts worked a lot in this direction and hinted in one way or another to their dissatisfaction with the Omani role.

They made every effort to ruin the Omani-Yemeni relationship and its mediating role in trying to solve the crisis by receiving delegations and coordinating meetings between the various parties, within a humanitarian and political framework to stop the aggression on Yemen and the ongoing war, including hosting the (secret) Yemeni-Saudi dialogue.

RELATED NEWS

50% of Yemen’s Facilities Out of Work Due to US-Saudi Siege – Health Ministry

14/06/2021

50% of Yemen’s Facilities Out of Work Due to US-Saudi Siege - Health Ministry

By Staff, Agencies

The Yemeni Ministry of Public Health and Population organized a sit-in on Monday in front of the United Nations office rejecting the continuation of the US-Saudi aggression and siege and its impact on the health sector.

Health Ministry spokesman Najeeb al-Qubati confirmed that the continuous bombing during the years of aggression led to the total and partial destruction of 527 health facilities, and 50% of the facilities were out of work.

He explained that due to the siege a child dies every 5 minutes, more than 8000 women die annually, and more than 2.6 million children suffer from malnutrition.

Al-Qubati indicated that 1.5 million suffer from chronic diseases and 32,000 of them need to travel to receive treatment, noting that 5,000 patients with kidney failure need kidney transplants, and the closure of Sanaa airport threatens their lives.

He pointed out that over 3,000 children have congenital heart defects and need to travel for treatment, 500 cases of final liver failure require liver transplantation, and 2,000 cases require corneal transplantation. All of them were registered in the medical air bridge that was promised to travel.

The health official pointed out that there is a significant increase in oncology patients, as over 72,000 patients registered with the National Cancer Center, which lacks modern medicines and equipment to treat them.

A spokesman for the Ministry of Health explained that the siege resulted in the absence of 120 types of medicines for chronic diseases.

The siege caused a shortage of 50% of the medicines required for oncology patients, and also prevented the arrival of shipments of medicines and damaged many of them and increased their prices due to deliberate and arbitrary obstacles.

Yemeni Forces Only Two Kilometers Away from Marib

28/4/2010

Yemeni Forces Only Two Kilometers Away from Marib

By Staff, Agencies

Yemeni army and Popular Committees forces advanced to as far as only two kilometers from the strategic west-central city of Marib, the gateway to potential liberation of much more of their homeland amid an ongoing Saudi Arabia-led aggression.

The U-News website, which covers regional developments, especially those of Yemen, reported the victory on Tuesday, saying the forces were now only two kilometers away from the city’s entrance.

Yemeni military sources said the lightning advances had taken the ranks of Saudi-led mercenaries apart, forcing them to move their military equipment outside the city and try to set up some bases there.

Leading a coalition of its allies, Saudi Arabia started a war against Yemen in 2015 in an attempt to return the impoverished country’s rule to its own favorite officials there.

The Saudi-led coalition has so far stopped short of achieving the goal. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have died during the war and a simultaneous siege that the coalition has been enforcing on Yemen.

Now, the Yemeni defense forces have focused a good part of their defensive efforts on retaking Marib that is of huge strategic importance, given its potential to contribute to liberation of many more areas.

Speaking about the developments that concern Marib, Yemeni political expert Brigadier General Abed al-Thawr told Press TV, “This part of Yemen’s soil serves as the key to liberation of all the eastern and southern provinces.”

He said Marib practically gave the Yemeni defense forces entrée into the country’s Shabwah, Hadarmaut, and al-Mahrah as well as the entire northern border stretch with Saudi Arabia.

Apart from the Saudi-led forces, the province was also playing an unwilling host to United Arab Emirates-led mercenaries as well as terrorists fighting for the al-Qaeda and Daesh Takfiri groups, the expert said. The Takfiris, he noted, were working under the United States’ supervision there.

He, however, insisted that Marib’s liberation has been “finalized” given the advances made there by the Yemeni forces.

According to the Yemen News website, as many as 115 Saudi-led militants had been either killed or injured during clashes with Yemeni defense forces.

Al-Thawr said the aggressive forces were now caught in a very bad situation in Marib, noting that they had failed in their efforts to use the province’s residents as human shields to prevent its liberation.

Also addressing Marib’s developments, Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, a member of the Supreme Political Council of Yemen, tweeted that Sanaa did not seek to resolve the situation in the province and other locations through military means. “However, the Saudis and the Emiratis as well as the United States and the UK as their supporters were imposing this choice on the Yemeni nation,” he added.

Al-Houthi said the most immediate solution to the province’s situation lied in withdrawal of the foreign forces and Takfiri terrorists.

Related

Saudi Opp. Party: Kingdom May Execute More Military Personnel for Refusing to Participate in War on Yemen

Source

17/4/2021

Saudi Opp. Party: Kingdom May Execute More Military Personnel for Refusing to Participate in War on Yemen

Translated by Staff, National Assembly Party [NAAS]

A Saudi opposition party, the National Assembly Party [NAAS], has warned of more executions of Saudi soldiers for refusing to participate in the aggression against Yemen.

This came in a statement by the party after the Saudi authorities recently announced the execution of three soldiers fighting in Yemen on charges of high treason.

NAAS referred to the official and semi-official media campaigns that accompanied the execution, affirming its previous position on the necessity of ending this war.

It stressed that the war on Yemen “achieved nothing but losses for all parties, inflicted massive damage on our country and brotherly Yemen and claimed many innocent lives on both sides”. The statement added that the war brought Yemen to a state described by the United Nations as the greatest humanitarian crisis in the world, as Saudi Arabia’s vital facilities had been bombed, a number of soldiers had been killed and large numbers were seriously injured.

Furthermore, the party said that “with all these heavy losses, and in light of the continuation of this war and its mistakes and risks, the Saudi authorities surprised us by announcing the execution of the three soldiers”. NAAS went on to say that “the execution was carried out in complete ambiguity regarding the circumstances of the case, in complete absence of the conditions for fair trials as well as the competent court and the litigation procedures, and without the slightest level of transparency, and after 6 years since the war began”.

The party expressed fears of upcoming executions of other soldiers for their refusal to participate in the war, or their reluctance to bomb civilians or destroy the infrastructure in Yemen, or their rejection of the scorched earth policy that is pursued from time to time, or for other political reasons. NAAS added, “We mention again that this war, like all other hasty decisions, was not made by the people through their elected civilian institutions; it has not been taken by experts and officials of the military institutions; neither has there been a public referendum regarding it; and the people’s rejection of wars, especially with neighboring countries, has not been taken into consideration”.

The Saudi opposition party emphasized that the war was not the only thing that troubled the military personnel, but it has been preceded by a series of measures that harmed them and inflicted severe harm upon them.

The party added, “After the Saudi military had been complaining about poor salaries, a number of bonuses had been deducted recently without the slightest justification”.

It further said, “The weakness of health services, the difficulty of housing, and the rampant administrative corruption which may deprive the soldier from his furloughs or promotions due to administrative corruption or may subject him to unfair transfers and appointments that are not sensitive to circumstances, as well as selectiveness in appointments, transfers, courses and assignments, continue”.

The party shed light to “the removal of the housing services of some soldiers stationed on the fronts; forgetting, ignoring, and failing to treat some of the wounded in the fronts, including amputees, as well as arrests and indictments of those who express their opinion or legitimate demands”.

معركة تحرير مأرب… أهميتها وتداعياتها The battle to liberate Marib … its significance and repercussions

** Please scroll down for the English Machine translation **

معركة تحرير مأرب… أهميتها وتداعياتها

حسن حردان

طرح البدء بمعركة تحرير مدينة مأرب، التساؤلات حول مدى أهميتها وتداعياتها على مسار الحرب والتسوية السياسية ومستقبل اليمن، لا سيما أنّ التقدّم الكبير الحاصل في الميدان الذي يحققه تحالف اللجان الشعبية والجيش اليمني قد أدّى إلى رفع منسوب درجة اهتمام الدول الغربية بمجرياتها.. لما لذلك من انعكاسات على موازين القوى على صعيدي الميدان والسياسة.

انّ الإجابة على هذه التساؤلات وأسباب هذا الاهتمام الغربي الذي عكس مستوى القلق من التطورات الميدانية في مأرب، إنما يكمن في العوامل التالية:

أولاً، انّ إنجاز تحرير مدينة مأرب يعني عملياً سقوط آخر وأهمّ معقل للسعودية وحكومة هادي التابعة للرياض، وحزب الإصلاح الإخواني في شمال اليمن، مما سيشكل هزيمة مدوية لقوى العدوان على اليمن، ويحسم سيطرة تحالف اللجان الشعبية والجيش اليمني على كلّ المحافظات الشمالية وصولاً إلى الحدود مع محافظات جنوب اليمن.. وإبعاد التهديد عن العاصمة صنعاء، وبالتالي انهيار أحلام الرياض وحكومة هادي في استعادة السيطرة على شمال اليمن انطلاقاً من مأرب…

ثانياً، إنّ مأرب تقع جغرافياً على الحدود مع المملكة السعودية لجهة مدينتي جيزان وشرورة السعوديتين من الجهة المقابلة لمأرب.. وهذا يجعل استمرار السعودية بالعدوان، في مواجهة احتمال انتقال المعركة البرية إلى قلب هاتين المدينتين، وهو ما تتخوّف منه الرياض، وتحاول القوى التابعة لها التهويل من خطورته بالقول انّ قوات صنعاء اذا سيطرت على مدينة مأرب سوف يؤدّي ذلك الى سقوط خطّ الدفاع الأوّل عن مدينتَي جيزان وشرورة، وسيفتح سقوطها الباب أمام حركة «أنصار الله» لتوسيع نفوذها إلى كامل الحدود السعودية المشتركة مع اليمن.. وقد ذهب مدير التوجيه المعنوي السابق لقوات هادي في مأرب، اللواء محسن خصروف، إلى حدّ القول: «إنّ سقوط مأرب مُقدّمة لسقوط الرياض».. وذلك في محاولة لدفع الحكومة السعودية للزجّ بكلّ قوّتها لمنع سقوط مأرب بأيدي قوات اللجان والحكومة الشرعية في صنعاء…

ثالثاً، إنّ تحرير مأرب سيؤدّي إلى تحرير الثروة النفطية والغازية الهامة الموجودة فيها، والتي كانت تستغلها السعودية والقوى التابعة لها، وتحرم أهل اليمن منها، مما سيمكن حكومة صنعاء من امتلاك موارد هامة تعزز صمود اليمنيين ومقاومتهم في مواجهة العدوان والحصار المفروض عليهم منذ بدء الحرب على اليمن.. الأمر الذي سيشكل تحوّلاً كبيراً لمصلحة تعزيز تحرر اليمن من الهيمنة والسيطرة الأميركية السعودية، إذا ما أخذنا في الاعتبار أنّ أحد أهداف الحرب على اليمن إنما هو منع اليمنيين من التحكم في استغلال ثروتهم، من الغاز والنفط، التي يُقال إنّ اليمن يحوز على كميات كبيرة منها، وخصوصاً في مأرب، وإذا أحسن استغلالها فإنها تمكّن اليمن من تنمية اقتصاده وتحسين حياة الشعب، وتحوّل اليمن إلى دولة قوية مستقلة..

كما يوجد في مأرب محطة صافر لتوليد الطاقة الكهربائية بالغاز التي تغذي العاصمة صنعاء وعدد من المحافظات الشمالية والوسطى.. فيما سدّ مأرب يوفر مياه الري لمساحات شاسعة من الاراضي الزراعية، ولهذا اختيرت مأرب، في القدم، عاصمة للدولة السبئية، خلال الألفية الأولى قبل الميلاد، وفيها عرش ومحرم بلقيس.. وكانت تشكل حصناً لصدّ الغزاة الذين سعوا إلى احتلال اليمن منذ أيام الإمبراطورية الرومانية التي عجزت جيوشها عن احتلالها.. وكذلك جيوش الدولة العثمانية.

رابعاً، إنّ تحرير مأرب سيؤدي إلى تعزيز الموقف السياسي لتحالف اللجان الشعبية والحكومة الشرعية في صنعاء، في أيّ مفاوضات مقبلة لتحقيق التسوية للأزمة اليمنية، ويحدّ كثيراً من قدرة واشنطن والسعودية وحكومة هادي على فرض شروطهم..

خامساً، انّ تحرير مأرب وما يعنيه من انهيار آخر وأهمّ معقل لحكومة هادي وحلفائها، سيؤدّي إلى خلق مناخ عام بالهزيمة، وانهيار معنويات مقاتليهم، الأمر الذي سيولد تداعيات سريعة في مناطق سيطرتهم في جنوب اليمن، تسعر من الصراعات، المحتدمة أصلاً في ما بينهم، حول المسؤولية عن الهزيمة من جهة، وحول السيطرة على الجنوب من جهة ثانية، مما سيؤدّي إلى نقمة شعبية واسعة تعزز موقف القوى المعارضة لوجود المجلس الانتقالي وقوات هادي المدعومة سعودياً، ويوفر ظروفاً مواتية كي يتحالف أبناء الجنوب مع اللجان الشعبية والجيش اليمني لاستكمال تحرير المحافظات الجنوبية، من سيطرة قوات هادي والمجلس الانتقالي.. المدعومين من تحالف قوى العدوان.

هذه النتائج والتداعيات المتوقعة من جراء تحرير مأرب، هي التي تقف وراء ارتفاع درجة اهتمام الدول الغربية بما يحصل في مأرب، وفي المقدمة الولايات المتحدة، والتي عبّر عنها بمسارعتها إلى إطلاق التصريحات التي تدعو إلى وقف هجوم أنصار الله والقوات المسلحة اليمنية في مأرب، لمنع حصول التحوّلات النوعية في موازين القوى، لمصلحة تحالف أنصار الله والقوى الوطنية، على حساب الموقف الأميركي السعودي الذي سيجد نفسه يجلس إلى طاولة المفاوضات المقترحة لحلّ الأزمة، وهو في حالة من الضعف بعد أن مُنيَ بهزيمة قاسية، الأمر الذي يجعل حركة أنصار الله وحلفاءها في موقع من يملك القدرة على فرض الشروط، قبل انطلاق المفاوضات بوقف العدوان والحصار، وخلال المفاوضات بفرض شروط للتسوية تعزز قدرة الشعب اليمني على تقرير مصيره بعيداً عن التدخلات الخارجية.

انطلاقاً مما تقدّم يمكن فهم لماذا يرفض تحالف اللجان والجيش اليمني وقف الهجوم لاستكمال إنجاز تحرير مدينة مأرب.. ولماذا يرتفع منسوب القلق السعودي الأميركي الغربي من ذلك..

فتحرير مدينة مأرب سيشكل انتصاراً نوعياً يتوّج الانتصارات التي تحققت على مدى سنوات الحرب، وهزيمة كبرى لدول العدوان والقوى التابعة لهم، وسقوط أهدافهم التي سعت إلى القضاء على انصار الله والقوى الوطنية وإعادة إخضاع اليمن ومنع خروجه من فلك التبعية، لما يمثله من موقع جغرافي هامّ على طريق التجارة الدولية وفي الخليج حيث تتركز السيطرة الاستعمارية الأميركية على ثروات النفط والغاز وطرق إمدادها في مياه الخليج وباب المندب… وهو ما جعل إدارة الرئيس الأميركي جو بايدن تدعو إلى وقف هذه الحرب لاحتواء تداعياتها السلبية على النفوذ الاستعماري الأميركي، وتعرب عن القلق من سيطرة حركة أنصار الله على مأرب، الأمر الذي قد يسهم في تسريع خطوات واشنطن لوقف الحرب، ومحاولة الحدّ من تداعيات الهزيمة، وتدفيع ولي العهد السعودي محمد بن سلمان ثمن هذه الهزيمة، وهو ما ظهرت مؤشراته من خلال إعلان البيت الأبيض انّ الرئيس بايدن سيتواصل مباشرة مع الملك سلمان، وليس مع ولي العهد، ومن ثم الإفراج عن تقرير الاستخبارات المتعلق بجريمة قتل الصحافي السعودي جمال خاشقجي.. وذلك في سياق إعادة تقييم العلاقات الأميركية مع السعودية.. ما دفع المراقبين إلى التساؤل عما إذا كانت إدارة بايدن تسعى الى تقديم محمد بن سلمان كبش فداء بتحميله مسؤولية الكارثة في اليمن، والظهور في صورة من أوقف هذه الحرب لإعادة تلميع صورة أميركا في اليمن، وتمكين الدبلوماسية الأميركية من لعب الدور المنوط بها للحدّ من الخسائر واحتواء تداعيات الهزيمة… وإعادة ترميم وتعزيز نفوذ أميركا في اليمن من خلال التسوية السياسية.. لكن السؤال هل ستتمكن من ذلك، خصوصاً بعد أن اصبح هناك مقاومة تحرّرية يمنية تملك مشروعاً للتحرر، وتسعى إلى تحقيق استقلال اليمن بعيداً عن الهيمنة والتبعية للولايات المتحدة والحكومة السعودية.. ونجحت بداية في الصمود في مواجهة العدوان، واحتواء اندفاعته، ومن ثم الانتقال من الدفاع إلى الهجوم، وفرض معادلات الردع بعد أن تكمنت من نقل الحرب إلى الداخل السعودي، وتحرير المحافظات اليمنية الشمالية من سيطرة تحالف العدوان، الواحدة تلو الأخرى، حتى أصبحنا على مقربة من تحرير واستعادة آخر محافظة شمالية، وهي محافظة مأرب الاستراتيجية من جميع النواحي، الجغرافية، والاقتصادية، والعسكرية، والسياسية.

The battle to liberate Marib … its significance and repercussions

Hassan Hardan

The start of the battle for the liberation of Marib raised questions about its importance and its implications for the course of war, political settlement and the future of Yemen, especially since the great progress made in the field achieved by the Coalition of Popular Committees and the Yemeni army has raised the level of interest of Western countries in their conduct. This has implications for the balance of power in the field and politics.

The answer to these questions and the reasons for this Western interest, which reflected the level of concern about developments on the ground in Marib, lies in the following factors:

First, the achievement of the liberation of Marib city means practically the fall of the last and most important stronghold of Saudi Arabia and the government of Hadi of Riyadh, and the Brotherhood Reform Party in northern Yemen, which will constitute a resounding defeat for the forces of aggression against Yemen, and resolve the control of the coalition of popular committees and the Yemeni army on all the northern provinces down to the border with the provinces of southern Yemen. The threat was removed from the capital Sana’a, thus collapsing Riyadh and Hadi’s government’s dreams of regaining control of northern Yemen from Marib…

Secondly, Marib is geographically located on the border with Saudi Arabia to the Saudi cities of Jizan and Sharorah on the opposite side of Marib. This makes Saudi Arabia’s continued aggression, in the face of the possibility of a land battle moving to the heart of these two cities, which Riyadh fears, and its forces are trying to downplay its seriousness by saying that if Sana’a forces take control of Marib city will lead to the fall of the first line of defense for the cities of Jizan and Shororah, and its fall will open the door for Ansar Allah movement to expand its influence to the entire Saudi border with Yemen. The former director of Hadi’s moral guidance in Marib, Major General Mohsen Khasrouf, went so far as to say, “The fall of Marib is a prelude to the fall of Riyadh.” In an attempt to push the Saudi government to put all its power to prevent the fall of Marib by the forces of the committees and the legitimate government in Sana’a…

Thirdly, the liberation of Marib will lead to the liberalization of the important oil and gas wealth in it, which was exploited by Saudi Arabia and its forces, and deprives the people of Yemen of it, which will enable the Government of Sana’a to have important resources that strengthen the resilience and resistance of Yemenis in the face of aggression and siege imposed on them since the beginning of the war. This would be a major shift in favor of strengthening Yemen’s liberation from U.S.-Saudi hegemony and control, considering that one of the objectives of the war on Yemen is to prevent Yemenis from controlling the exploitation of their wealth, from gas and oil, of which Yemen is said to have large quantities, especially in Marib, and if it is best exploited, it enables Yemen to develop its economy and improve the lives of the people, and turn Yemen into a strong independent state.

There is also a gas-fired safir power plant in Marib that feeds the capital Sana’a and a number of northern and central provinces. The Marib Dam provides irrigation water for vast areas of agricultural land, which is why Marib was chosen, in the old days, as the capital of the Sabean state, during the first millennium BC, with a throne and the Sanctuary of Balqis. It was a bulwark to repel the invaders who had sought to occupy Yemen since the days of the Roman Empire, whose armies were unable to occupy it. So are the armies of the Ottoman Empire.

Fourthly, the liberation of Marib will strengthen the political position of the Coalition of Popular Committees and the Legitimate Government in Sana’a, in any future negotiations to achieve a settlement to the Yemeni crisis, and greatly limit the ability of Washington, Saudi Arabia and Hadi’s government to impose their conditions.

Fifthly, the liberation of Marib and the collapse of the last and most important stronghold of Hadi’s government and its allies will create a general atmosphere of defeat, and the collapse of the morale of their fighters, which lead to a rapid collapse in their areas of control in southern Yemen, exacerbating the conflicts, already raging between them, over responsibility for the defeat on the one hand, and over control of the south on the other hand, which will lead to a broad popular revulsion strengthening the position of forces opposed to the presence of the Transitional Council and Hadi forces backed by Saudi Arabia, and provides favorable conditions for the people of the south to ally with the popular committees and the Yemeni army to complete the liberation of the southern provinces, from the control of Hadi forces and the Transitional Council … supported by the coalition of aggression forces.

These results and the expected repercussions from the liberation of Marib are behind the high level of interest in Western countries, and in the forefront is the United States, which was expressed its hasten to launch statements calling for an end to the attack of Ansar Allah and the Yemeni armed forces in Marib, to prevent qualitative shifts in the balance of power, in favor of the Alliance of Ansar Allah and national forces, at the expense of the American-Saudi position, which will find itself sitting at the negotiating table proposed to solve the crisis, while it is in a state of weakness after suffering a severe defeat, which makes the Ansar Allah movement and its allies in a position to impose conditions, before the start of negotiations to stop the aggression and blockade, and during the negotiations to impose terms for a settlement that enhance the ability of the Yemeni people to determine their own destiny away from foreign interventions.

Based on the foregoing, it can be understood why the coalition of committees and the Yemeni army refuses to stop the attack in order to complete the achievement of liberating the city of Ma’rib … and why the level of Saudi-American-Western concern is high.

The liberation of the city of Ma’rib will constitute a qualitative victory that culminates in the victories achieved over the years of the war, a major defeat for the states of aggression and their forces, and the fall of their objectives, which sought to eliminate Ansar Allah and national forces, re-subjugate Yemen and prevent its exit from the orbit of dependency, because of the important geographical location it represents. The international trade route and in the Gulf, where the American colonial control is focused on oil and gas wealth and its supply routes in the Gulf waters and Bab al-Mandeb … President Joe Biden’s administration is calling for an end to the war to contain its negative repercussions on U.S. colonial influence, and expresses concern about Ansar Allah’s control of Marib, which could speed up Washington’s steps to stop the war, try to reduce the repercussions of the defeat, and pay for the defeat, which was highlighted by the White House’s announcement that President Biden would communicate directly with King Salman, not the crown prince, and then release the intelligence report on the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. This is in the context of a reassessment of U.S. relations with Saudi Arabia. What led observers to question whether the Biden administration is seeking to cast Mohammed bin Salman as a scapegoat by blaming him for the disaster in Yemen, appearing in the form of those who stopped this war to re-polish America’s image in Yemen, and enable U.S. diplomacy to play its role in reducing losses and containing the repercussions of defeat… Restoring and strengthening America’s influence in Yemen through a political settlement. But the question is will it be able to do that, especially after there has become a Yemeni liberation resistance that has a project for liberation, and seeks to achieve Yemen’s independence away from the hegemony and subordination of the United States and the Saudi government … and it succeeded at the beginning. In steadfastness in the face of aggression, containing its impulsivity, and then moving from defense to attack, and imposing deterrence equations after it transcended the transfer of the war into the Saudi interior, and the liberation of the northern Yemeni provinces from the control of the aggression coalition, one after the other, until we became close to liberating and restoring The last northern governorate, which is the strategic Marib governorate, in all its geographical, economic, military and political aspects.

Yemen: The Stigma of Humanity

8/4/2021

Yemen: The Stigma of Humanity

By Yehya Salah El-Din

The aggression on Yemen has officially entered its seventh year. During the last six years, the international community turned a blind eye to the horrific massacres and violations committed against the Yemeni people which include killing, destruction, starvation, and a siege.

In an interview with Al-Ahed News, Acting Yemeni Minister of Human Rights Ali Al-Dailami detailed the war crimes that the Yemenis endured during the years of aggression.

Yemen: The Stigma of Humanity

– Destruction of infrastructure: The Saudi-led coalition deliberately destroyed infrastructure, including thousands of hospitals, schools, universities, power plants, roads and bridges, communication networks, and fuel supply facilities. In addition, it destroyed food factories, food storage facilities, transportation networks, drinking water, and irrigation facilities, as well as other civilian facilities that provide basic services. International humanitarian law prohibits the targeting of these sites.

– Starvation and siege: The Saudi-led coalition sought to starve and destroy the Yemeni people by targeting many resources that are essential for the survival of the civilian population. The total blockade imposed on all of Yemen’s land, sea, and air ports is a continuous inhumane practice that causes shortages of basic goods, especially food and medicine.

The Saudi-led forces are blocking the entry of these basic goods that are needed to save lives, and the coalition also intensified its targeting of the port of Hodeida with the aim of halting its maritime navigation service. It completely closed Sanaa airport and strengthened all these inhuman measures by moving the Central Bank of Yemen from the capital to the Aden Governorate, which it occupies and controls through armed proxies. This resulted in salary cuts for state employees that started from the first month that the Central Bank of Yemen was relocated.

– The spread of famine and food insecurity was one of the consequences of the military attacks and sieges on agricultural crops, food storage facilities, livestock, drinking water, and irrigation facilities, in addition to the contamination of wells and irrigation tanks with chemicals and harmful materials that are internationally prohibited. Many lands and agricultural crops were also destroyed due to the use of internationally banned weapons, including phosphorus bombs, white phosphorus, and enriched uranium. These caused a humanitarian disaster, which has long-term effects on women, children, and the elderly.

– During the aggression and the blockade, Yemen faced a major crisis in providing food due to the illegal measures imposed by the coalition that also led to the country’s economic decline. This is widely regarded as one of the main causes of acute food insecurity, in addition to inflation, rising food prices, and the depletion of foreign exchange reserves.

According to an analysis, children in Yemen are the most affected group, as they are at particular risk of acute malnutrition, and they are in dire need of food and medicine. The percentage of the population that is food insecure this year is estimated at around 77% (13.3 million people), with an increase of 21.4% compared to 2017. Around 22.7% of the total population are in Emergency (IPC Phase 4), while 25.6% will soon be in Emergency (IPC Phase 3). With the continuation of the aggression, a large proportion of the population will suffer from acute food insecurity at the end of this year and be classified as living in Famine (IPC Phase 5). The percentage of food insecurity increased during 2018-2019 to 21.4% of the population.

Of course, women and children are the most affected groups by the Saudi-led aggression and blockade and are especially vulnerable to certain diseases, such as malnutrition and anemia.

This includes pregnant women and newborns. Statistics show us the high levels of malnutrition in children and women. More than 2.6 million children under the age of five suffer from malnutrition, including 500,000 who are suffering from severe acute malnutrition, and more than 1.8 million pregnant and lactating women suffer from malnutrition.

– There has also been a sharp decline in access to clean drinking water, decreasing from 10% to 66%, after the water and sanitation sector services were damaged as the coalition targeted dozens of tanks, water wells, springs, and water-raising pumps that run on solar energy. This is in addition to power cuts and lack of fuel, the high average cost of the production unit and the high cost of maintenance (95%), and the inability to pay workers in the sector. Water facilities have been damaged, and water projects in the public and private sectors have ceased to operate (the activities of many local institutions have stopped). The environmental situation in cities and urban areas further deteriorated due to the accumulation of solid waste and garbage. It is estimated that 20.5 million Yemeni people do not have access to clean water.

According to the Consumer Price Index data issued by the Central Bureau of Statistics, the cost of living has recently increased to more than 80%, compared to what it was before the aggression on Yemen. 92.2% of families do not have sufficient funds to secure their basic needs as a result of the aggression.

– There is also the spread of various epidemics and the increase in the number of chronic diseases, including all kinds of cancers caused by the coalition’s use of internationally prohibited weapons. Meanwhile, a high number of patients are suffering from kidney failure and diseases related to the heart, liver, and other vital organs.

The death rate is rising due to diseases and the lack of medicine.

Prior to the Saudi-led aggression, the rate of cancer incidence was 2.3% per year. It has since increased by 5.5% as a result of the coalition’s use of internationally banned and carcinogenic weapons. In March 2021, the number of people with carcinomas increased to 72,000. Meanwhile, the percentage of patients heading to consultation centers for periodic follow-ups and the external administration department for chemotherapy decreased to 20% during the aggression because people can’t reach health facilitates safely amid the bombing of bridges and roads.

The provision of ultrasound services, as well as surgical interventions and radiation therapy, decreased by 50% during the aggression. It also became difficult to obtain radioactive sources and linear accelerators. The radiotherapy service may be permanently stopped due to the poor efficiency of the currently available radioactive source, which may cause a humanitarian disaster for cancer patients.

The provision of some diagnostic services that were provided free of charge to patients in the center has stopped, and 50% of the chemical medicines required for patients, especially targeted therapies that need to be transported at certain temperatures, have been discontinued. The provision of essential medicines, antibiotics, and intravenous solutions decreased by 80% due to the blockade and the scarcity of financial resources.

Meanwhile, 40% of the diagnostic and medical equipment stopped working due to maintenance issues and the unavailability of spare parts. There are approximately 28 dialysis centers that may have to halt operations completely and no longer provide services to 120,000 people with kidney failure and diabetes, in addition to thousands of people with cancer and thalassemia. On the other hand, there are more than 75,000 patients who need treatment abroad. They are facing death as a result of the closure of Sanaa International Airport that is preventing them from traveling for medical treatment.

So far, there are more than 2,326,568 cholera infections and suspected cholera cases, and the number of deaths from this epidemic has reached 3,786.

The coalition used internationally banned weapons in many of its attacks. Medical reports confirmed that the weapons and ammunition used by the coalition caused deformities of fetuses and newborns, especially those weapons that were used in the governorates of Saada, Hodeida, Sanaa, and Taiz. These are the same weapons that the US forces used in their aggression against Iraq in 2004, especially in Fallujah. The attacks caused the deformation of hundreds of newborns and fetuses. Humanitarian organizations have warned against the use of these weapons in Yemen. These are the same weapons the Zionist entity used in the Gaza Strip in 2009, also resulting in the deformation of dozens of newborns and fetuses.

In many of the wars and armed conflicts that occurred in the past, civilian victims, especially women and children, are neglected. The sound of planes and missiles and sudden explosions result in a number of deaths, especially among women and children, and affect pregnant women and fetuses. Preliminary statistics, registered by the Ministry of Public Health and Population, showed that 450 women in 2015 suffered miscarriages due to fear, and anxiety caused by the bombardment.

Following the detailed presentation on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Yemen as a result of the Saudi-American aggression and blockade, Acting Minister for Human Rights, Ali Al-Dailami, reviews Yemen’s Hiroshima, a report recently issued by the Ansarullah Political Bureau’s Rights and Legal Department.

In his interview with Al-Ahed News, Al-Dailami pointed out that this is the first human rights report that shows the scale of the coalition’s crimes that are being overseen by the US, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE and their mercenaries from within. It also shows the coalition’s brutality towards civilians. The reporter’s name obviously refers to the atrocities committed by the Americans in Japan during World War 2 – namely the nuclear strike on Hiroshima, which killed millions of people and destroyed the city. This is what America, its aides, and its tools are doing in Yemen. They are targeting both the land and people, with various types of lethal weapons that have long-term effects such as cluster bombs. The title of the report illustrates the brutal model being applied in Yemen, and against the Yemeni people.

Al-Dailami explains that the report documented the crimes the coalition committed against children, women, and the elderly using pictures and eyewitness testimonies. These crimes mentioned in the report are only a small part of what was documented by specialists who followed international standards and methodology in the monitoring and documentation process. There are still dozens of crimes and violations that have killed people, and the report focused largely on one of the most serious crimes stipulated in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which is the premeditated murder that falls under war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and the crime of aggression.

Al-Dailami notes that there will be other issues and publications on the various direct and indirect crimes that have affected Yemen and its people as well as their implications and repercussions on people’s lives.

The report includes three main parts:

– The rules of international law and the violations of the aggression thereof

– The alleged pretexts for the countries of aggression

– The crimes of the countries of aggression as narrated by the documentation team, victims, and witnesses

In response to Al-Ahed’s question about the role of human rights organizations in what is happening in Yemen, Al-Dailami points out that these groups acted against the basic framework of their work and did not adhere to the humanitarian agenda but rather to an agenda that corresponds to the demands of the coalition. The following are examples:

– International Resolution 2342: It indicates the poor humanitarian situation in Yemen that has become catastrophic in most of the country’s governorates and regions. But it doesn’t include any condemnation of the coalition and its daily crimes. This indicates UN and international collusion with the forces of aggression, which means more destruction, collapse, and the continuous deterioration of basic services.

– The closure of Sanaa International Airport: This is an unjustified closure. Meanwhile, the United Nations missions continue to use Sanaa Int. Airport for their flights exclusively without opening humanitarian and commercial services to the Yemenis. This makes the United Nations the main accomplice for the countries of aggression and fully responsible for the worsening humanitarian situation.

– Blockading ports and maritime outlets: The United Nations is fully aware of the extent of the impact of the imposed blockade on port traffic in Hodeida, Salif, and Ras Issa in particular. This situation imposed on the maritime ports is witnessed by the United Nations, but it continues to mislead the world in service of the Saudi-led coalition, which uses the blockade as a means of war on Yemen and the Yemenis.

– According to Al-Dailami, the speech of the Secretary-General of the United Nations at the opening of the fifth high-level humanitarian pledging event for Yemen was also an indication of the disregard for the suffering of Yemenis. Antonio Guterres acknowledged that famine is weighing on Yemen and the race is underway to save Yemen from the famine that most of the Yemeni people may be exposed to. He affirmed that there are quite a few Yemenis starving to death in conditions similar to famine.

– Meanwhile, reports from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Yemen documented civilian casualties and the killing of a large number of civilians in the Shada District of Saada Governorate as a result of airstrikes and an intense attack by a military helicopter. It is clear that the United Nations body records the criminal incident and identifies the perpetrator. However, it does not take any measures related to the protection of civilians and redress for the victims. In addition, the United Nations is unable to hold the coalition’s forces accountable for their crimes against civilians.

Al-Dailami adds that the Yemenis are still following up on the statements of this agency and its officials, which are full of expressions of concern, and fear.

Jamie McGoldrick, the Humanitarian Coordinator for Yemen, expressed his grave concern about reports of airstrikes on civilians in Saada Governorate, including attacks on a house and a private car in two separate areas that resulted in the killing of civilians, including women and children.

The UN agencies keep reminding the parties to the conflict without taking any action that would stop the aggression and its tools from killing civilians in all Yemeni governorates. The following is from one of its officials:

“We recall that indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks or attacks targeting civilian objects such as markets are prohibited under international humanitarian law. We remind all parties to the conflict of their obligation to ensure full respect for international human rights law and international humanitarian law. All incidents resulting in civilian casualties … must be thoroughly investigated to ensure accountability when breaches of international law have been found to have taken place.”

At the top of the list of acts of complicity is the removal of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from the list of countries and unofficial bodies that failed to adopt the measures necessary to protect children. It had a direct role in child recruitment, detention, kidnapping, sexual violence, and attacks on schools and hospitals.

The Secretary-General cited a continuous and significant decrease in the number of deaths and injuries in the airstrikes and the implementation of the provisions of a memorandum of understanding calling for the adoption of a program of activities aimed at strengthening prevention and protection measures.

He also added that the program will be subject to monitoring for a period of 12 months and that any failure in this field will lead to the inclusion on the list of the same violations.

“The secretary-general has brought shame on the UN by removing the Saudi-led coalition from his ‘list of shame’ even as it continues to kill and injure children in Yemen,” HRW’s Children’s Rights Advocacy Director Jo Becker said as she reacted to this UN decision.

For her part, Adrian Labar, the director of Watchlist, an NGO concerned with children and armed conflict, said that the removal “sends the message that powerful actors can escape the killing of children.” She called for an “independent, objective, and transparent evaluation of the process that led to the decision” of removing Saudi Arabia from the list of shame.

The Saudi-led coalition remained on the blacklist for three years, as it was added to the list in 2016. It was later removed after protests by Saudi Arabia. The Secretary-General of the United Nations at the time, Ban Ki-moon, accused Saudi Arabia of exerting unacceptable pressure on the United Nations, as allied countries have threatened to cut off funding for humanitarian aid programs.

According to Al-Dailami, evidence of collusion, condemned by all Yemeni society, people, and institutions, is evident through the stance of the international community towards the coalition’s practices – it gives the coalition more room to commit crimes against Yemenis every day. This stance is a reflection of the lack of responsibility and appreciation of the magnitude of the humanitarian situation in Yemen, which goes beyond just being a political crisis.

In response to a question about whether the continuation of the aggression will contribute to the subjugation of the Yemeni people, Al-Dailami asserts that the Yemeni people have conveyed their message to the world.

The plan to occupy Yemen was concluded in the US capital and cooked in the kitchens of the American intelligence. It was decided that it will only take two weeks. But here we are, seven years later! They thought that things would go according to their plan. However, God’s plan and kindness to the army, the popular committees, and the missile force, the supervision of a wise leadership – represented by Sayyed Abdul Malik Badreddine al-Houthi – with strong confidence in God and its representative, and the steadfastness of the Yemeni people have foiled all external bets. There is no doubt that solidarity and support are important from a leader like His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and the Islamic Republic.

Al-Dailami notes that the ongoing siege is killing the Yemeni people, and it has become tighter since Biden took office and announced that he would seek peace in Yemen. This is his way of building peace through blackmail. These are their initiatives, and this is their alleged peace. International silence clearly and explicitly confirms that laws, international agreements, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the United Nations Charter have died and are only a cover for the interests of major countries, even at the expense of dead women and children.

Al-Dailami stressed that the Yemeni people depend on God and move with their steadfastness to defend against injustice and their just cause. As for the countries of aggression, they are losers. He points out that the Yemeni people convey the most wonderful examples of sacrifice, and steadfastness. They insist on the independence of their country and respect for its sovereignty. They are steadfast, defiant, proud, and a great people.

Addressing the forces of aggression, Al-Dailami says: “Haven’t you had enough of killing civilians, especially children and women? Haven’t you had enough lessons to learn from great men? You are facing the Yemeni people! The saying tells you, ‘Yemen is the graveyard of invaders.’”

Related Videos

MORE ON THE TOPIC:

Yemen’s Blood Is on US Hands, and Still the US Lies about the War

Yemen’s Blood Is on US Hands, and Still the US Lies about the War

4/4/2021

By William Boardman – Towards Freedom

Six years ago, on March 26, 2015, the US green-lighted and provided logistical support for the Saudi bombing of Yemen that continues on a daily basis. The US/Saudi war, which includes as allies the several members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, is an undeclared war, illegal under international law, and an endless crime against humanity. The US and the Saudis have dropped cluster bombs on Yemen since 2009. Yemen has no air force and no significant air defenses. Two years ago, even the US Congress voted to end US involvement in the war, but President [Donald] Trump vetoed the resolution.

In 1937 the Nazis, in support of Franco in Spain, bombed the defenseless northern Spanish town of Guernica, massacring hundreds of civilians gathered in the town on market day. Pablo Picasso’s painting Guernica, a shriek of protest against the slaughter, is one of the world’s best known anti-war works of art. Yemen has had more than 2000 days of Guernicas at the hands of the US and Saudis, but no Picasso.

On February 4, 2021, President [Joe] Biden got a whole lot of good press when he announced that the US would be “stepping up our diplomacy to end the war in Yemen.” Biden also promised that the US would be “ending all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen.” Biden gave no specific details. The six-year bombing continues. The six-year naval blockade of Yemen continues. The humanitarian crisis continues, with the threat of famine looming. In effect, Biden has participated in war crimes since January 20, with no policy in sight to end the killing.

On March 1, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken acknowledged that:

The humanitarian crisis taking place in Yemen is the largest and most urgent in the world. Twenty million people, including millions of children, desperately need help. The United States is committed to doing our part, both to provide aid and to help address the obstacles standing in the way of humanitarian access.

That sounds a whole lot better than it is. Blinken did not acknowledge the US role in the air war on Yemen. Blinken did not acknowledge the US role in the naval blockade preventing food and fuel from reaching those 20 million Yemenis. Those obstacles to humanitarian access remain unchanged. The US has the power to remove either one unilaterally, just as it unilaterally chose to impose them. Blinken called on “all parties” to allow unhindered import and distribution of food and fuel, as if the US played no role in blocking both.

Blinken wasn’t done inventing a reality to fit US policy. He pledged support for “the well-being of the Yemeni people” but singled out the Houthis for pressure, even though the Houthis represent a large proportion of the Yemeni people. He called on the Houthis “to cease their cross-border attacks,” even though those attacks are a response to the US/Saudi undeclared war. And then he offered an analysis that would be hilarious if it weren’t so grotesque:

… the Saudis and the Republic of Yemen Government are committed and eager to find a solution to the conflict. We call on the Houthis to match this commitment. A necessary first step is to stop their offensive against Marib, a city where a million internally displaced people live, and to join the Saudis and the government in Yemen in making constructive moves toward peace.

The Saudis are so eager to find a solution to the conflict that they maintain their air war and naval blockade, effectively waging war by starvation – a crime against humanity. The “Republic of Yemen Government” is a fiction and a joke. Yemeni president Mansour Hadi, who is 75, was vice president of Yemen from 1994 to 2011, under the late authoritarian president Ali Abdullah Saleh. When Arab Spring protests erupted against Saleh, he stepped aside in favor of Hadi, who was “elected” president in 2012 with no opposition – a “democratic” result imposed by an international cabal. When you read media referring to his “internationally recognized government,” that’s the fiction they’re hiding. Hadi’s term as president ended in 2014, the international cabal extended it for a year, and that’s pretty much the extent of his legitimacy. That and US/Saudi firepower. By any rational calculation, Hadi is not a legitimate president. He also has no legitimate alternative. No wonder Hadi doesn’t feel safe in Yemen and remains in exile in Riyadh. The population in southern Yemen under the “government’s” control has recently attacked the government palace in Aden in protest against the government’s failure to provide sustenance and stability. A recent bomb attack aimed at a Hadi government minister reflects the reality that southern Yemen has long had a separatist movement quite independent of the Houthis in the north, in effect a second civil war. The most constructive move the Hadi government could make toward peace is to abdicate.

-Marib City, the capital of Marib Governorate, is roughly 100 miles northeast of Yemen’s capital in Sanaa. Marib City was established after the 1984 discovery of oil deposits in the region. Covering 6,720 square miles in central Yemen, the Marib Governorate is somewhat smaller than New Jersey. Marib contains much of Yemen’s oil, gas, and electric resources. Marib is the last governorate under the control of the Hadi government, but it has been under increasing attack by the Houthis since early 2020. Before that, Marib was relatively remote from the fighting in Yemen, providing refuge for a million or more Yemenis fleeing the fighting elsewhere. Marib City had a population of about 40,000 when the civil war broke out in 2014. Now the city has an estimated 1.5 million people.

This map of Yemen shows the oil fields of Yemen as well as the projected route [in dotted lines of the Trans-Yemen oil pipeline, protected by Al Qaeda forces, which, when completed will allow Saudi Arabia to avoid possible clashes with Iran at the Strait of Hormuz in the Gulf. Source: The Crash of Flight 3804: A Lost Spy, A Daughter’s Quest, and the Deadly Politics of the Great Game for Oil  by Charlotte Dennett  (Chelsea Green) Map by John Van Hoesen.

The Houthi offensive against Marib has intensified since January 2021. Their offensive has continued in spite of having no air support. For the US Secretary of State to call for the Houthis to stop their offensive is an indication that it’s going their way. By March 8, Houthi forces had breached the northern gates of Marib City. Hadi government forces are supported by the Saudi coalition and local tribes, as well as elements of Al Qaeda and ISIS. [Al Qaeda also fights independently against occupying forces of the United Arab Emirates along the Gulf of Aden coastline.]

Famine has arrived in pockets of Yemen.

Saudi ships blocking fuel aren’t helping.

This was CNN’s headline on March 11, for a story reporting with reasonable accuracy on the very real, years-old humanitarian crisis that the US/Saudi war has brought on the region’s poorest country. CNN quotes a “food insecurity” analysis by the world electronics trade association IPC that predicts that more than 16 million Yemenis (of a total population of about 30 million) are “likely to experience high levels of acute food insecurity” in the first half of 2021. “Out of these, an estimated 11 million people will likely be in Crisis, 5 million in Emergency, and the number of those in Catastrophe will likely increase to 47,000.”

Yemen is an atrocity from almost any perspective. Three US presidents – Obama, Trump, and now Biden – have lied about Yemen while taking the US into an endless nexus of war crimes and crimes against humanity. And for what? To support a Yemeni government that is a fraud? To support a Saudi ally that thought it could win a quick, dirty air war at little or no cost? This abomination, pun intended, never should have happened. So why did it? The formulaic answer in much of the media is usually some variation on this propagandistic patter from Reuters:

A Saudi Arabia-led military coalition intervened in Yemen in 2015 after the Iran-allied Houthi group ousted the country’s government from the capital Sanaa.

This essentially false version of reality in Yemen appears in news media across a wide spectrum, from Al Jazeera to ABC News to this version by CNN:

Saudi Arabia has been targeting Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen since 2015, with the support of the US and other Western allies. It had hoped to stem the Houthis’ spread of power and influence in the country by backing the internationally-recognized government under President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi.

The core falsehood in most versions is “the Iran-allied” or “Iran-backed” Houthis. The grain of truth in that characterization is far outweighed by the history on the ground. The Houthis live in Yemen. They are the only combatant force that lives in Yemen, other than elements of the Hadi government and assorted insurrectionists. Yemen is in the midst of a civil war that has flared over decades. The war that is destroying Yemen is waged entirely by outside countries, primarily the US and the Saudi coalition.

The Houthis, who are mostly Shia Muslims, have lived in northwest Yemen for generations and centuries. They fought a civil war against President Saleh and lost. They have long been an oppressed minority in Yemen. When the Hadi government perpetuated the oppression of the Houthis, they rebelled once again. This time, challenging an unpopular and divided government, they were more successful. In 2014 they captured Sanaa, Yemen’s capital, and captured Hadi himself. Then they released him and he fled first to Aden, then to Saudi Arabia, where he is a puppet figurehead.

Before it could become clear what kind of governance the Houthis would provide for their part of Yemen, the US and the Saudi coalition attacked the country. Their publicly stated motivation has always included the imaginary threat from Iran. But the Houthis have a long and independent history that does not rely on Iran for its coherence and force. Iranian support for the Houthis in 2014 was never shown to be significant. The US/Saudi war had had the perverse effect of incentivizing Iranian support for the Houthis, but there’s no evidence that support comes anywhere close to the strength of the US and Saudi coalition forces directed at the Houthis. The US and the Saudi coalition are waging an aggressive war against a country that did none of them any harm. Iran is providing support for an ally unjustly under siege.

The war in Yemen has been brutal on all sides, according to reports by more or less neutral observers. But only the US and the Saudi coalition are invaders, only they are committing international war crimes. The Houthis, as well as all the other sides fighting in Yemen, have also committed war crimes, but on a far lesser scale. Yemeni forces are not the ones waging war by starvation and disease.

Ultimately, the Houthis are the home team, along with other Yemeni factions. The Houthis have nowhere else to go. The only military solution to the Houthis is extermination, genocide, the very course the US and Saudis have been on for years, with the winking hypocrisy of most of the world.

In April 2015, with the Saudis’ saturation bombing already in its third week, the United Nations Security Council unanimously [14-0] passed Resolution 2216, which “Demands End to Yemen Violence.” The Resolution begins with an obscene misrepresentation of reality:

Imposing sanctions on individuals it said were undermining the stability of Yemen, the Security Council today demanded that all parties in the embattled country, in particular the Houthis, immediately and unconditionally end violence and refrain from further unilateral actions that threatened the political transition.

That is the official lie that has publicly defined the war on Yemen since 2015. The UN sees no terror bombing by foreign countries. The UN sees no invasion by foreign troops. The UN sees no terrorist groups in a country that has had little stability for decades. The UN cites only the Houthis for their sins, as if it were somehow the Houthis’ fault that, having no air force and no air defenses, they weren’t getting out of the way of the cluster bombs dropped on their weddings and their funerals.

MBS Has Lost the War in Yemen. It’s Time to End the Humanitarian Disaster

MBS Has Lost the War in Yemen. It’s Time to End the Humanitarian Disaster

By Madawi al-Rasheed, MEE

This week, Saudi Arabia announced an initiative to end the Yemen war and implement a nationwide ceasefire. The move was met with rejection by the Ansarullah group, the main protagonists on the other side of this six-year-old conflict.

The proposal, according to the Ansarullah, didn’t promise the total lifting of the blockade imposed by the Saudis on Sanaa International Airport and Hudaydah port, which, with Saleef Port, handle about 80 percent of Yemen’s imports including staples and fuel.

The Ansarullah are now on the offensive and are unlikely to retreat or surrender. It is most likely that they will continue their offensive in Marib and sweep the shrinking territories and fragile authority of the Riyadh-based exiled President Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi.

On Wednesday, Jawad Zarif, the Iranian foreign minister, said Iran backed a peace plan that would end the blockade and violence.

A weak position

Saudi Arabia’s announcement is triggered by its weak position following the collapse of the Arab coalition that supported its campaign and the vanishing international consent over this treacherous war on its southern borders.

Internationally, since 2015, the US under the Obama administration gave the Saudis the green light to start air strikes against the Ansarullah who swept the capital in September 2014 and later extended their control over most of the Yemeni population. Under the pretext of confronting Iranian expansion in this strategic part of the Arabian Peninsula, Saudi Arabia launched the Yemen war on 25 March 2015.

Later, former President Donald Trump continued to support the Saudis without encouraging them to seek a diplomatic solution to resolve the conflict. With the new Biden administration in office, the Saudis find themselves without this international cover as voices in Washington made it clear that one of the new administration’s Middle East policy pillars is to end the war in Yemen and relaunch negotiation with Iran, the Ansarullah’s main supporter, over its nuclear program.

Regionally, Saudi’s main ally, the UAE, pulled out of the war but still maintains a stronghold on the coast that guarantees its own maritime expansion all the way to the Horn of Africa. Its patronage over southern Yemenis had revived an old project to separate the southern coastal region from a unified Yemen.

The UAE’s intervention resulted in consolidating an independent canton, loyal to it. Saudi Arabia counted on Egypt and Pakistan but both hesitated to get involved on the ground, leaving the Saudis to fight a war without real capabilities despite its advanced airpower, thanks to a constant supply from Western governments, mainly the US and Britain.

This weak and lonely Saudi position contrasts with that of the empowered Ansarullah, no longer designated as a terrorist organization in Washington. The Ansarullah intensified their drone attacks at the heart of Saudi economic facilities over recent months, targeting oil installations and airports. They were quick to understand the weak Saudi position. The initial Saudi offensive strategy in the pursuit of securing its southern borders remains unfulfilled.

The Salman ‘doctrine’

The 2015 so-called Salman’s Doctrine, a flexing of muscles aimed at Saudi domestic audiences who are skeptical about the rise of King Salman’s son, Mohammad, to the highest positions in government, has stumbled in Yemen.

The then Saudi deputy crown prince and minister of defense needed a quick victory in Yemen that would grant him a new legitimacy as the savior and military commander.

MBS failed to achieve this. Instead, he is left alone to beg the Ansarullah to accept his ‘peace’ proposal, which falls short of alleviating the plight of the Yemenis and their aspiration to end the war.

This war was not inevitable but foreign military intervention by both Saudi Arabia and the UAE did not revive the project of a unified and democratic Yemen, nor affirmed the prospects for two stable Yemens – one in the north and one in the south – as historically has been the case…

A humanitarian catastrophe

Historically, Saudi Arabia favored maintaining patronage networks with the northern Yemeni tribes whose sheikhs regularly received subsidies and handouts to keep them loyal to the Saudi royal family. In Sanaa, the Saudis supported the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh but he turned against them and forged a new alliance with the Ansarullah, his previous arch enemies.

Mohammed bin Salman stopped the old patronage network and opted for outright war, believing that he would become the master of Yemen and its diverse population. Consequently, in addition to Saleh, most of the northern tribes shifted their allegiance to the Ansarullah.

Today, Yemen faces a humanitarian and economic crisis of a magnitude unseen in previous decades. According to the United Nations, almost 16 million Yemenis live under famine conditions, with 2.5 million children suffering from malnutrition. Yemen’s poor infrastructure is destroyed to the extent of making any potential reconstruction very long and costly.

King Salman and his son will go down in history as the destroyers of a country, people and resources. Without serious effort to contribute to the reconstruction of Yemen, the country will be drawn into several decades of upheaval and misery…

End the war

If the war stops without a detailed reconstruction program, there is a risk of many losing their livelihood and income. Local actors may not see an immediate benefit from a ceasefire in the absence of real alternatives that would allow them to survive in a destroyed country. 

The Saudi offer fails to detail how peace and economic reconstruction can resume once the air strikes stop. Today, the Yemen war has generated new forces that seem to be beyond the capacity of Saudi Arabia, which contributed to this destruction, to contain or reverse.

With the international community cutting its overseas aid and development programs – the British government is one of them – the prospect for peace in Yemen does not look imminent.

The United Nations should be given an international mandate to launch a fresh peace initiative whose main objectives should be political and economic. Politically, Yemenis should be encouraged to revive that historical moment in 2011 when all factions and groups sought democracy in the “Change Squares” of most Yemeni cities.

Economically, the international community, including above all Saudi Arabia, should pledge to contribute to a fund that starts the long and arduous journey towards recovery.

Dr Marwa Osman: Hands Off Yemen! Introduction to her program

التحالف السعودي يطوي عامه السادس منهاراً.. وصنعاء حارسة دمشق وبيروت

الكاتب: عباس الزين

المصدر: الميادين نت

24 آذار 18:26

فشل العدوان السعودي على اليمن بات أمراً مفروغاً منه، والحديث لم يعد يتعلق بما تخطط له الرياض عسكرياً لحسم المعركة لصالحها، بل حول الطريقة التي يجب أن تخرج بها من الحرب.

ينتهي العام السادس من العدوان، والسعودية غير قادرة على منع القوات اليمنية من استهداف منشآتها الحيوية
ينتهي العام السادس من العدوان، والسعودية غير قادرة على منع القوات اليمنية من استهداف منشآتها الحيوية

في تاريخ 21 نيسان/أبريل عام 2015 أي بعد حوالى شهر من بداية العدوان السعودي على اليمن، خرج المتحدث باسم “التحالف” حينها أحمد العسيري، ليعلن في مؤتمر صحفي أن “عاصفة الحزم” حققت جميع أهدافها الموضوعة.

وبمعزل عن أن الهدف الرئيسي والذي كان إعادة ما تصفها الرياض بـ”الشرعية” إلى العاصمة صنعاء لم يتحقق حينها ولا يزال، فإن “التحالف” أشار أيضاً إلى أن منع حكومة صنعاء من تهديد “دول الجوار وعلى رأسها السعودية” قد تحقق.. وها هي القوات اليمنية تختتم العام السادس من العدوان باستهداف ميناء “راس تنورة” ضمن عملية “توازن الردع السادسة”، وهو أكبر ميناء نفطي في العالم، تصدّر من خلاله السعودية ما يزيد عن 80% من صادراتها النفطية.

وبالعودة إلى الهدف الرئيسي لإعلان الحرب والمتعلق بإعادة حكومة عبد ربه منصور هادي إلى صنعاء وإسقاط “حكومة الإنقاذ”، فإن العام السادس ينطوي في الوقت الذي تخسر فيه حكومة هادي وحلفاؤها وقوى التحالف آخر معاقلها في شمال اليمن، باقتراب القوات اليمنية من حسم معركة محافظة مأرب لصالحها، مع الأخذ بعين الاعتبار أهمية هذه المحافظة من النواحي الاستراتيجية والأمنية والاقتصادية، إلى جانب كونها الثقل العسكري لقوى التحالف في اليمن.

فشل العدوان السعودي على اليمن في تحقيق أهدافه بات أمراً مفروغاً منه، لأعداء السعودية وحلفائها، والحديث لم يعد يتعلق بما تخطط له الرياض عسكرياً لحسم المعركة لصالحها، بل يتركز حول الطريقة التي يجب أن تخرج بها من هذه الحرب، بعد استنفاد جميع الطرق والوسائل التي يمكن لأي طرف استخدامها في أي حربٍ يخوضها. فالسعودية حشدت برياً وحاصرت من البحر والجو، وشنت عشرات آلاف الغارات واستخدمت مختلف أنواع الأسلحة والصواريخ والآليات، ولم تستطع ليس فقط التقدم في مشروعها، بل خسرت معظم مكتسبات حلفائها بفعل التوسع الجغرافي للقوات اليمنية واللجان الشعبية.

تحرير مأرب مقدمة لتحرير محافظات أخرى

وبعد انقضاء العام الخامس من الحرب بـ”صنعاء آمنة” على إثر صد القوات اليمنية واللجان الشعبية لأوسع هجوم على العاصمة نهاية العام الماضي، دخل التحالف السعودي العام السادس مثقلاً بالإخفاقات، وها هو يدخل عامه السابع من الحرب منهاراً في مختلف جبهات القتال لا سيما في مأرب، فيما تؤكد “حكومة الإنقاذ” أنها مستمرة في عملية تحريرها لمختلف المحافظات اليمنية، محددةً وجهات جديدة كـ شبوة وحضرموت، كما جاء على لسان عضو المجلس السياسي في اليمن سلطان السامعي، خلال حديثه للميادين منذ أيام.

وأمام هذا المشهد، خرجت السعودية مؤخراً بما وصفته “مبادرة سلام”، واللافت أن الأخيرة طرحت مبادرتها وكأن ما يحصل هو حرب في اليمن، لا حرب على اليمن تقودها هي، بمعنى أن الرياض وضعت نفسها في مكانة الدولة “الراعية للسلام” في اليمن، بينما هي طرف أساسي في الحرب.

وسريعاً، سحبت حكومة صنعاء البساط من تحت المبادرة السعودية بهدف تعريتها وإظهارها كما هي، من خلال ما قاله رئيس وفد صنعاء المفاوض محمد عبد السلام، بإن “السعودية جزء من الحرب ومبادرتها لا تتضمن شيئاً جديداً”، لا سيما وأن وزير الخارجية السعودي فيصل بن فرحان آل سعود، تحدث عن فتح مطار صنعاء لبعض الوجهات، وعن تخفيف الحصار عن ميناء الحديدة، مقابل إقدام حكومة صنعاء على تنازلات سياسية، أي أن السعودية تريد مقايضة الملف الإنساني الذي تُمسِك به جرّاء حصارها المستمر، مقابل أهداف سياسية، ومن دون أي ضمانات حتى، وهذا بحد ذاته ينفي صفة “السلام” عن أي مبادرة.

الخلافات بين الحلفاء

بانتقال الحرب إلى الداخل السعودي، وتحول المرافق الحيوية من منشآت نفطية وعسكرية وأمنية لأهداف لدى القوات اليمنية، وتوسع تلك الأهداف مع مرور سنوات الحرب والتطور الذي رافق استهدافها من الناحيتين اللوجستية والعسكرية، تكون الرياض قد فقدت عامل المبادرة كطرف قادر على لعب دور بين الأطراف اليمنية، وباتت الطرف الملزم بتقديم تنازلات لا بفرضها على الآخرين، إذ أن معادلات الردع اليمنية لم تكن موجهة ضد حلفاء التحالف في الداخل اليمني، بل ضد قيادة التحالف وتحديداً السعودية.

وبالحديث عن حلفاء السعودية في الداخل اليمني، لا بد من التطرق إلى الهشاشة والتضعضع الذي لا يزال التحالف السعودي يعانيه بعد معارك دامية، ومع استمرار الخلافات، بين سلطة هادي وحزب الإصلاح من جهة، والمجلس الانتقالي المدعوم إماراتياً من جهةٍ أخرى.

فرغم تشكيل حكومة جديدة موالية للتحالف في كانون الأول/ديسمبر تضم “الانتقالي” ضمن ائتلاف جديد انبثق عن “اتفاق الرياض”، إلا أن التباينات والصراعات بين المكونات اليمنية التابعة للتحالف لا تزال مستمرة، والتي كان آخرها اقتحام متظاهرين موالين للانتقالي قصر “المعاشيق” الرئاسي في عدن، من دون أي مواجهة مع القوات الموكل إليها حماية المجمع الرئاسي، وهي قوات “الحزام الأمني” التابعة للانتقالي، والتي سهلت بدورها عملية الاقتحام.

صنعاء والأهمية الجيوسياسية

ينتهي العام السادس من العدوان، والسعودية غير قادرة على منع القوات اليمنية من استهداف منشآتها الحيوية، وعلى منعها من التقدم الجغرافي على الأرض وتحرير المحافظات، وغير قادرةٍ أيضاً على إعادة التماسك لحلفها المتضعضع بين فريقين أحدهما مدعوم من شريكها الإماراتي. هي حقائق تظهرها الوقائع الميدانية والسياسية، بعد أن كان ولي العهد السعودي محمد بن سلمان يسعى لفرض نفسه زعيماً إقليمياً من بوابة الحرب على اليمن.

وهنا، نعود إلى مجموعة من المقالات والتقارير، ومن ضمنها مقال نشر في صحيفة “الحياة” السعودية في 22 نيسان/أبريل عام 2015 تحت عنوان “وجاء دور دمشق”، تحدثت جميعها عن مرحلة ما بعد “عاصفة الحزم”. هذا المقال المذكور تحديداً، أوضح بطريقة غير مباشرة الأهمية الجيوسياسية لصنعاء في العالم العربي بمرور سنوات الحرب، لما يكشفه من مخططات كانت مرسومة، باعتبار أن الإعلام السعودي الناطق بلسان النظام، والذي كان يعد العدة لـ”عاصفة الحزم 2″ في دمشق وبيروت، بعد صنعاء، بدأ الترويج لهذه السردية بكثافة وفحواها أن “عاصفة الحزم” تتعدى صنعاء لتطال عواصم عربية أخرى. لكن، وبعد سنوات ست، لا يزال الإعلام السعودي ومعه “التحالف”، عاجزاً عن تجاوز “المستنقع اليمني”.

لم تدافع صنعاء عن نفسها ومكانتها العربية فقط، بل كانت العمق الاستراتيجي لعواصم عربية أخرى وضعت ضمن دائرة الاستهداف السعودي بسبب تموضعها في المواجهة الإقليمية. بناءً عليه، فإن صمود اليمن وانتصاره لا يقرَأ كما تحاول السعودية إظهاره على أنه صراع داخلي وحرب أهلية، بل يتعدى ذلك إلى كونه يفتح مرحلة جديدة على صعيد الإقليم، تحولت خلالها اليمن إلى لاعبٍ أساسي ومؤثر في الصراع الدائر.. وهكذا، كانت صنعاء حارسة دمشق وبيروت!

مقالات متعلقة

Yemen’s Ansarullah Gives Saudi-led Aggressors 48 Hours to Free All Tankers If They’re Serious About Peace

Yemen’s Ansarullah Gives Saudi-led Aggressors 48 Hours to Free All Tankers If They’re Serious About Peace

By Staff, Agencies

Yemen’s Ansarullah revolutionary movement has called on the invading military coalition led by Saudi Arabia to release all Yemeni ships within the next two days as a first step to end a persisting blockade against the Yemeni people.

In a number of tweets on Friday night, member of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council Mohammed Ali al-Houthi called on the invading coalition and its supporters to end bloody aggression against the Yemeni people and lift a years-long blockade against them. 

“We call on the United States, Britain, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates [UAE] and their allies for holding a comprehensive ceasefire throughout the Republic of Yemen and removing the current blockade,” al-Houthi tweeted.

He also stressed that the Saudi-led invading collation would have to “release all the 14 detained ships within the next forty-eight hours” as the first step to remove the current blockade against the Yemeni nation if they “are serious about peace and stopping the human tragedy” in Yemen.

Since March 2015, Saudi Arabia has been waging a bloody military aggression against Yemen with help from its regional allies, and using arms supplied by its Western backers.

The aim of the war has been to bring former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and defeat the Ansarullah movement.

Tens of thousands of Yemeni people have so far been killed in the ongoing war.

More than half of Yemen’s hospitals and clinics have been destroyed or closed during the war at a time when Yemenis are in desperate need of medical supplies to fight the COVID-19 pandemic.

At least 80 percent of the 28-million-strong population is also reliant on aid to survive in what the United Nations [UN] has called the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

Separately, Yemeni Petroleum Company [YPC]’s Executive Director Ammar al-Adhrai, for his part, said that the impounding of the tankers by the Saudi-led coalition came as “they are licensed by the United Nations [UN] and international organizations.”

He also warned that the lives of 26 million Yemenis “are in danger as a result of the theft of the tankers and their continued detention.”

Al-Adhrai also warned of the dire humanitarian consequences of the closure of most of Yemen’s service and vital sectors due to fuel shortage, calling on the world community to pressure the invading coalition to end its brutal war against the Yemeni nation.

Earlier, Yemen’s health ministry had warned that the inhumane blockade imposed by the Saudi-led coalition had practically crippled the ministry.

“If the oil products needed by the hospitals run out, we will see 500 people die every day in Yemen,” it had warned in a statement.

The war has also destroyed, damaged, and shut down Yemen’s infrastructure, including a large number of hospitals and clinics.

The Yemeni population has been subjected to large-scale hunger and diseases aggravated by the naval blockade imposed on the country by the coalition of aggressors.

The US and a number of European countries are major suppliers of weapons to the Saudi-led coalition.

Related Videos

Related News

%d bloggers like this: