Saudi Warplanes Step Up Bombing Of Various Yemeni Residential Areas

Jan 09 2022

By Staff, Agencies

Saudi Arabia has upped the ante in the war on Yemen by conducting a new round of airstrikes against various areas across the war-wracked Arab country, as Riyadh and its regional allies press ahead with their devastating war and brutal siege against the Yemeni nation.

Saudi warplanes carried out four air raids against the outskirts of the northwestern Yemeni city of Saada early on Saturday, Yemen’s al-Masirah network reported.

Initial reports suggested that a civilian was martyred and a woman sustained injuries in the strikes.

Hours earlier, Saudi fighter jets had launched 45 airstrikes against different areas in Yemen’s southern province of Shabwah.

Al-Masirah TV reported that the aerial assaults hit Usaylan, Bayhan and Ain districts. There were no immediate reports of casualties or extent of damage.

Saudi aircraft also bombarded al-Balaq area in the Wadi Ubaidah district of Yemen’s oil-producing central province of Marib, some 175 kilometers east of the capital, Sanaa, on 16 occasions, though no reports about possible casualties were soon available.

Three other aerial assaults targeted al-Jubah and Sirwah districts in the same Yemeni province.

Saudi warplanes also conducted seven airstrikes against an area in the Abs district of Yemen’s northwestern province of Hajjah.

Saudi military aircraft launched two air raids against the Khabb wa ash Sha’af district in the northern Yemeni province of Jawf as well. There were no immediate reports about possible casualties.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the United States and regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing Hadi’s government back to power and crushing the popular Ansarullah resistance movement.

The war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there.

Despite heavily-armed Saudi Arabia’s incessant bombardment of the impoverished country, the Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi-led invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

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بلا لفّ ودوران: هاتوا هاتين وتجرّأوا على السلاح؟

السبت 8 يناير 2022

 ناصر قنديل

يتلاقى عدد من القوى السياسية والقيادات داخل لبنان وخارجه على مقاربة سلاح المقاومة بعناوين مباشرة أو مواربة، وقحة وخجولة، حيث يتلاقى من يتحدث عن احتلال إيراني، مع من يتحدث عن الحياد، مع من يتحدث عن السلاح كسبب مشكلة ويقول بربط النزاع حوله، ومن يقول انه يرفض الدعوة لنزع السلاح منعاً لحرب أهلية، أو من يقول انّ حزب الله قوة شعبية وسياسية وإنّ السلاح قضية إقليمية تفوق طاقة الدولة، فكلّ هؤلاء يقولون إما بأنّ مشكلة لبنان هي بسلاح المقاومة، ويضعون في هذا السياق الغضب الغربي والعربي من هذا السلاح، ويفلسفونه بتسميات ربط لبنان بمحور تقوده إيران ومصادرة قرار السلم الحرب وما الى هنالك من مسمّيات، أو يقولون إن لهم ملاحظات على بقاء سلاح المقاومة ويشاركون المعترضين عليه في الكثير مما يقولون، لكنهم لا يرون مصلحة بتحويله الى قضية مواجهة تهدّد السلم الأهلي، أو يعتقدون بأنّ حسم أمره فوق طاقة الدولة اللبنانية والقوى السياسية اللبنانية، وكلّ ضغط عليها لتحمّل هذا العبء يعني مغامرة ومخاطرة وخيمة العواقب.

لأننا دعونا الآخرين الى التحدث بلا لف ولا دوران، سنقول بلا لف ولا دوران إنّ سلاح المقاومة لن يؤثر في مصيره كلّ هذا التلاعب والعبث السياسي، فهو يملك تغطية شعبية كافية لحمايته، ويملك قدرة عملياتية كافية لمنع استهدافه عسكرياً خارجياً وداخلياً، ولذلك لا يهدف هذا النقاش لإقناع الآخرين بتغيير مواقفهم، خشية ان يؤدي تعنتهم بها الى التاثير سلباً على سلاح المقاومة وتعريضه للخطر، بل يهدف الى كشف النتائج الفعلية لدعواتهم، وتحدّيهم في ميدان الحجة بالحجة أن يثبتوا منطلقاً وطنياً لمزاعمهم، ممن يظهرون عداءهم للسلاح أو الذين يختبئون وراء عدم واقعية طرح مصير السلاح حرصاً على السلم الأهلي، بما يعني تسليماً بالتموضع على ضفة اعتبار السلاح عبئاً على لبنان واللبنانيين.

ليس مطروحاً العودة للوراء رغم أحقيتها، لجهة مطالبة الجميع بالعرفان بالجميل للمقاومة وسلاحها في ما أنجزت في معركتي تحرير أراض لبنانية من الاحتلال “الإسرائيلي” وأراض أخرى من الإرهاب، وصدّ مخاطر كليهما، والعرفان بالجميل ليس واجباً أخلاقياً فقط، بل هو التزام بضبط الخطاب وفق مقتضياته، وشعور بالخجل لتفوّق مواطنية أهل المقاومة على سواهم، وبعقدة النقص والذنب تجاه الذين سبقوا سواهم في التضحية لأجل الوطن، وتفوّقاً بوطنيتهم ومواطنتهم، وإذا تسامحنا بهذا الطلب المحق، وتسامحنا معه بطلب محق آخر، وهو أنّ أراضي محتلة لا تزال تحت الاحتلال في مزارع شبعا، ولا يجب أن يستهين أحد بفرضية استردادها دون امتلاك القوة، وأنّ الإرهاب الذي تلقى ضربات بنيوية لا يبدو غائباً عن المشهد مع استعادة حيويته في الكثير من الساحات، لكن منعاً للسجال حول قضايا إشكالية وطلباً لوضوح المواقف سنكتفي بطلبين إثنين من كلّ الذين يلتقون بالحديث عن السلاح كعبء على لبنان واللبنانيين، سواء دعوا لحسم أمره سريعاً او ربطوا النزاع تحت عنوان الحرص على السلم الأهلي، وقالوا بجعله موضوعاً للحوار تحت شعار استراتيجية وطنية للدفاع، لا يبدو أنها تهدف لما يقوله اسمها بل باتت اسماً مموّهاً لطرح مصير سلاح المقاومة.

الطلب الأول هو أن يجيب طرفا الاعتراض، الوقحون والخجولون، على سؤال يتصل بمصلحة اقتصادية ومالية لبنانية حيوية، طالما انّ الكلّ صار عقله في جيبه ويحدثنا عن المصالح، واسترضاء الدول التي تملك مالاً ولو على حساب الكرامة الوطنية، والسؤال هو هل أنتم تؤمنون بأنّ لدى لبنان ثروات من النفط والغاز تشكل اليوم ركيزة رئيسية في أيّ خطة نهوض وإنقاذ، بصفتها مصدراً لعائدات بمليارات الدولارات، التي لن تبلغها كلّ المساهمات والقروض الموعودة من التسوّل والاستجداء والخضوع، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، فتتمة السؤال هي هل تعتقدون أنّ “إسرائيل تتربّص يهذه الثروة، وأنّ الدول الغربية الفاعلة، سواء التي تتقدّم كوسيط في المفاوضات كأميركا أو التي تملك شركات تدير التنقيب كفرنسا، منحازة بالأصل الى جانب “إسرائيل” وتدير موقفها على جدول الأعمال “الإسرائيلي”، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، تصير نهاية السؤال هل لدى لبنان ما يجبر “إسرائيل” على التفاوض بدل سرقة الثروات اللبنانية بقوة الأمر الواقع، وما يجبر أميركا وفرنسا على التوسط والبحث عن حلول ترضي لبنان، غير قوة المقاومة وقدرتها على تهديد أمن “اسرائيل” ومنصاتها للتنقيب عن النفط والغاز وخطوط نقله، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، هل من مصلحة وطنية تبرّر التشارك بإضعاف هذه القوة ولو بكلمة، وهل يصبّ كلّ سوء يُقال بحق هذا السلاح من لبناني مسؤول او غير مسؤول في مصلحة تعزيز موقف “إسرائيل” التفاوضي، وإضعاف موقف لبنان، وإذا كان الجواب هو نعم وهو كذلك، ننتظر تفسيركم وبدائلكم يا عباقرة؟

الطلب الثاني هو ان يجيب طرفا الاعتراض العلني والمستتر، على سؤال يتصل بمستقبل قضية اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في لبنان، طالما انّ الكلّ يؤكد صبح ومساء على خطر التوطين والتمسك برفضه ولو من منطلقات عنصرية في عقول البعض، وأول السؤال هو هل لدى أحد من شك بأنّ الرؤية “الإسرائيلية” ومن ورائها كلّ الغرب وكثير من الحكومات العربية لإنهاء القضية الفلسطينية أو حلها، يقوم على توطين اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في أماكن إقامتهم ومنها لبنان، وأنّ زمن التطبيع العربي “الإسرائيلي” أسقط التضامن العربي حول ما عُرف بالمباردة العربية للسلام التي نصّت على عودة اللاجئين بناء على طلب لبنان ممثلاً بالرئيس إميل لحود، ما جعل التوطين مشروعاً داهماً، وإذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، يصير الجزء الثاني من السؤال هل تشكل المقاومة في لبنان وسلاحها عقبة رئيسية أمام تقدم الرؤية “الإسرائيلية” لحلّ القضية الفلسطينية أو إنهائها، ومن ضمنها التوطين، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك، تصير تتمة السؤال، هل يملك لبنان مصدر قوة يفرض على العالم أن يأخذ رفضه للتوطين بعين الإعتبار غير قوة المقاومة وسلاحها، واذا كان الجواب نعم وهو كذلك تصير نهاية السؤال، ألا يقع كلّ إضعاف للمقاومة وسلاحها ولو بكلمة، تعزيزاً للأمل “الإسرائيلي” ومن مع “إسرائيلمقالا” من الغرب والعرب، بوجود فرصة بديلة للأخذ بمطلب لبنان بعودة اللاجئين بدلاً من توطينهم، وهو الاستثمار على الداخل اللبناني لإضعاف المقاومة والطعن بسلاحها، ولأنّ الجواب هو نعم، تصير الخلاصة ألا تخجلون من وطنيتكم وأنتم تلعبون لعبة رخيصة بحسابات رخيصة وتصيبون وطنكم في الصميم، فما هو شعوركم بأنّ “الإسرائيلي” يصفق لكم ويبتسم عندما يسمعكم، وقحين وخجولين، أو هاتوا بدائلكم يا عباقرة؟

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2021 Roundup: How did Yemen defeat the Saudi coalition?

December 31 2021

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Ali Jezzini

Since the 2014 Yemeni revolution, Yemenis have not only proven a great resilience in confronting US-backed Saudi aggression against their homeland, but also revealed a combat strategy like no other.

The Yemeni mountains, with their difficult topography, the social composition of their people, and their solid beliefs, constitute one of the few places in this world that are resistant to the invasion of foreign states and empires states.

Such Traits can also be attributed to the mountains of Afghanistan. In both of these cases, the country’s political capital sometimes fell, as Kabul came under British control for a brief period in the wars of the British Empire, as well as the last NATO war in Afghanistan. The same goes for Sanaa, which was resistant to two Ottoman invasions in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ottoman forces did not enter the capital until the day dispute arose between its notables; the ottoman attempt took place in the nineteenth century. 

In both the Ottoman and English invasions, when the urban elite conceded, the tribes would just return to their rugged mountains, as if nothing had happened only to revolt after several decades over the established rule. This is what defines a rebellion movement.

What is fundamentally different in the ongoing war on Yemen is that we are not dealing here with a “rebellion” or a “resistance movement” in the academic sense; neither Sanaa has fallen, nor a number of strategic cities in Yemen did. The city of Al-Hodeidah, which is situated in the middle of the western coastal plain of Yemen, did not fall to the Saudi coalition despite being subjected to all kinds of air and artillery bombardment, and its “rebels” did not have to fall back to the mountains, as resistance movements do in asymmetric wars. 

Since 2014, every attempt to occupy the capital, Sanaa, ended in a humiliating defeat for the Saudi coalition forces. Hence, the Sanaa forces show an exceptional capability in holding the acquired land.

A significant factor is also the ability of the Yemeni armed forces and Ansar Allah to fight similar types of pitched battles, in which the weaker party does not just strike and flee, but is committed to preserving the land and achieving progress at other times, in a predetermined battlefield.

The Yemeni revolution also emerged from what we can call the ‘Maoist style’ of resistance, and in fact, it enjoys broad popular support without a doubt, but it does not use this popular, civilian environment in hostilities directly but rather wages battles using conventional tactics. It includes hit and run, as well as harassment and ambushes, but still, we find the exact opposite of a regular insurgency or a rebellion in Yemen. The deterrence imposed by Yemen on the coalition of aggression is closer to be a conventional deterrence, rather than the actions of irregular movements. In a simpler sense, usually in the early stages of a revolution, rebels usually have weak capabilities, so they pull benefit from the aggression of the stronger party against civilians as a means to attract the latter to their cause.

In Yemen, the situation is quite different. The Yemeni revolution has a very high popular embrace, and while there is no doubt that these attacks constitute a factor of attraction for the Yemeni society towards the ongoing revolution, but the deterrence equation imposed by the Yemeni armed forces, seems to be aimed primarily at protecting the Yemeni people first, then the infrastructure and institutions of Yemen.

2019 Operation Victory from God 

The operation Victory from God carried out by Sanaa forces can constitute a clear example of this type of warfare. The proximity of the operation to the Saudi-Yemeni international borders did not prevent the Yemenis from deluding the Saudi coalition forces and their mercenary brigades by fainting a tactical retreat from the area. Subsequently, the Saudis and their allies chased the retreating forces just to fall into a trap in Jbara valley, where the advancing forces were attacked by Yemeni forces from both flanks in a pincer movement. The operation culminated in the total destruction of several infantry brigades. In the process, hundreds of vehicles were destroyed or damaged, their burning columns appeared in the videos published by the Yemeni military media. 

Map showing various phases of the 2019 Operation Victory from God (Credits:  english.iswnews.com)

Operations of this complexity and magnitude, not only require a physical presence of forces of a certain size but also require a high level of coordination and professionalism in moving military units and battalions, as well as a high ability to conceal these forces from the eyes of the enemy reconnaissance and intelligence. All these military actions are taking place under the uncontested air control of the US-Saudi coalition.

As it is quite difficult for inexperienced, or guerrilla organizations, to accomplish such combat maneuvers, Ansar Allah and the Yemeni armed forces show a clear superiority over the regular and modern Saudi forces, as they define themselves. Another aspect of the equation is the imposition of deterrence equations on the Saudi coalition, in case civilians or infrastructures structure of the Yemeni state and committed massacres, a balanced response is due. 

Destroyed Saudi LAV-25 after the 2019 Operation Victory from God, Yemeni Military Media

This deterrence was achieved by striking sensitive and strategic targets of the countries of aggression, such as oil facilities, military airports, and military centers, with the infliction of a negligible number of civilian casualties. Here, Yemenis accused of being just “rebels” act more faithfully to the ethics and laws of war than the US-backed Saudi coalition, which practices a policy of collective punishment and deliberately bombs civilians.

Sanaa forces regularly use precision weapons, such as the Tochka (OTR-21) missile, to strike the enemy’s military bases. Examples of such strikes happened in Safer, Mocha, and Khamis Mushait Air Bases. In the latter, the commander of the Saudi Air Force, Muhammad bin Ahmed Al-Shaalan, suffered “a heart attack” four days after the Khamis Mushait Air Base was bombed in June 2015. The announcement of the commander’s death came in mysterious circumstances. On the other hand, the US-backed Saudi coalition regularly practices collective punishment and deliberately bombs civilians.

2021 large-scale Jazan operation 

“In combat, soldiers fight for their comrades. The primary group motivates people. Cohesion is the bond of trust between members of a group. There are four types of cohesion: horizontal cohesion among peers, vertical cohesion, from subordinate to commander, and organizational cohesion within the army. Cohesive units fight better, suffer fewer casualties, train better, do not disintegrate, require less support, and provide members with a better quality of life.”

This quote comes from a guide for the US Navy from 2002, which shows the importance of the cohesion of military units in terms of their performance, and the difficulty of destroying these units when they are under attack or pressured by fire. During the war in Yemen, the Saudi forces showed very poor cohesion and discipline, even at the beginning of the war, not to mention their gradual decline as the war dragged on.

Yemeni soldiers during the large-scale Jazan Operation, Yemeni Military Media

This can be explained by several factors: at the individual level, we cannot judge due to the absence of perceptual evidence at the level of relations between soldiers, as it may be affected by the constant periodic drafts, or by the high rate of losses, so that replacement becomes necessary. As for the relation between commanders and the army, the relation looks to be negative, as evidenced by the al-Akhbar [Lebanese] newspaper in an article by writer Ali Murad, titled “Bin Salman through the eyes of his officers: We have perished to this child [MBS]!”. The article narrates, through leaks of a former Saudi high ranking officer, the collapse of the fighting spirit of the soldiers since the first months of the war and their lack of belief in its outcome, neither in its cause nor in Bin Salman himself, who is running the war.

In the large-scale Jazan operation that took place in May-June 2021, Saudi performance and the discipline of its soldiers were scandalous; video clips showed the escape of mercenaries of Yemeni and Sudanese nationalities, and some of the fleeing soldiers were wearing Saudi ground forces uniforms fleeing without their helmets, weapons. the complexities of carrying out such an operation of this magnitude lay mainly in transferring offensive forces to the front without being noticed by the enemy. Since ancient times, training soldiers included was not only aimed at increasing their resistance to being “broken,” but also to commit retreats in the most organized fashion, since most losses of the defeated do not happen within the battle itself, but during the process of the retreat itself. 

Yemeni soldiers during the large-scale Jazan Operation, Yemeni Military Media

In addition to the above, armored vehicles were completely absent from the front during this operation. The only armored vehicle that appeared was an M-113 personnel carrier, along with dozens of Toyota civilian trucks. During the past years, Saudis were rarely successful in introducing their armor to the battlefield as the results were catastrophic. Yemenis excelled in the destruction of such vehicles, to the extent that they destroyed Canadian LAV-25 armored vehicles using 12.7-caliber anti-material sniper rifles, the bullets of which penetrated the back of its turret and burned it. Many vehicles were burned with only a lighter, the one used for lighting cigarettes. 

What will the soldiers of any army think if that army pulls its armored vehicles and tanks, which cost millions of dollars to the rear lines while placing them on the front lines? Won’t the idea that their live flesh is cheaper for their superior cross their minds? On the other hand, Yemenis show military toughness, cohesion, and discipline, much higher than those whom they fight, and who are defined in Western academic literature as a “modern regular army.” 

2022 Marib Liberation operation?

A similar operation to Victory from God occurred a few months ago, operation Victory Spring (Rabi al-Nasr), but this time in the vicinity of Marib. The city is controlled by the Saudi coalition and its mercenaries and has seen fierce battles during the years of war. The ongoing battle around the city has been described by many experts as the battle that is going to decide the outcome of the war.

Currently, the Sanaa forces are about 8-10 km away from the strategic city from their closest position in al-Balaq al-Sharqi mountains. Such achievements were a result of the previously mentioned complex operation. In brief, the Yemeni forces eluded the coalition forces that the main attack is going to be launched from the north-western flank of the city, but the main thrust came from the South-west. Despite it being heavily defended as well, the combat readiness of its troops seemed to be meager, as Sanaa forces manages to advance almost 60 km in 2-3 days, a rate that was not expected by the Saudi coalition and neither by their backers. The speed and coordination of that attack prevented the enemy from reacting to it, and as a result, Sanaa Forces now threaten both north and southwestern flanks of the Saudi coalition forces. 

Results of the operation Victory Spring (Rabi al-Nasr), (Credits: english.iswnews.com)

By looking at the map, one can only expect that the liberation of Marib is just a matter of time. This assumption is not only based on the material factors in play but also the perseverance of Yemeni forces on previous occasions. Such steadfastness and perseverance made them resist and survive on the harshest wars and sieges launched by the US and its allies against a country in this century.

2022 is, without a doubt, going to be the year for Yemen and its brave people. 

A struggle for influence in Shabwa, Brigadier General Nasr Al-Shazly
The weapons captured by the Army and the People’s Committees during Operation Desert Dawn
Sanaa forces end the presence of Hadi forces and the military coalition in Al-Jawf Governorate
A strike at Ataq airport, and a report on the operation deep in the desert

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Saudi Airstrikes Target Yemen’s Marib Heavily

Dec 22 2021

By Staff, Agencies

News sources on Wednesday morning reported that the Saudi-led coalition warplanes bombed Yemen’s Marib province 34 times.

The warplanes belonging to the coalition of aggression bombed al-Wadi District in Yemen 15 times, Sirwah District 14 times and al-Juba 5 times in Marib province, Yemen’s al-Masirah network reported.

According to the report, Saudi warplanes also targeted the city of Khabb and Shaaf District 8 times, the city of al-Hazm in al-Jawf province 3 times and the city of Maqbanah in Taiz province once.

On the other hand, Yemeni military sources said that the Saudi coalition violated the ceasefire in al-Hudaydah province in the past 24 hours 126 times with airstrikes, espionage flights and semi-heavy weapons.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the United States and regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of former Yemeni president Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi back to power and crushing the Ansarullah movement.

The war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there, deepening the world’s worst humanitarian crisis day by day.

Despite heavily-armed Saudi Arabia’s incessant bombardment of the impoverished country, the Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

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التصعيد السعودي في اليمن قبل فيينا الثامنة

الثلاثاء 21 12 2021

 ناصر قنديل

بصورة غير مسبوقة صعد السعوديون هجماتهم الجوية على الأماكن والمنشآت المدنية في اليمن، بإعلان رسمي يقول إن المنشآت المدنية فقدت حصانتها القانونية والإنسانية، لأنها تحولت إلى غطاء للنشاط العسكري اليمني لإطلاق الصواريخ البالستية والطائرات المسيرة نحو الأراضي السعودية، وكان يوم أمس ذروة للتصعيد السياسي والإعلامي في تغطية هذا التصعيد العسكري الذي أدخل مطار صنعاء رسمياً إلى لائحة الأهداف، وخلال سنوات الحرب لم يحيّد السعوديون المدنيون عن استهدافاتهم، لكنهم هذه المرة يصرحون أن المدنيين يتحملون مسؤولية التواجد في مناطق سيتم قصفها، وسيتم ابلاغ المدنيين عبر الإعلام عن ضرورة إخلائها قبل ساعات، وتأتي هذة الجولة التصعيدية تتويجاً لمحاولة إقامة ردع جوي مقابل ما أظهر اليمنيون من قدرة على مواصلة استهداف العمق السعودي على رغم الغارات الجوية السعودية، أملاً بأن يتحقق عبر هذا التصعيد ما لم يتحقق قبله.

أصل التعقيد الذي يواجهه السعوديون سابق لتبادل قصف العمق، ومصدره التطورات الجارية في البر اليمني في غير صالح الرؤية السعودية، والحسابات السعودية، في مجالات بات من الصعب اصلاح الخراب اللاحق فيها، ولا يجيب عليها الحديث عن أن أنصار الله يتخذون المدنيين درعاً بشرياً لسلاحهم، فالإخفاق السعودي يبدأ من الفشل المتمادي خلال سنوات في تطبيق مستدام لاتفاق الرياض الذي يجمعهم بالإمارات، ويضم جماعة الفريقين السعودي والإماراتي من اليمنيين، لضمان وحدة الحركة والأداء، ويعرف السعوديون أن لا علاقة لأنصار الله في هذه الأزمة التي تحولت إلى صراع دموي دائم بين الفريقين، وإلى عجز عن تحقيق الحد الأدنى من التنسيق والتكامل، ويكفي استعادة مشهد الانسحاب الأخير من الحديدة، وبما  تشهده عدن، لفهم أول وجوه الاخفاق التي باتت فوق القدرة السعودية على السيطرة.

الوجه الثاني للإخفاق تمثل في ظهور جماعة منصور هادي التي يتخذها السعوديون واجهة لحربهم، كجماعة معزولة عن الشعب والمجتمع، فالحكومة تسكن الفنادق السعودية كما الرئيس، ووكلاء الوزارات يتوزعون فنادق الرياض و القاهرة، وجميعهم بنظر المواطن اليمني مجموعة من المرتزقة والفاشلين، وتظاهرات تعز وعدن وشبوة وسواها ضد الحكومة، تقول ما يكفي عن هذا الاخفاق، ويعرف السعوديون أنهم ما لم يتولوا مباشرة المواجهة مع أنصار الله فإن جماعة منصور هادي لا تستطيع البقاء على قيد الوجود في أي بقعة يمنية، وهذا يجلب القلق السعودي من أي حل سياسي ينتهي برحيلهم، ويجعل مصير جماعة منصور هادي شبيهاً بمصير جماعة أشرف غني الأفغانية، ومن تداعيات هذا الاخفاق هو القبول السعودي بأن تتولى جماعة الإخوان المسلمين تحت اسم حزب الاصلاح، قيادة الوضع في أكثر من محافظة يمنية بصفتها الجهة القادرة على تأمين المسلحين، لخوض المواجهة مع أنصار الله، وهذا هو الحال في مأرب.

الوجه الأهم للإخفاق هو التطور المستدام في جبهة مأرب، لصالح أنصار الله، فالوقائع الميادنية تؤكد أن التقدم مضطرد ومتواصل في الجبهات، ولو بمئات الأمتار كل يوم، وأن التلال المحيطة بمأرب قد حسمت خلال الأيام الماضية لصالح الأنصار، ويعرف السعوديون أن التقدم يوشك على بلوغ النقطة الفاصلة، وأنه إذا وصلها صار الحديث عن ميزان القوى الذي سيحكم كل الحلول والتسويات مختلفاً، وهم يعرفون أيضاً أن هذا بات محسوماً والمسألة مسألة وقت، ولكنهم لا ينتبهون إلى أن كلامهم عن تجاوز الاعتبارات القانونية الإنسانية في استهداف الأماكن المدنية، يحرر الأنصار من هذا الاعتبار الذي يقيد حركتهم العسكرية نحو مدينة مأرب، حيث الذي يتخذ المدنيين دروعاً بشرية ليسوا أنصار الله القادمين إلى جبهات القتال بوحداتهم العسكرية وليس بجماهيرهم، بينما يحتمي خصومهم داخل معسكرات النازحين وشوارع المدينة وأحيائها.

يحاول السعوديون خلق أمر وقائع عسكري يقوم على تجميد القتال، مقابل تجميد عمليات القصف، قبل أن تستأنف المفاوضات في فيينا في الجولة الثامنة، التي يبدو أنها ستكون حاسمة، أملاً بدخول تفاوض على الملف اليمني من دون تغييرات دراماتيكية، لكن يبدو أنهم يسرعون حدوثها بخطواتهم التصعيدية.

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Saudis Mistakenly Bomb Own Positions in Yemen’s Marib

DECEMBER 11, 2021

By Staff, Agencies

The Saudi coalition warplanes mistakenly bombed their own positions in the occupied parts of the Yemeni province of Marib, leaving several Saudi-backed forces dead or injured.

Saudi warplanes mistakenly targeted their positions in Marib province, killing and wounding a number of their coalition member, Al-Khabar Al-Yemeni reported.

This is not the first time that the Saudi coalition targets their own positions, according to the reports.

Recently, a member of the political council of Yemeni Ansarullah Muhammad Al-Bukhaiti in a speech said that the Yemeni Resistance forces are close to achieving the final victory in Marib.

Saudi Arabia, along with the United Arab Emirates [UAE] and with the green light of the United States and Western countries, carried out comprehensive attacks on Yemen since March 26, 2015, to allegedly reinstate the ousted Hadi government.

Officials of the Yemeni National Salvation Government have repeatedly stressed that the Yemeni army and popular committees will continue to respond to the aggression as long as the Saudi coalition does not stop the war against Yemen and end the siege.

Tens of thousands of Yemenis have been injured and martyred in Saudi-led strikes, with the vast majority of them being civilians.

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Ansarullah: Defining Moment of Yemen’s Marib Battle Close

December 9 2021

By Staff, Agencies

Member of the political bureau of Yemen’s Ansarullah resistance movement Muhammed al-Bukhaiti said the defining moment of the battle of Marib is “close,” as sources says the province will be fully liberated in the near future.

Al-Bukhaiti told Beirut-based al-Mayadeen network on Wednesday that “the defining hours are close in Marib.”

The Ansarullah official noted that the Yemeni forces are under popular pressure to liberate the province from the Saudi-backed militants.

Earlier on Wednesday, field sources told al-Mayadeen that the Yemeni army and allied fighters from Popular Committees took control of eastern al-Balaq mountain range, which is located near Marib City.

According to the sources, eastern al-Balaq is “the last height to defend Marib City from the southeastern side.”

Noting that many Saudi-backed militants have fled the battle fronts, the sources said “it is only a matter of days until the Yemeni army and Popular Committees will fully liberate Marib City.”

Elsewhere in his remarks, al-Bukhaiti said that the defeat of the Saudi-backed forces in Marib “means their defeat on the remaining fronts,” describing the imminent liberation of the province as “the worst scenario” for the Saudi-led coalition waging war on Yemen.

According to the official, the liberation of Marib Province would pave the way for an end to the siege imposed on Yemen, noting that the member countries of the Saudi-led coalition can no longer impose their blockade on Yemen and launch attacks on the impoverished country from a safe location.

Marib, which is located right in the middle of a whole host of other Yemeni provinces, has turned into a focus of the Yemeni army’s liberation operations since last year.

The province’s recapture, towards which many advancements have been made so far, is expected to pave the way for further military victories for Yemen’s armed forces.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and its regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of Yemen’s former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and crushing the Ansarullah movement.

The war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there.

Despite Saudi Arabia’s heavily-armed and continued bombardment of the impoverished country, Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi-led invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

HOUTHIS CAPTURE KEY MOUNTAIN NEAR MA’RIB CITY DESPITE INTENSE SAUDI-LED COALITION AIRSTRIKES – REPORTS

South Front

The Houthis (Ansar Allah) had captured the Bulq al-Sharqi mountain which overlooks the southern outskirts of the central Yemeni city of Ma’rib from Saudi-backed forces, the Beirut-based al-Mayadeen TV reported on December 8, citing a Yemeni military source.

The large mountain was the last geographical obstacle standing between the Houthis and Ma’rib city. The mountain is located less than 20 kilometers to the south of the city center.

Al-Mayadeen’s source claimed that the remaining Saudi-backed forces in the outskirts of Ma’rib city are currently collapsing.

“A few days separate the Yemeni army and the popular committees [Houthis] from completely liberating the city of Ma’rib,” the source said. “The Yemeni military leadership has given a last chance to those who did not surrender to settle their status.”

In the last few weeks, the Saudi-led coalition intensified its airstrikes on Houthis forces in Ma’rib in a bid to stop the group’s advance in the province. Hundreds of Houthi fighters were allegedly killed in these airstrikes.

Between December 7 and 8, coalition warplanes carried out 16 airstrikes on Ma’rib frontlines. The coalition claimed that the airstrikes killed 95 Houthi fighters and destroyed 11 military vehicles, including an air-defense system.

While the coalition’s recent airstrikes did slow down the Houthis’ advance, they ultimately failed to put an end to the group’s offensive.

The Houthis are reportedly now negotiating with senior commanders of Saudi-backed forces in Ma’rib to enter the city without a fight. The Saudi-led coalition will not likely allow this to happen. A fierce battle could breakout inside the city before the end of the year.

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Operation 7th of December, The Yemeni Resistance’s Latest Achievement

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Buckle up: Yemen is about to deliver a Saudi lesson

December 06 2021

Photo Credit: The Cradle

Every time the Saudis bomb Sanaa, the Yemeni resistance retaliates against Riyadh’s strategic vulnerabilities. With nonstop strikes on Yemen’s capital city today, brace yourself for a big Saudi explosion.

By Karim Shami

“Tell him Sanaa is far, Riyadh is getting closer” is what Yemenis call out whenever their capital city is targeted by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes.

The ‘him’ in this battle cry refers to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MbS), who launched the six-year aggression against the Arab world’s poorest nation.

After every Saudi hit on Sanaa, this phrase floods social media, imploring the Yemeni resistance to retaliate directly against Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s capital city.

As the Saudis and their dwindling allies pound Sanaa relentlessly in the last days of their failed war, one wonders why they don’t yet comprehend the retaliatory firepower they are inviting in response.

It started like this …

In March 2015, one year after Yemen’s resistance movement Ansarallah took control of the capital, a 10-nation coalition was formed led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and backed logistically and politically by both the US and UK. Shortly thereafter, fighter jets and ground forces began conducting operations across provinces surrounding the capital.

More than ten thousand airstrikes were reported by the close of 2016, with Sanaa taking the lion’s share – 2,600 raids – equivalent to one airstrike every 3.5 hours, every day for two consecutive years.

In parallel with the non-stop air operations, coalition-led land forces – mainly Yemeni mercenaries and Sudanese soldiers – wrested thousands of square kilometers from Ansarallah’s control.

Ansarallah, which found itself governing populations for the first time in its short history, had only secured their authority in Sanaa one year before the aggression. The movement had not yet had the time or resources to build their infrastructure, economy, military power, and foreign policies/connections.

Photo Credit: The Cradle

A game-changing 2018

By 2018, the war that was ‘supposed to take weeks to months at most’ – and according to MbS himself, just “a few days” – had become long, directionless, and costly, especially after Saudi/UAE hostilities against Qatar surfaced and blew up Gulf cohesion.

The 10-nation military alliance against Yemeni independence, once consisting of Egypt, Jordan, Sudan, Morocco, Senegal and the Gulf states (except Oman) shrank overnight to two: the UAE and Saudi Arabia.

By 2018, Saudi-backed militias were entrenched in Sanaa’s west (Hodeidah) and east (Marib), and on Saudi Arabia’s southern borders, adjacent to Ansarallah’s stronghold in northern Yemen’s Saada Province. The UAE had its own undisclosed interests, and moved its militias primarily to the south, both for protection and to control Yemen’s strategic ports and waterways.

Ansarallah had already absorbed the shock of three years of foreign aggression, and gained valuable experience in both combat and military tactics. Its weapons manufacturing (mainly ballistic missiles and drones) capabilities and technological advances had steadily grown within the landlocked environs of Sanaa – under siege by the coalition and its western allies since the onset of war.

So, by 2018, Ansarallah was primed and ready to change the direction of the war from a purely defensive one to launching proactive hit-and-run battles.

The game changer in the Yemen war came in 2019, fast and hard. After four years of defense, Ansarallah began launching a series of operations named ‘Balance of Deterrence.’ The first of these, on 17 August, was the first operation where Yemen’s resistance launched homemade and modified ballistic missiles alongside tens of suicide drones at targets 1200km distance away, equivalent to the distance between London to Madrid or New York to Miami.

The targets were Saudi Arabia’s ARAMCO Sheba oil fields and refineries on the Saudi–UAE borders.

The second operation, which took place on 14 September, hit ARAMCO facilities in Saudi Arabia’s eastern-most territories, in Dammam. This time the strikes were on a spectacular scale and caught the world’s attention in a big way; photos and videos flew across social media before the Saudis had time to bury the details.

It took another five similar operations to discipline the Saudis to understand that targeting Sanaa would trigger a retaliation into the strategic depth of Saudi Arabia. In the aftermath of Ansarallah’s retaliatory strikes, air raids on Sanaa dropped from around one strike every three hours to three strikes per year.

Credit: almasirah.net

The war’s final chapter looms

After rapid advances in 2018 and targeted retaliatory strikes in 2019-20, Ansarallah regained most of the territories they had lost, leaving only Marib, the last stronghold of the Saudis in Yemen’s east, which is expected to be liberated imminently.

Last month, Saudi and Emirati-backed militias and mercenaries fled Hodeidah – the last Saudi stronghold in Yemen’s west – after Ansarallah announced plans to liberate the city and target the territory of the UAE.

With that stroke, the Saudis lost their footing in Yemen. Militarily speaking, foreign land forces have already lost the war and now pose zero threats to the Ansarallah-led government.

Worse yet, in 2021, for the first time in the six-year war, Yemenis in coalition-controlled provinces launched multiple public protests, complaining that the quality of life in Ansarallah-ruled areas was superior than theirs, with lower crime rates, a stable currency and cheaper raw materials available to those citizens.

Rather than scurrying to carve out a face-saving exit from this certain defeat, Riyadh has instead begun to escalate air raids on Sanaa and Marib in a ‘throw the kitchen sink at the problem’ attempt to weaken Ansarallah, consequences be damned.

This brings us to 19 November 2021 when Ansarallah made its 8th Balance of Deterrence statement (mentioned above) and launched strategic retaliatory strikes against military targets in Riyadh, Jeddah, Abha, Jizan, and Najran to remind the Saudis of its red lines.

The Saudis, irrationally, continue to pound populations in Sanaa with little regard for the retaliatory consequences or the global perception of this brutality. On 23 November, coalition spokesman Turki al-Maliki even tried to justify bombing densely-populated areas by alleging that Ansarallah’s “military sites have taken hospitals, organizations, and civilians as human shields.”

The war is as good as over, so why these unnecessary air raids on Sanaa? Why would Saudi Arabia deliberately provoke and invite military strikes against Riyadh and ARAMCO? Why not instead exit Yemen overnight, in much the same way the US did in Afghanistan? Embarrassing as it may be, a quick, unpublicized retreat would at least keep Saudi cities protected.

This last-ditch escalation has nothing to do with war strategy, leverage-building or domestic politics.

A country of 2.1 million square kilometers boasting a population of 20 million nationals and 10 million foreigners with large oil and mineral reserves, Saudi Arabia has no parliament, no elections, and no democratic processes whatsoever.

All internal and external policies are made by one man, Mohammad bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince, deputy prime minister, minister of defense, chairman of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs, and chairman of the Council of Political and Security Affairs.

MbS is a punisher. He ordered the murder and dismemberment of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. He kidnapped and beat up Lebanon’s former prime minister Saad Hariri before forcing him to broadcast his resignation from Riyadh. He besieged Qatar, destabilized Iraq, and boycotted all of Lebanon because of a single comment on the Yemen war. The list goes on.

A few years back, Ben Rhodes, deputy national security advisor of former US president Barack Obama, recounted a chilling story during his boss’s farewell visit to Riyadh. As Obama protested the recent execution of 47 dissidents in the kingdom to King Salman, the then-deputy crown prince MbS stood up from his spectator’s seat and lectured the US president thus:

You don’t understand the Saudi justice system, he said. He argued that the Saudi public demanded vengeance against criminals, and those who had been beheaded had to be killed for the sake of stability in the kingdom.”

MbS may simply have reverted to ‘punisher’ mode in these last weeks and months of his very personal war in Yemen. ‘Vengeance’ for his defeat is merited; and killing is “for the sake of stability in the kingdom.”

But bombing Sanaa will also justify ‘Balance of Deterrence 9,’ a new set of advanced retaliatory strikes yet to be announced by Ansarallah.

Undoubtedly, ARAMCO and major Saudi cities will be targeted in the period ahead. Every ballistic missile reaching the kingdom of sand will result in a weaker Saudi Arabia and stronger Yemen, giving Ansarallah a reason to discipline the Saudis at present, and perhaps, to invade them in the future. Thus, the quote “Sanaa is far, Riyadh is getting closer” was born.

Credit: Cartoonist Kamal Sharaf; @kamalsharaf on Twitter

Under the command of MbS, the Saudis are unlikely to leave Yemen alone even if the war concludes – it will try to do what it has always done in Iraq, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Qatar, and Syria, dividing populations with money and weapons.

But Yemen is different. Ansarallah will implement their own institutions, unlike those other nations where the US and its regional allies remain to engineer laws and policies to ensure a country’s dependence and stagnation once they depart. Yemen, after the war, will be more like Iran in its hostility towards and determination to break with externally-imposed agendas.

Buckle your seatbelt. Retaliation and revolution is about to be unharnessed in the Arabian Peninsula.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

The Strategic Importance of Yemen’s Marib

Dec 2, 2021

By Al-Ahed News

Yemeni Forces Score Significant Advances on Marib’s Southern Gates

Nov 26, 2021

By Staff, Agencies

The Yemeni forces advanced on the southern gates of the central Marib city, pushing Saudi-backed militants loyal to former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi further back.

According to a report published on Friday by Lebanese al-Akhbar daily, Saudi forces and their mercenaries failed to stop Yemeni soldiers and their allies from making rapid advances on the southern flank of the provincial capital city.

Hadi loyalists have already withdrawn from most of their positions in the eastern and central parts of the Balaqin sub-district over the past two days, despite intense airstrikes carried by Saudi warplanes in their support.

The paper, citing local military and tribal sources, said Yemeni army troops and Popular Committees fighters have made major advances on the western outskirts of Falaj area after establishing control over all heights overlooking the region.

Sources close to pro-Hadi forces said their defeats appear to have been an inside job.

Pro-Hadi Marib governor general Sultan al-Arada expressed his disappointment over the unfolding developments in the province, confirming that the al-Balaq al-Awsat district and surrounding areas in Wadi al-Zannah region had been taken over by the opposite side.

On Thursday, Saudi warplanes conducted more than a dozen air raids against al-Jubah and Sirwah districts in Marib province.

The military aircraft also launched two airstrikes against the Yemeni capital city of Sanaa late on Thursday.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and other key Western powers, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing Hadi’s government back to power and crushing the popular Ansarullah resistance movement.

Having failed to reach its professed goals, the war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases there.

Despite heavily-armed Saudi Arabia’s continuous bombardment of the impoverished country, Yemeni armed forces and the Popular Committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

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String of pearls: Yemen could be the Arab hub of the Maritime Silk Road

November 22, 2021

With an Ansarallah takeover of Yemen, Asia’s trade and connectivity projects could expand into some of the world’s most strategic waterways

By Pepe Escobar, posted with the author’s permission and cross-posted with TheCradle

https://media.thecradle.co/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/a.jpg

The usual suspects tried everything against Yemen.

First, coercing it into ‘structural reform.’ When that didn’t work, they instrumentalized takfiri mercenaries. They infiltrated and manipulated the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), ISIS. They used US drones and occasional marines.

And then, in 2015, they went Total Warfare: a UN-backed rogue coalition started bombing and starving Yemenis into submission – with barely a peep from the denizens of the ‘rules-based international order.’

The coalition – House of Saud, Qatar, UAE, US, UK – for all practical purposes, embarked on a final solution for Yemen.

Sovereignty and unity were never part of the deal. Yet soon the project stalled. Saudis and Emiratis were fighting each other for primacy in southern and eastern Yemen using mercenaries. In April 2017, Qatar clashed with both Saudis and Emiratis. The coalition started to unravel.

Now we reach a crucial inflexion point. Yemeni Armed Forces and allied fighters from Popular Committees, backed by a coalition of tribes, including the very powerful Murad, are on the verge of liberating strategic, oil and natural gas-rich Marib – the last stronghold of the House of Saud-backed mercenary army.

Tribal leaders are in the capital Sanaa talking to the quite popular Ansarallah movement to organize a peaceful takeover of Marib. So this process is in effect the result of a wide-ranging national interest deal between the Houthis and the Murad tribe.

The House of Saud, for its part, is allied with the collapsing forces behind former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, as well as political parties such as Al-Islah, Yemen’s Muslim Brotherhood. They have been incapable of resisting Ansarallah.

A repeat scenario is now playing in the western coastal port of Hodeidah, where takfiri mercenaries have vanished from the province’s southern and eastern districts.

Yemen’s Defense Minister Mohammad al-Atefi, talking to Lebanon’s al-Akhbar newspaper, stressed that, “according to strategic and military implications…we declare to the whole world that the international aggression against Yemen has already been defeated.”

It’s not a done deal yet – but we’re getting there.

Hezbollah, via its Executive Council Chairman Hashim Safieddine, adds to the context, stressing how the current diplomatic crisis between Lebanon and Saudi Arabia is directly linked to Mohammad bin Salman’s (MbS) fear and impotence when confronted with the liberation of strategic Marib and Hezbollah’s unwavering support for Yemen throughout the war.

A fabricated ‘civil war’

So how did we get here?

Venturing beyond the excellent analysis by Karim Shami here on The Cradle, some geoeconomic background is essential to understanding what’s really going on in Yemen.

For at least half a millennium before the Europeans started to show up, the ruling classes in southern Arabia built the area into a prime hub of intellectual and commercial exchange. Yemen became the prized destination of Prophet Muhammad’s descendants; by the 11th century they had woven solid spiritual and intellectual links with the wider world.

By the end of the 19th century, as noted in Isa Blumi’s outstanding Destroying Yemen (University of California Press, 2018), a “remarkable infrastructure that harnessed seasonal rains to produce a seemingly endless amount of wealth attracted no longer just disciples and descendants of prophets, but aggressive agents of capital seeking profits.”

Soon we had Dutch traders venturing on terraced hills covered in coffee beans clashing with Ottoman Janissaries from Crimea, claiming them for the Sultan in Istanbul.

By the post-modern era, those “aggressive agents of capital seeking profits” had reduced Yemen to one of the advanced battlegrounds of the toxic mix between neoliberalism and Wahhabism.

The Anglo-American axis, since the Afghan jihad in the 1980s, promoted, financed and instrumentalized an essentialist, ahistorical version of ‘Islam’ that was simplistically reduced to Wahhabism: a deeply reactionary social engineering movement led by an antisocial front based in Arabia.

That operation shaped a shallow version of Islam sold to western public opinion as antithetical to universal – as in ‘rules-based international order’ – values. Hence, essentially anti-progressive. Yemen was at the frontline of this cultural and historical perversion.

Yet the promoters of the war unleashed in 2015 – a gloomy celebration of humanitarian imperialism, complete with carpet bombing, embargoes, and widespread forced starvation – did not factor in the role of the Yemeni Resistance. Much as it happened with the Taliban in Afghanistan.

The war was a perverse manipulation by US, UK, French, Israeli and minions Saudi, Emirati and Qatari intel agencies. It was never a ‘civil war’ – as the hegemonic narrative goes – but an engineered project to reverse the gains of Yemen’s own ‘Arab Spring.’

The target was to return Yemen back to a mere satellite in Saudi Arabia’s backyard. And to ensure that Yemenis never dare to even dream of regaining their historic role as the economic, spiritual, cultural and political reference for a great deal of the Indian Ocean universe.

Add to the narrative the simplistic trope of blaming Shia Iran for supporting the Houthis. When it was clear that coalition mercenaries would fail to stop the Yemeni Resistance, a new narrative was birthed: the war was important to provide ‘security’ for the Saudi hacienda facing an ‘Iran-backed’ enemy.

That’s how Ansarallah became cast as Shia Houthis fighting Saudis and local ‘Sunni’ proxies. Context was thrown to the dogs, as in the vast, complex differences between Muslims in Yemen – Sufis of various orders, Zaydis (Houthis, the backbone of the Ansarallah movement, are Zaydis), Ismailis, and Shafii Sunnis – and the wider Islamic world.

Yemen goes BRI

So the whole Yemen story, once again, is essentially a tragic chapter of Empire attempting to plunder Third World/Global South wealth.

The House of Saud played the role of vassals seeking rewards. They do need it, as the House of Saud is in desperate financial straits that include subsidizing the US economy via mega-contracts and purchasing US debt.

The bottom line: the House of Saud won’t survive unless it dominates Yemen. The future of MBS is totally leveraged on winning his war, not least to pay his bills for western weapons and technical assistance already used. There are no definitive figures, but according to a western intel source close to the House of Saud, that bill amounted to at least $500 billion by 2017.

The stark reality made plain by the alliance between Ansarallah and major tribes is that Yemen refuses to surrender its national wealth to subsidize the Empire’s desperate need of liquidity, collateral for new infusions of cash, and thirst for commodities. Stark reality has absolutely nothing to do with the imperial narrative of Yemen as ‘pre-modern tribal traditions’ averse to change, thus susceptible to violence and mired in endless ‘civil war.’

And that brings us to the enticing ‘another world is possible’ angle when the Yemeni Resistance finally extricates the nation from the grip of the hawkish, crumbling neoliberal/Wahhabi coalition.

As the Chinese very well know, Yemen is rich not only in the so far unexplored oil and gas reserves, but also in gold, silver, zinc, copper and nickel.

Beijing also knows all there is to know about the ultra-strategic Bab al Mandab between Yemen’s southwestern coast and the Horn of Africa. Moreover, Yemen boasts a series of strategically located Indian Ocean ports and Red Sea ports on the way to the Mediterranean, such as Hodeidah.

Photo Credit: The Cradle

These waterways practically scream Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and especially the Maritime Silk Road – with Yemeni ports complementing China’s only overseas naval base in Djibouti, where roads and railways connect to Ethiopia.

The Ansarallah–tribal alliance may even, in the medium to long term, exercise full control for access to the Suez Canal.

One very possible scenario is Yemen joining the ‘string of pearls’ – ports linked by the BRI across the Indian Ocean. There will, of course, be major pushback by proponents of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ agenda. That’s where the Iranian connection enters the picture.

BRI in the near future will feature the progressive interconnection between the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) – with a special role for the port of Gwadar – and the emerging China–Iran corridor that will traverse Afghanistan. The port of Chabahar in Iran, only 80 km away from Gwadar, will also bloom, whether by definitive commitments by India or a possible future takeover by China.

Warm links between Iran and Yemen will translate into renewed Indian Ocean trade, without Sanaa depending on Tehran, as it is essentially self-sufficient in energy and already manufactures its own weapons. Unlike the Saudi vassals of Empire, Iran will certainly invest in the Yemeni economy.

The Empire will not take any of this lightly. There are plenty of similarities with the Afghan scenario. Afghanistan is now set to be integrated into the New Silk Roads – a commitment shared by the SCO. Now it’s not so far-fetched to picture Yemen as a SCO observer, integrated to BRI and profiting from Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) packages. Stranger things have happened in the ongoing Eurasia saga.

Video: Saudi-backed Forces’ Surprise Withdrawal from Several Yemeni Positions

By South Front

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is Riyadh_Abandons_Hudaydah-400x225.jpg

Global Research,

November 19, 2021

South Front 

18 November 2021

To receive Global Research’s Daily Newsletter (selected articles), click here.

Visit and follow us on Instagram at @crg_globalresearch.

***

A big peg was thrown in the Saudi-led coalition’s plans in the past several days.

Saudi-backed forces carried out a surprise withdrawal from dozens of positions in the southern and eastern outskirts of the western Yemeni city of al-Hudaydah, beginning on November 11th.

November 18th dawned with Houthis in partial control of the port in the city’s south. The city was predominantly under Ansar Allah control, but this abrupt withdrawal allowed for the group to regain even more positions.Video Player

The Saudi-led coalition spokesman General Turki al-Malki, in the first clarification on the abrupt withdrawal from around Hodeidah, said the redeployment was ordered to support other fronts and in line with the coalition’s “future plans”.Video: Saudi-led Coalition Attempts to Retake Baydha from Houthis

Still, on November 17, the coalition announced that its warplanes had carried out six airstrikes on Houthi (Ansar Allah) forces along the western Yemeni coast.

The spokesman highlighted the Houthis’ repeated violations of the UN-brokered ceasefire and the group’s control over several Red Sea ports, including that of al-Hudaydah, as the main reasons behind the withdrawal decision.

The Houthis have retaken all the positions which were abandoned by Saudi-backed coalition. Clashes are now taking place near the administrative border between al-Hudaydah and the southwestern province of Taiz. This is an invaluable chance for Ansar Allah.

The push for Ma’rib is going quite well for the Houthis, currently, and it is likely that most, if not all, Saudi forces will have to fight on the frontlines there. If Ma’rib falls, that spells bad times for Riyadh, as its most significant central Yemen stronghold is gone.

This allows for more Ansar Allah operations to target the interior of the Kingdom, and push it even further back along the contact lines.

In line with that, on November 17th, a ballistic missile targeted the southern outskirts of the central Yemeni city of Ma’rib. Allegations from pro-Saudi sources claimed a refugee camp had been struck. In response, pro-Houthi activists rejected them saying that the attack targeted reinforcements of Saudi-backed forces which were recently deployed in the engineer’s military camp near al-Himmah.

Several days ago, the Saudi-led coalition foiled an attack by the Houthis on the Bulq mountain, the last geographical obstacle before the southern outskirts of Ma’rib city.

With Saudi Arabia redeploying its troops, and the Houthis inching ever closer towards the strategic city, a no holds barred fight is on the horizon. A significant shift in the tide of the war will be observed for whichever side comes out on top.

*

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The Reasons Behind the Emirati Withdrawal from the Yemeni Coast

19 11, 2021

The Reasons Behind the Emirati Withdrawal from the Yemeni Coast

By Hussein Kourani

Beirut – It seems that the field map is becoming clear in the governorates of northern Yemen. With the approaching fall of the strategic city of Marib in the hands of the Yemeni army and the popular committees, the other fronts in Hudaydah and Mokha began to fall apart, as if the Marib front has shaken the other fronts and decided the whole battle.

In a sudden turn in the course of the field, the Emirati-backed forces withdrew from the southern areas of Hudaydah that is led unilaterally by Haitham Taher in an unreasonable way with respect to the forces in Mokha city led by Tarek Saleh and backed by the United Arab Emirates [UAE] as well, which left the latter shocked, confused, and doubtful about the existence of an agreement and a prior coordination between Taher and close confidents of the fugitive president Abed Rabbu Mansour Hadi who is supported by Saudi Arabia.

Sources reported unannounced heated disagreements among the factions of the UAE-backed forces in the western coast of Yemen, in the aftermath of the sudden and wide withdrawals in Hudaydah areas, which represented a stab in the back of Saleh’s forces, leaving the armed factions affiliated with the southern transitional council shocked and confused. The sources added that the so-called “legitimacy of Hadi” is coming to an end.

The withdrawing forces, however, claimed that they have evacuated the fighting areas in Hudaydah in accordance with the Stockholm Agreement reached late 2018, which is supposed to take place in coordination and understanding with the United Nations mission; but it was not kept informed with the updates.

But other sources asserted that the Emirati forces had previously started a large-scale evacuation of its forces after receiving a series of military strikes from the Yemeni Ansarullah movement. Such strikes were based on accurate intelligence by the movement.

In addition, the Yemeni army and popular committees rushed to take control over these areas, and opened the main road that connects them with the capital Sanaa. Among these areas are the eastern and northeastern coastal city of Hudaydah, and areas to the south of the city on the outskirts of the Hudaydah International Airport, in addition to the Ad Durayhimi District, the coastal line of the “Beit Al-Fakih” District, At Tuhayta District, Al-Haima port to the south of Al-Khawkha District, areas in the Hays District and areas to the south of these two directorates of the Taizz Governorate.

On the other hand, Saudi Arabia evacuated most of its compounds in the last few weeks, especially in Al-Mahrah governorate, but a number of its troops is still at its center in Al-Ghaydah, along with a group of officers who still roam about 27 compounds where mercenaries forces of the southern separatists are present, and it has become rare to find any Emirati forces in many southern areas. 

Regarding the Marib front, the Yemeni army and the popular committees have eased their attack on the city and headed to the south, achieving a progress that surpassed what it was like before, and succeeded, for the first time since years, to return to southern areas, even though a settlement with the local tribes there. But this operation allowed them to lay siege to all the southern and eastern crossings- the southern crossings that lead to Marib, and that made the Saudis and all the southern mercenaries in need for a long trip that takes them from Hadramout to the sieged city.

Accordingly, there is only one passage left, and if the Yemeni army and popular committees decide to go for an all-out confrontation to capture the city, this passage will be closed. The problem of Saudi Arabia here is that the support it received from the US did not help. Therefore, Marib has fallen and the greater is yet to come. Was the UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash right when he said that “the liberation of Hudaydah is the beginning of the end of the war”?

Yemeni journalist Ali al-Darwani confirmed to Al-Ahed News that nothing is being done confidentially regarding the Emirati withdrawal from the western coast that is at least more than 50 km long, but rather a relocation in case Marib fell, which will impose new fields on Ansarullah, first of which will be this coast where Taher’s forces consider themselves to be trapped between the jaws of the pincers, for this coast’s width reaches 5 km in some areas. He added that these forces opted to withdraw to the southern areas to strengthen their influence in order to defend Bab al-Mandeb strait which is a US-“Israeli” quest, fearing its fall in the special committees hands and thus taking control over the maritime navigation.

Al-Darwani also said that in case Marib fell, 50,000 to 100,000 fighters of the Islah party backed by the UAE and its allies like al-Qaeda and Salafists will flee to the southern regions, where they have authority. This large number will enhance their resilience in defending Bab al-Mandeb which might be a priority for the Yemeni army and the committees, and even for the Saudi-backed forces in Aden and the south, which fought the Islah Party in many areas.

The Yemeni journalist concluded that the Emirati withdrawal is a purely tactic withdrawal so that Abu Dhabi maintains its interests in the south, fearing Ansarullah first, and Saudi Arabia second.

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السيناريوات المتوقعة للتواجد الإماراتي في اليمن

الجمعة 19 11 2021

باريس _ نضال حمادة

عندما نتحدّث عن الاستراتيجية الإماراتية حالياً في اليمن لا يمكن أن نفصلها عن استراتيجية روسيا في الكثير من مفاصلها، خصوصاً تلك التي تتعلق بصراع النفوذ مع السعودية أو في موضوع المنافذ البحرية التي يتحكم اليمن بها عبر شواطئه الطويلة.

لكن على عكس روسيا تعتبر الإمارات الحرب في اليمن مصيرية لوجودها ككيان ودولة بعد مغامرتها اليمنية واحتلالها لجزر ومدن في اليمن.

في العام 2019 حاولت الإمارات تخفيف وطأة أعمالها عبر الإعلان عن انسحاب قواتها من اليمن لكن على أرض الواقع ما زالت تلك القوات متواجدة.

هامش المناورة الإماراتي في اليمن أضيق من الهامش السعودي لذلك لجأت الإمارات الى تعزيز علاقاتها مع إيران التي شهدنا آخرها مشروع الممر الاستراتيجي للتجارة الإماراتية عبر الأراضي الإيرانية الى تركيا وأوروبا.

أيضاً عززت الإمارات العلاقة مع روسيا وطبعت مع سورية لإرضاء الروسي والإيراني.

عرضت الإمارات على روسيا إقامة قاعدة عسكرية في سقطرى او في عدن لكن الروس رفضوا.

في الواقع روسيا تريد قاعدة على باب المندب لكن تريدها من حكومة يمنية مستقرة ومتمكنة.

في تلك الفترة كانت إيران تعيد العلاقة بين أنصار الله وموسكو بعد سنتين قطيعة بسبب قتل علي صالح.

كانت روسيا الوسيط بين صالح والأنصار حيث استقبلت السفارة الروسية اجتماعات التنسيق بين الطرفين، وعند مقتل صالح غضبت موسكو وقطعت علاقاتها مع أنصار الله حتى العالم 2019 عندما نجحت إيران بإعادة حبل التواصل بين الطرفين.

 تزامناً مع العرض الإماراتي كانت موسكو أنجزت اتفاقاً سرياً مع عمر البشير لإنشاء قاعدة عسكرية روسية في بور سودان على البحر الأحمر.

أسقطت أميركا عمر البشير بسبب هذا الاتفاق السري

 وساهمت الإمارات بسقوطه حتى لا يفقدها التأثير على موسكو

في الواقع الاستراتيجية الإماراتية وسيناريوات هذه الاستراتيجية تقوم على أمرين:

1 –  استرضاء إيران.

2 – استرضاء روسيا.

يظهر هذا في التقارب الإماراتي مع سورية القاسم المشترك الكبير بين موسكو وطهران.

 كما ظهرت في الآونة الأخيرة استراتيجية تلبية مطالب أنصار الله الحوثيين كما شهدنا في انسحابات الساحل الغربي.

لا يمكن تصوّر هذا الانسحاب إلا ضمن سياسة استرضاء الحوثيين كون الساحل الغربي يشكل العمود الأساس لكلّ استراتيجية أبو ظبي على موانئ البحر الأحمر

ما حصل استسلام بكلّ المقاييس…

 قبل يومين أعلنت قوات طارق صالح ذات الولاء الإماراتي المنسحبة الى شبوة أنها لن تشارك في معارك مأرب.

لا يمكن فصل هذا الإعلان عن استراتيجية تلبية مطالب صنعاء.

سوف نشهد في الفترة المقبلة تلبية مطالب وتراجعات في جبهات متعددة.

ليس لدى الإمارات خيار إلا التراجع…

فيديوات ذات صلة

مقالات ذات صلة

Yemen to Saudi Arabia: Await “Serious Consequences” for Your Major Escalation

Nov 19, 2021

Yemen to Saudi Arabia: Await “Serious Consequences” for Your Major Escalation

By Staff, Agencies

Yemen has warned Saudi Arabia of “serious consequences” following major escalation of deadly onslaught against Yemeni provinces, saying Riyadh and its allies conducted 65 airstrikes in the past 24 hours.

“In a major escalation, the forces of the Saudi-American aggression have launched more than 65 air raids over the past 24 hours across a number of governorates of the Republic,” spokesman of the Armed Forces Brigadier General Yahya Saree wrote in a tweet on Thursday night.

“This escalation will have serious consequences for the forces of aggression, they must bear the consequences,” he added.

The remarks came after the Saudi state TV reported that the Riyadh-led military campaign against Yemen had launched airstrikes on four provinces in Yemen.

Early on Thursday, Saudi Arabia conducted a massive operation against Sanaa, Dhamar, Saada, and al-Jawf provinces in response to what it called threats of drone and ballistic missile raids, according to the report.

The kingdom earlier said that it had destroyed an explosive-laden drone targeting the kingdom’s Abha international airport on Wednesday.

On Thursday, the Yemeni media reported that at least three civilians were injured by Saudi raids in Saada province, north of Yemen.                     

The Saudi army fire targeted the border district of Munabeh, which seriously wounded three citizens, a security source told Yemen Press Agency [YPA].

The attack came a day after the Saudi army’s raids left five civilians wounded, including an African immigrant, in the border districts of Munabeh and Baqim in Saada province.

Saudi warplanes also attacked the capital Sanaa, Taizz, Marib, and Hudaydah provinces on Thursday.

In Dhamar province, it launched a raid targeting a livestock farm in Mayfa’a Ans district, killing more than 200 sheep.

Enjoying the backing of key Western powers, Saudi Arabia has been leading the war on Yemen since March 2015 to reinstall the former Riyadh-backed regime of Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi.

However, Riyadh has failed to achieve any of its goals six years after launching the war and blockade against Yemen, leaving hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead and spreading famine and infectious diseases there.

In recent months, Saudi Arabia has ramped up its attacks against densely-populated areas across Yemen.

Observers say the rise in attacks comes due to major advances made by the Yemeni forces in Marib province and other key areas that are being liberated from the control of Saudi mercenaries.

The kingdom is also being targeted by the Yemeni army and its allied popular forces continuously, with the Sanaa government saying that it will keep hitting targets deep inside Saudi Arabia as long as the war and siege continue.

Throughout the course of the war, the United States has supported and armed Saudi Arabia.

Despite his February promise to end “all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales,” US President Joe Biden has recently approved $650 million worth of weapons sales to Saudi Arabia.

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الأميركي للسعودي: افعلوا ما فعلناه في أفغانستان: «لستم أقوى منا وليسوا أضعف من طالبان»

نوفمبر 18 2021

 ناصر قنديل

تخصص ورشات عمل العديد من مراكز الدراسات الأميركية أبحاثها للوضع في اليمن، في ضوء المستجدات التي لم يعد ممكناً إخفاؤها، والتي تتلخص بالتقارير المجمع عليها حول اعتبار سقوط مدينة مأرب بيد أنصار الله مسألة وقت، والتي اختصرها معاون وزير الخارجية الأميركي السابق ديفيد شنكر بقوله في إحدى ورشات العمل البحثية، إن استحواذ الأنصار على مأرب بات محسوماً، واصفاً ذلك بالسيناريو الأسوأ لواشنطن والرياض، وبخسارة الحرب على اليمن خسارة كاملة، والإجماع على مكانة مأرب يطال الجميع أميركيين وسعوديين ويمنيين، وعلى ضفاف ما يجري في مأرب برز المؤشر الثاني وهو تضعضع التحالف المناوئ للأنصار، وما ظهر على جبهة الحديدة كاف لإثبات ذلك، فإن كان ما جرى نتيجة صفقة فهو كارثة تشي بانهيار التحالف، وإن كان نتيجة سوء تنسيق بخلفية الخوف من تداعيات انهيار جبهة مأرب على القوات المنتشرة في الساحل بلا عمق يحميها، فتلك مصيبة، وفي الحالتين ستتواصل التداعيات، خصوصاً إذا أضيف للمشهد التمايز الإماراتي عن السعودية بخطوات يمنية يظهرها تمايز وضع الجنوب اليمني، وإقليمية كان آخرها التواصل العالي المستوى بين الإمارات وإيران وما نشر عن زيارة شخصية إماراتية كبيرة لطهران قريباً، فيما تبقى الإمارات بخلاف السعودية بمنأى عن استهداف الأنصار لمدنها وسفنها بصورة تثير شكوك السعودية بتفاهمات تحت الطاولة.

أغلب الباحثين الأميركيين يشبه الوضع في اليمن بالوضع في أفغانستان عشية اتخاذ قرار الانسحاب الأميركي، فوضع قوات منصور هادي ليست أفضل حالاً من قوات أشرف غني، وعزم وعناد واقتدار أنصار الله ليس أقل مما أظهرته حركة طالبان، وحجم الحصار المفروض على أفغانستان لم يكن دون مستوى الحصار على اليمن، والأميركيون يقولون إنهم وهم يختلفون على ظروف الانسحاب يتفقون على أنه كان خياراً مراً لكن لا بد منه، فالوضع بدا ميؤوساً منه، والبقاء لعشرين سنة أخرى لن يغير المشهد، إلا باستنزاف المزيد من الأموال وإزهاق المزيد من الأرواح، ويقول بعض هؤلاء الباحثين، ربما يكون وزير الإعلام اللبناني جورج قرداحي آخر من استخدم توصيف الحرب العبثية، بما يتضمنه التوصيف لحرب لا نصر فيها، لكن لا هزيمة، بينما صارت اليوم حرباً مضمونة الخسارة، ولم يعد لدى السعوديين ترف الوقت لاتخاذ القرار بالانسحاب، وتجاوز الأمر حدود الحديث عن كارثة إنسانية محققة، فقد أنتجت الحرب تحولاً استراتيجياً كبيراً.

السعوديون عبر وسائل إعلامهم يغيبون عن النقاش، لكن فلتات مواقف وردت على قناة العربية الحدث، كانت تدعو واشنطن للتساؤل عما يعنيه نشوء أفغانستان ثانية على البحر الأحمر تمسك بمضيق باب المندب، بدت رداً أو مناقشة للنصيحة الأميركية، من خلال المقارنة بين الموقع الاستراتيجي لكل من أفغانستان واليمن، حيث اليمن بقوته الصاعدة شريك مقبل في أمن الطاقة والملاحة الدولية، وباب المندب أحد أهم المضائق العالمية، الذي يزيد أهمية عن مضيق هرمز ومضيق جبل طارق، فهو وحده يربط أربعة بحار ومحيطات، هي البحر الأحمر والمحيط الهادئ والخليج والبحر الأبيض المتوسط، ويطرح السعوديون أسئلة ينتظرون أن يتلقفها الإسرائيليون حول الخلل الاستراتيجي في موازين القوى التي تترتب على التسليم بخسارة اليمن، الذي لا تخفي قيادته اصطفافها في محور المقاومة، وما أظهرته من مقدرات يجب أن يحسب له الحساب في كل ما يطال أمن «إسرائيل»، فيما يرد الأميركيون أنهم خسروا مع الخروج من أفغانستان التواجد من مسافة صفر مع كل من إيران والصين وروسيا، وتركوا الفرص مفتوحة لاحتوائها من التحالف الإيراني الصيني الروسي، بالإضافة لفرص تواصل أطراف هذا التحالف عبر اليابسة للمرة الأولى عبر الجغرافيا الأفغانية، لكن كل هذا كان لا بد من تقبله لاستحالة البقاء.

كيف سيتصرف الأميركيون والإسرائيليون، وكيف سيتفاعل السعوديون، يقول الأنصار إنهم جاهزون لكل احتمال، وأن بديل النصر هو النصر فقط، والخيار بين نصر لليمن لا يشعل المنطقة ونصر يأتي بعد اشتعالها، لكنه لن يكون محصوراً باليمن عندها.

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أنصار الله يربحون الحرب ويقلبون الطاولة على الجميع

الاربعاء 17 نوفمبر 2021

محمد صادق الحسيني

يفيد مصدر أمني خاص جداً بانّ ثمة غرفة عمليات مشتركة لما يُعرف بالتحالف العربي لا تزال تأمل في إعاقة تقدّم أنصار الله باتجاه وسط مدينة مأرب، يشترك فيها بالإضافة إلى ضباط بريطانيين، ١٤ ضابط أركان “إسرائيلي” يشاركون جنباً الى جنب مع ضباط سعوديين في ما بات يسمّيه أنصار الله آخر معارك اليمن الكبرى…!

كما تفيد أنباء متداولة في الكواليس وفي صالونات السياسة الإقليمية أنّ حاكم أبو ظبي يتجه لخسارة مدوية لحرب الموانئ التي أوحى يوماً بأنه امتلك ناصيتها فيما هو آخذ في التقهقر نحو اليابسة الإيرانية، بخاصة بعد أن قطعت عليه تل أبيب خطوط إمداداته النفطية من إيلات إلى عسقلان أو أشدود (بحسب وزارة الطاقة الإسرائيلية التي طالبت بوقف مشروعه)!

هذا كما تفيد الأنباء بأنّ الزيارة المرتقبة في الساعات المقبلة لابن زايد إلى أنقرة إنما تأتي في هذا السياق، أي التنسيق مع غريمه الإخواني السابق أردوغان، لكيفية استخدام الأراضي الإيرانية للتجارة الدولية بدلاً من خط إيلات ـ عسقلان، وذلك في إطار المشروع الصيني العملاق: حزام واحد ـ طريق واحد.

 وعودة التركي إلى “بيت الصديق” كما عبّر أحمد شاويش أوغلو في طهران مستحضراً بيت شعر شهيراً لأحد شعراء إيران القدامى، وهو بضيافة عبد اللهيان، فإنّ ثمة من فسّرها بهذا الاتجاه أيضاً.

أيّ تقهقر المشروع التركي في البحار بعد غزواته الفاشلة الثلاث في المتوسط والأحمر وبحر الخزر (ليبيا ـ اليمن ـ أذربايجان)، وتراجع وتيرة الصراع التركي- الإيراني لصالح اتفاقية طويلة الأمد بين البلدين يتمّ التحضير لتوقيعها بين أنقرة وطهران خلال زيارة مرتقبة لأردوغان إلى العاصمة الإيرانية قريباً.

كلّ ذلك يقول عارفون ومطلعون لما يحصل على حدود شبه الجزيرة العربية بين أنصار الله وأرباب الحرب الكونية على اليمن منذ 7 سنوات، والتي تبوء بالفشل وتتوه في صحراء الربع الخالي كما حصل لسابقتها الحرب الكونية على سورية وتكسّر نصالها على أبواب الشام.

لا يظنن أحد أبداً بأنّ زيارة الوزير التركي للبنان وهو الآتي إليه من طهران، والأخرى القطرية المشابهة المرتقبة، إنما تأتي في إطار مبادرات إنقاذ الرياض أو إنزالها من الشجرة كما يتصوّر البعض، أو حتى إصلاح ذات البين بينها وبين بيروت، أبداً بل هي للتقرّب من محور المقاومة المنتصر، وقبل ذلك وبعده فهي من ثمار ذلك الفشل الكبير للغزوات “الجهادية” المندحرة على أسوار مدننا، والتي يتمّ تتويج هزيمتها الكلية في هذه الساعات ضدّ حكم الرياض أيضاً وعلى يد أنصار اليمن الأحرار القابضين على الجمر طوال 7 سنين من الحرب والحصار.

أن هروب مرتزقة تحالف العدوان من الحديدة على عجل ومن دون ترتيب مسبق لا مع الرياض ولا مع الأمم المتحدة والذي سموه إعادة تموضع أو إعادة انتشار، إنما هو انكسار مرّ اضطروا له خوفاً من خسارة ما هو أخطر.

فالأنصار يُطهّرون الآن مدينة مأرب والوادي حيث مجمع صافر النفطي يتجهون لوصله بمجمع بلحاف للغاز في شبوة وعينهم على البحر جنوباً لقطع الطريق على مشروع نظام الرياض التاريخي الذي ظلّ يسعى لسنوات طويلة لتوظيف الأراضي اليمنية جسر عبور للوصول لإعادة رسم خطوط تصدير نفطه ملتفاً عن مضيق هرمز باتجاه بحر العرب.

كلّ هذا يحصل وسط إعادة رسم الخريطة الكونية كلها بين القوى العظمى التي خاضت حروب أنابيب الطاقة والمضائق والبحار خلال السنوات العشر الماضية، والتي يُقال إذا ما نجح أنصار الله في إكمال خطتهم الخاصة بتحرير اليمن كل اليمن، فإنهم ليس فقط سيأخذون لهم دور بارز في المعادلة الكونية الجديدة جيوسياسياً وجيواقتصادياً بل وجيواستراتيجياً أيضاً، أي بلغة أخرى سيقلبون الطاولة على الجميع.

وما ترونه اليوم من تدافع أو تدفق على دمشق لمصالحتها، سترون أضعافه على صنعاء، ما بعد انقراض القبيلة الحاكمة في الرياض عاصمة الوهابيين، وانتقال مركز ثقل الجزيرة العربية صوب الركن اليماني جنوباً.

وعندها فقط سترون كيف أن مرفأ بيروت سيستعيد عافيته فيما يأفل نجم ميناء حيفا وأشدود وعسقلان فعلاً.

وكذلك ستستعيد بغداد الرافدين دجلة والفرات من هيمنة قرار الغزاة المتعدّدي الجنسيات وكلاء الناتو ومخلبه الجنوبي الطوراني.

ويومها أيضاً سترون كيف أن مدن المقاومة والتصدي لمشاريع الهيمنة الغربية من جزائر الأطلس الكبير إلى تخوم جدار الصين العظيم تأخذ دورها الرائد في إعادة رسم جغرافيا آخر الزمان.

قاحلة أنت يا مدن الملح اليوم أكثر من أيّ وقت مضى بفضل الصبر الاستراتيجي لأنصار الله ومسيرتهم القرآنية التي وضع أسسها الشهيد القائد السيد حسين بدر الدين الحوثي.

وعامرة وعزيزة أنت اليوم يا مدن اليمن المنصور بالله بفضل قيادة القائد السيد عبد الملك بدر الدين الحوثي بحكمته وصبره ومعجزات رجاله الأنصار، وعقول كوادر اليمن المبدعة وما يقدّمونه من تضحيات من مأرب حتى باب المندب.

*بعدنا طيبين قولوا الله*

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لهذا السبب انسحب طارق صالح من الحديدة إلى تعز…

الأحد 14 نوفمبر 2021

باريس ـ نضال حمادة

 من دون مقدمات وعلى حين غرة أخلت قوات طارق صالح مواقعها على ساحل الحديدة في اليمن متوجهة إلى تعز، في وقت انسحبت قوات العمالقة التي كانت تشاركها جبهات الحديدة إلى ثلاث جهات… هي البرح للقتال مع صالح وعدن بينما رفضت بعض قوات من العمالقة الانسحاب ووقع غالبيتها في الأسر كما حصل مع كامل اللواء الخامس من العمالقة في الحديدة.

في معلومات حصلت عليها «البناء» فإنّ طارق صالح كان قد أبلغ قادة القوات المتواجدة في الحديدة قراره الانسحاب من الساحل الغربي إلى موزع ومن ثم البرح في محافظة تعز، وقالت المصادر إن طارق صالح زار الحديدة قبل أيام من الانسحاب وأبلغ القادة هناك قائلاً:

«أيها الإخوة سوف تسقط كلّ جبهات الساحل من الحديدة حتى خوخة، ونحن قررنا إعادة التموضع في البرح وموزع ومن يريد منكم الانضمام معنا فأهلاً وسهلاً بمن يريد منكم أن يكون تحت قيادتي». وأضاف صالح «من لا يريد كان الله بعونه يبقى وعليه مواجهة مصيره فوافق البعض وطلب البعض الآخر مبالغ مالية».

لماذا الانسحاب وإلى تعز تحديداً؟

تقول مصادر يمنية مقرّبة من آل صالح إن الانهيار في جبهات مأرب كان قوياً ومتسارعاً بشكل وضع خريطة الحرب اليمينة كلها على طريق النهاية السريعة لمصلحة أنصار الله.

وتضيف أن منطقة الساحل الغربي لا يمكن الدفاع عنها في حال سقوط مأرب إذا ما تمكّن أنصار الله من إرسال آلاف المقاتلين الذين كانوا في مأرب إلى الساحل الغربي، بالتالي أصبحت الخيارات أمام طارق صالح محدودة للغاية… إذ أنه ليس في وارد الذهاب للقتال في مأرب بوجه عشرات آلاف المقاتلين من أنصار الله، وليس لديه في الجنوب أيّ محب أو صديق، بالتالي فإنّ وجوده في الجنوب مرفوض من قبل الانتقالي، فكانت تعز أقلّ الخيارات سوءاً، خصوصاً أن لِعمّه فيها أنصار كون تعز كانت المحافظة التي تشكل منها كلّ كوادر الدولة اليمنية أيام حكم علي عبدالله صالح، بالتالي فسوف يجد طارق صالح فيها مقرأً للاستقرار المؤقت الذي يمنحه هامشاً من المناورة لعدة أشهر ربما، مع علمه أن محاولته هذه محفوفة بالمخاطر والصعوبات كون تواجده في تعز سوف يكون عرضة للحصار بسبب طول خطوط الإمداد وقدرة أنصار الله على قطع هذه الخطوط، فضلاً عن تواجد الإصلاح فيها، غير أن ضيق الخيارات لديه وحاجته إلى الحماية جعلته ينتقل إلى تعز، فكلّ ما يطلبه الرجل حالياً هو حماية نفسه لا أكثر.

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Why Marib’s liberation will break the Saudis and shake West Asia

November 12 2021

A Houthi fighter in front of the ancient throne of the Queen of Sheba, located in Marib, Yemen.Photo Credit: The Cradle

If Ansarallah controls Marib, it will control all of Yemen and some of the world’s most strategic waterways. No wonder its adversaries are shaken.

By Karim Shami

Marib, the ancient capital of Sheba, referred to in both the Bible and the Holy Quran as a wealthy and wise kingdom, once ruled across the entire southern Arabian peninsula.

Today, Marib has risen again, this time as the final stronghold of Yemen’s latest invaders, now in panicked retreat after a six-year battle that has depleted their coffers and exhausted their forces.

This war was announced from Washington on 26 March 2015 and led by Saudi Arabia in support of the overthrown government of Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, a regime that had already lost the capital city of Sanaa to Yemen’s Ansarallah (Houthis) movement a few months prior.

A coalition of 10 countries, including pack leaders Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was formed to force the return of his highly unpopular government. The name Operation Decisive Storm was chosen and the air strikes began.

Ansarallah were assessed as being weak and the operation was expected to last no more than a few weeks or months, at the most.

Instead, Ansarallah prevailed, forcing its Saudi and Emirati foes to insert ground troops into the expanding quagmire and divide their roles in Yemen.

Today, the UAE is present mainly in the country’s south controlling its strategic ports and islands, while the Saudis remain in the north, along their extensive northern border with Yemen, in the east, where the province of Marib and its rich oil and gas fields are located, and in the west, in the coastal city of Hodeidah.

For Yemenis, the importance of Marib is not limited to its oil and gas fields, but also for its ancient culture, its inclusion in the holy Quran, and its significant historical sites and water engineering feats, such as the ancient Marib dam built around the 8th century BC. A new dam, the country’s largest, was later built near the cherished ruins of the old one.

Saudi Arabia acknowledged Marib’s importance by making it the stronghold for its war operations, building military bases and bribing local tribes to fight alongside the coalition. Most of Riyadh’s military and intelligence operations – excluding air strikes – were launched from Marib against the northern Houthi-controlled Sanaa city and province.

Ansarallah endured these onslaughts for three years, then flipped the war on its adversaries in 2018 by going on the offensive. Since then, the group has expanded its territorial gains significantly, destabilized Saudi Arabia’s own borders, and exponentially advanced its military tactics and capabilities in drone and missile technology.

These startling gains forced the coalition to the negotiating table in 2018 to sign the Hodeidah Agreement. The agreement was a boon for Ansarallah from a military perspective, first and foremost. Hodeidah and its Red Sea port are west of Sanaa, and the negotiated ceasefire would help Ansarallah turn its focus on only two fronts now, the east (Marib) and the south.

But the agreement also had humanitarian benefits for a country besieged by land, sea, and air by coalition forces since the war’s onset. With goods now entering the port, fresh access to medicine, fuel and food reduced the crisis in territories controlled by Ansarallah.

In 2019, Ansarallah marched eastward, increasing their defence operations inside Saudi Arabia, and targeting the capital city of Riyadh, airports, and Aramco facilities in retaliation for Saudi airstrikes. The UAE was also threatened when drone activity caused a brief closure of Dubai airport.

The UAE’s very existence depends on the security of Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Understanding that they were one ballistic missile away from an existential disaster, the Emiratis withdrew from Marib leaving the Saudis to their own devices, and headed south. The ten-nation coalition had now dwindled to two, neither of whom were fighting alongside the other.

For Sanaa, access to oil is a higher priority than access to ports, hence Ansarallah’s decision to first push eastward, where Marib lies. Although the reverse would have been easier – at 17,000 km², Marib requires a huge military presence, while Hodeidah port and its surrounding areas are less than 1,000 km² – the Yemeni rebels chose the harder, more dangerous fight first.

Today, the complete liberation of Marib is imminent. Of its 14 districts, 13 are now back in Yemeni hands, with only Marib city and the oil fields remaining, alongside one major Saudi military base (Sahen Jin).

Marib’s liberation will be an unprecedented victory for Ansarallah that will place Sanaa back firmly on the world map. Aside from the huge morale boost for the Houthi rebels, Ansarallah will gain control of Yemen’s vital water and oil resources and bring relief for the capital’s civilians. Despite the fact that areas controlled by the group enjoy more financial stability ($1 = 600 Yemeni Rials versus 1,480 Rials in areas outside their control) the war has impoverished Sanaa.

Marib’s liberation will also mean that Ansarallah will govern around 80 percent of the Yemeni population of 30 million, secure its eastern front, and make a move on Hodeidah where remaining coalition forces are based.

After the liberation of Hodeidah and Marib, Saudi Arabia will lose its boots on the ground in Yemen, but will it retreat and accept defeat?

Will Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman – also his country’s minister of defense – who spearheaded the war against Yemen, accept this fait accompli? Will Saudi Arabia continue bombing Yemen for another six years?

With so many unexpected victories under its belt, Ansarallah is now in a position to direct these Saudi decisions. Already this year, the Yemeni rebels have bombed Aramco and Saudi airports in retaliation for airstrikes in Sanaa. Riyadh clearly understands the correlation – bombing Sanaa means Aramco will get hit – and so although the war is still fiercely being played out, important deterrences have been established.

In September, during the approach toward Marib, Ansarallah leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi said: “We will liberate the entirety of our country and recover all regions occupied by the Saudi-led aggression.”

After the fall of Marib, Saudi Arabia will never be the same. Having expended all its chips and a vast fortune on bringing the Houthis to heel, Riyadh’s influence in the Arab and Muslim world are set to decline.

Through proxies and large financial donations, the Saudis have historically managed Muslim communities and dictated the policies of entire states. But in an actual direct war, led by one of the world’s wealthiest nations against one of its poorest, the Saudis lost resoundingly.

After the fall of Marib, the UAE’s position is less clear, but it will ultimately face one of two choices: either surrender to Ansarallah’s demands or face reprisals inside Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

Yemen has vast mineral reserves of zinc, silver, nickel, gold, copper and cobalt as well as oil and gas fields, resources that the Saudis have not allowed successive Yemeni rulers to exploit, develop or monetize since 1934.

Yemen was then (arguably still is) considered a Saudi backwater, and Riyadh’s policy toward its southern neighbor was entirely driven by the kingdom’s founder, Abdul Aziz Al Saud, who declared in an infamous quote:

the honor of Saudis is in the humiliation of Yemen, and their (Saudi) humiliation is in the glory of Yemen.”

These words had monumental significance: the guiding principle for all future Saudi monarchs would be to subjugate Yemen at all cost, or the price would be existential.

With Ansarallah in charge, reverberations will be felt across West Asia – not least because Yemenis still consider the Saudi provinces of Jizan and Najran to be part of Yemen.

Yemen is often referred to as the ‘birthplace of Arabs,’ with numerous tribes stretching across the Arabian peninsula to Iraq tracing their origins back to Yemen.

At the other end of the Arabian peninsula, Ansarallah will also be controlling the strait of Bab al Mandab which leads directly to the straits of Suez. This gives them geopolitical and geoeconomic clout over Egypt, historically the ‘mother’ of the Arab world, and a country which itself has launched a failed war against Yemen.

Ansarallah controlling access to the Suez Canal will be a nightmare for the Israelis – Tel Aviv and Zionism are the mortal enemy of the Houthis, and no ship heading for Israel will be allowed to cross this strait.

China and Iran will be big winners in the ensuing geopolitical shuffle. Iran will gain its first diehard ally in the Arabian Peninsula – one that has oil, produces its own weapons, and can defend itself without costing Tehran money, manpower or resources.

Yemen’s geography is of strategic importance to China too: its southwestern part faces the east coast of Africa, and with the Bab al Mandab strait, Yemen has more than 10 major ports on the Indian ocean, and through the Red Sea to the Mediterranean.

It is the closest West Asian nation to the Horn of Africa, where China has its only overseas military base in Djibouti, and where it has built roads and railways connecting the latter to Ethiopia.

With the US, UK and western countries in general having supported the aggression against the Yemeni people, Ansarallah is more likely to choose to align with China, Iran, and other unaligned nations.

Reports indicate that Saudi Arabia spent well over $300 billion on its war on Yemen. Six years later, it is on the verge of being soundly defeated, with only Marib blocking that path. Marib is the city that will soon dictate the terms that end this war, and perhaps the end of Saudi power projection as we know it.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.Author

Yemeni Forces Break Through Saudi-backed Militants’ Last Defense Lines in Northern Marib

Nov 8, 2021

Yemeni Forces Break Through Saudi-backed Militants’ Last Defense Lines in Northern Marib

By Staff, Agencies

The Yemeni army and allied fighters from popular committees achieved a “key military breakthrough” in Marib, infiltrating “the last defense lines” of Saudi-backed militants in the northern part of the province.

Lebanon’s al-Akhbar news website cited informed sources as saying that the Yemeni troops launched a surprise operation from eastern al-Jawf Province, reaching the desert areas in northern Marib Province.

According to the report, the Yemeni forces penetrated the last defensive lines of militants loyal to former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi in the vast desert front, approaching the border between the provinces of Marib and Hadhramaut.

The sources said the operation, which was launched from al-Khanjar camp in al-Jawf, resulted in the recapture of vast areas in al-Rowaik, which lies 15 kilometers away from the border between Marib and Hadhramaut, east of the oil region of Safer.

The sources stressed that the Yemeni forces “achieved a significant military breakthrough that would enable them to cut the last supply lines” of the pro-Hadi militants who are present in northern Marib City.

Marib has turned into a focus of the Yemeni army’s liberation operations since last year.

The province’s recapture, towards which many advancements have been made so far, is expected to pave the way for further military victories for Yemen’s forces.

Saudi Arabia on Saturday intensified its airstrikes on the strategic province of Marib in a bid to undermine the Yemeni troops’ achievements.

Last month, Yemen’s Defense Minister Mohammad al-Atefi said the capture of Marib City is “a matter of time.” He also stated that the Saudi-led aggression on Yemen has already been defeated and that the aggressors have no choice but to admit defeat.

Saudi Arabia, backed by the US and regional allies, launched the war on Yemen in March 2015, with the goal of bringing the government of former president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi back to power and crushing the Ansarullah movement.

The Saudi war has left hundreds of thousands of Yemenis dead, and displaced millions more. It has also destroyed Yemen’s infrastructure and spread famine and infectious diseases.

In the meantime, Yemeni armed forces and the popular committees have grown steadily in strength against the Saudi-led invaders and left Riyadh and its allies bogged down in the country.

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