Jenin Battalion Confronts Occupation Forces amid Clashes in West Bank

 April 8, 2023

Violent confrontations erupted between Palestinian youths and the Israeli occupation forces in several cities across the occupied West Bank, including Jenin, Beit Lahm, and Nablus. In response to the unrest, the IOF fired stun grenades at citizens near the al-Hamra checkpoint in the Jordan Valley and detained Palestinian civilians.

According to Palestinian media, the resistance fighters targeted the occupation forces in the town of Burqin, resulting in one civilian sustaining a gunshot wound. The Jenin Battalion of the Al-Quds Brigades confirmed their involvement in the armed clashes, declaring their fight against the Israeli occupation forces.

In another incident, clashes erupted on Friday evening in the town of Taqu’a, southeast of Beit Lahm, prompting the IOF to respond with force. The al-Hamra checkpoint witnessed a tense situation, with the deployment of occupation forces and the closure of the barrier, causing significant disruption for civilians on both sides.

Source: Israeli and Palestinian media (translated and edited by Al-Manar English Website)

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Following Killing of Two Jewish Settlers in Jordan Valley, a Palestinian Attack Targets Tel Aviv

April 7, 2023

One was killed and five others were wounded in a shooting and car-ramming attack near the Tel Aviv beach. (Photo: via QNN)

By Palestine Chronicle Staff

One was killed and five others were wounded in a shooting and car-ramming attack near the Tel Aviv beach on Friday.

The attacker, believed to be a Palestinian named Yousef Abu Jaber, is reportedly in a serious condition. It is not clear, however, if Abu Jaber is responsible for both attacks, as news emerging from Israeli media is conflicting.

According to Israeli Channel 14, a gunman opened fire in Tel Aviv killing one and injuring two others. In a separate operation, a car-ramming attack led to the wounding of other Israelis.

Following the latest operations, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu instructed Israeli police to enlist all reserve units in the border guards and to recruit additional forces to confront what he called the wave of terrorism.

The Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth said that the commander of the border guards has already summoned four additional units, to be added to the current six units in operation.

Earlier in the day, Israel said that two settlers were killed and a third was seriously wounded in an attack in the Hamra area, east of the town of Tubas, in the Jordan Valley (northwest of the occupied West Bank).

These events followed a very intense day that saw the firing of rockets from both Gaza and South Lebanon towards Israel. Consequently, the Israeli military bombed many targets in Gaza and Lebanon.

Palestinian Resistance groups say that firing rockets was a retaliation to the Israeli raids against Al-Aqsa Mosque starting on Wednesday, leading to the wounding of many Palestinians and the arrest of hundreds.

Some analysts in both Israel and Palestine say that the Israeli violence in Jerusalem was intended to create a distraction from Netanyahu’s biggest political crisis in years, where hundreds of thousands of Israelis have been protesting measures taken by Israel’s rightwing government coalition.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

Palestinian Resistance Strikes ‘Painfully’: Shooting Kills 3 Israelis, Seriously Injures Another

 April 7, 2023

Scene of the shooting in Jordan Valley (Friday, April 7, 2023).

Three Israelis were killed and another was seriously hurt on Friday in a West Bank shooting described by Israeli media as “painful”.

Israeli media reported that three Israeli women were shot in a drive-by-shooting attack in the Jordan Valley region.

Two succumbed to their wounds, Israeli officials confirmed, while the third was in critical condition. Later on, Zionist media indicated that the third settler also died.

Ynet reported that the car which was hit by bullets had lost control and crashed and hit another vehicle on the road, citing emergency teams.

The Israelis were shot in their vehicle near the Hamra Junction i24News reported. It quoted eyewitnesses as saying that one of the two attackers approached the vehicle after the initial salvo that left the women hurt and fired at a point-blank range.

Israeli occupation military confirmed that the incident represents a “terrorist attack” and said they launched a manhunt after the attacker, who apparently fled on foot.

After the shooting, Israel Police Commissioner Kobi Shabtai called on licensed gun Israeli owners to carry them.

Resistance movements hailed the operation, stressing that it comes as a natural response to the continuous Israeli aggression against Palestinian people in Al-Aqsa.

Hamas spokesman in Al-Quds Mohammad Hamade said the shooting proves the resistance’s swift response to Israeli crimes and its capability to hit sensitive security targets across the Zionist entity.

Tensions are on the rise across the Zionist entity as Palestinian people are determined to go ahead with all forms of resistance against the Israeli occupation.

Friday’s attack attack comes few hours after Israeli occupation struck Gaza and Lebanon and went ahead with its aggression in Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied Al-Quds.

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Source: Israeli media

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Before being re-elected in 2019, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed to annex the Jordan Valley, which makes up approximately 30% of the occupied West Bank, if he remained in power. After months of speculation, Netanyahu nixed his promise in the summer of 2020 as part of Israel’s normalization agreement with the United Arab Emirates.

Yet with Netanyahu back in office again and leading a right-wing extremist coalition, annexation of the Jordan Valley is back on the agenda.

In January, Israeli member of parliament, Danny Danon, announced his plans to put forward a bill to annex the region. According to Jewish News, the bill he is preparing seeks to apply “Israeli law to all areas of the Jordan Valley,” including the “industrial areas that serve them, the archaeological sites in the area and the access roads to these areas.”

Additionally, settler-colonists with the Sovereignty Youth Movement have collected more than 1,000 signatures for a petition demanding the government annex the Jordan Valley. While the Sovereignty Youth Movement and Danon did not respond to MintPress News’ requests for comment, Danon told Jewish News:

The annexation of the Jordan Valley is a significant issue for Israel from an historical, economical as well as crucially, from a security perspective. We know that there is support for the application of Israel’s sovereignty of the Jordan Valley, both in the government’s coalition as well as in the opposition.”

Rabbi Arik Ascherman, an activist and director of Israeli non-profit Torat Tzedek, explained that Israeli proposals to annex the Jordan Valley were not exclusively dominated by the right. Rather, Israelis across the political spectrum largely agree on annexing the Jordan Valley for security purposes.

Settlement construction in the Jordan Valley was initially the brainchild of Israel’s Labor Party brought forth by Labor Minister Yigal Allon as part of the Allon Plan, a draft partition agreement following Israel’s capture of the West Bank and East Jerusalem in 1967. Establishing settlements in the Jordan Valley was seen as a strategic move to defend against then-existing threats from the east. Today, while those threats have disappeared, the argument of security still persists.


Being in the Jordan Valley is like hiking through a landscape painting. Jagged cliffs soften into plateaus. Mountains transform into sandy waterfalls and eventually descend into lush ravines. The area is coveted for its natural beauty and agricultural capability. The mineral-rich soil, unique climate, and plentiful water resources has made it a hotspot for farming year-round and therefore an economic necessity.

“It’s a very rich area, not just for agribusiness, but even for tourism and enjoying nature,” Rashed Khudairy, Coordinator of the Jordan Valley Solidarity Campaign and resident, told MintPress News.

But in between the flocks of grazing sheep, jumping gazelles, and banana plantations, there are remnants of past lives. On a muddy hilltop, a family home lays in ruins. A lone shoe left on stone floors whose walls have been dismantled serves as just a wisp of a memory. Facing constant violence, families in the Jordan Valley often leave their land of their own accord.

“The settlers just came and they tore down the shepherd’s structures and threatened him with knives,” Ascherman said, referring to a Palestinian shepherd who fled his land after harassment from nearby settlers. In other cases, shepherds plowed their fields but never returned to harvest out of fear of settler attacks.

Construction of outposts – extensions of Israeli settlements built without the government’s approval – began in 2013 in the Jordan Valley, but sharply increased from 2016. While settlements are legal under Israeli law, outposts are not. Both are illegal under international law.

Jordan Valley
Palestinian farmers harvest onions, whose export was later banned by Israel, in Jordan Valley in the West Bank, Feb. 10, 2020. Majdi Mohammed | AP
Jordan Valley
The illegal Jewish-only settlement of Ma’ale Efrayim in the Jordan Valley, June 30, 2020. Oded Balilty | AP

There are 20 outposts in the Jordan Valley, according to 2020 data from settlement watchdog, Peace Now. Unlike the first Labor Party settlements, Ascherman explained, these colonies are often made up of violent radicals.

“What’s changed in the last seven years or so has been the influx of all the outposts, which are much more ideological, much more aggressive, much more likely to be violent, much more committed to driving out the Palestinians than some of the veteran settlements were,” Ascherman said. And as the settlements expand, the violence increases. Last February, a new outpost, known as Moshe’s Farm, was established.

A female shepherd, who spoke to MintPress News under condition of anonymity, lives near Moshe’s Farm and explained that the settlement development has significantly impacted the community’s ability to graze their livestock. “They’re suffocating us, because we used to go far in that direction,” she said, pointing toward the mountains. “And now it’s limited because of the new outpost.”

Many of the Bedouin shepherds MintPress News spoke to wished to remain anonymous, given that speaking out may cause the Israeli government to take punitive action against them. “Whenever settlers see us with the sheep, they chase us or they chase the sheep with their tractors, in order to push us further back,” She said. “So this is why many people here have been selling their sheep.”

Lost wages and looming poverty has become the norm in the Jordan Valley, with more and more shepherds selling their livestock.

Ascherman explained that a lack of grazing area has pushed shepherds to rely on store-bought feed instead, thereby reducing their income.  “[Shepherding] can become no longer economically viable,” Ascherman said. “And we know shepherds who have just sold their flock and moved into the cities, which is just what Israel would like to see happen.”


Proposed annexation of the Jordan Valley would turn the West Bank into Swiss cheese and  erode any possibility of a contiguous Palestinian state there. What a takeover of the valley would look like remains unclear, but the understanding is that rural land would be annexed while major cities like Jericho would fall under control of the Palestinian Authority.

“The very real Israeli policy is not only to try to eventually annex the Jordan Valley, but to clear Palestinians out as much as possible from Area C, which comprises 60% of the occupied West Bank and has fewer Palestinians to begin with, and concentrate them in the urban areas,” Ashcerman said.

Some shepherds in the Jordan Valley fear official Israeli annexation may lead to mass demolitions. Nearly every structure in the Jordan Valley has been served a demolition or stop-work order. Yet these demolitions have not been executed thanks to lawyers’ efforts in receiving temporary injunctions to halt demolitions.

Along with demolition concerns, shepherds have also noticed an uptick in settler violence since December, when Netanyahu formed a coalition government consisting of outspokenly racist politicians. “Settlers have come with their sheep even closer to where we live,” a shepherd who wished to remain anonymous said. “My friend’s car broke down and settlers came and attacked him.”

Throughout the Jordan Valley, settlers and the army work in tandem together to create an unlivable environment for Palestinians. The army has designated large swathes of land as military training zones, served demolition orders, and ignored Palestinian complaints regarding settler violence, while settlers harass, tear down structures, and prevent Palestinians from grazing or harvesting.

Khudairy explained that the army often works at the direction of the settlers. And this military-settler collaboration is really where annexation is manifesting. “Since Netanyahu mentioned they were going to annex the Jordan Valley, settler municipalities and councils started doing the work on the ground,” Khudairy said. “They come with Israeli soldiers to confiscate cars and tractors.”

The majority of Palestinians and solidarity activists in the Jordan Valley are unaware of what the future may hold. But whether annexation is imminent or not, for most, the Jordan Valley is already de facto annexed.

Feature photo | Israeli soldiers guard equipment against the Palestinians as their home is demolished in the northern Jordan Valley in the occupied West Bank. Nasser Ishtayeh | Sipa via AP Images

Jessica Buxbaum is a Jerusalem-based journalist for MintPress News covering Palestine, Israel, and Syria. Her work has been featured in Middle East Eye, The New Arab and Gulf News.

Several Palestinians Injured, Detained as IOF Raid Refugee Camp in Occupied West Bank

 February 4, 2023

At least thirteen Palestinians have been injured after Israeli occupation forces stormed Aqbat Jabr camp refugee camp in the Occupied West Bank.

This comes amid fears that the situation across the occupied territories is going to implode in the near future.

The official Palestinian news agency WAFA reported that Israeli occupation troops broke into the camp, located southwest of Ariha in the Jordan Valley, on Saturday morning following a week-long siege.

The report, citing local sources, added that explosions and exchanges of gunfire were heard in the refugee camp later on.

Witnesses said Israeli occupation soldiers opened live fire at Palestinians in the camp, and fired tear gas canisters as well as stun grenades while calling on people at a section of the camp to come out of their homes.

The soldiers broke into a poultry farm, and destroyed it in total.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health said three of those injured by the “Israeli” gunfire are in serious condition.

The ministry added that Israeli occupation forces have obstructed entry of Palestinian medics and health personnel to reach their workplaces in Ariha.

Calls were heard in the Aqabat Jabr refugee camp’s mosques to come out and defend the area.

According to local sources, three Palestinians were reportedly arrested – all members of the same family, including a father and his two sons, after Israeli occupation troops surrounded a home in the area.

Source: Palestine News Network

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كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (3/4)

 الإثنين 17 أيلول 2022

عبد الرحمن نصار 

يمكن لطوباس أن تجري عمليات مشاغلة، وأن تساهم في توسع رقعة الاشتباك. أما المحافظة على ديمومة العمل لوقت طويل، فهي تحدٍّ حقيقي، لكن يمكن لهذه المدينة أن تمثل مستقبلاً مصدر قلق حقيقياً لـ”إسرائيل”.

إنَّ انطلاق كتيبة في مثل هذه الظروف (طوباس) يعني أنَّ هناك حالة تأثر كبيرة بتمدد حالات المقاومة في الضفة

في الحلقة الثالثة، نستعرض تجربة آخر كتيبة معلنة حتى الآن: “طوباس”، واضعين في الإطار “العملية النوعية” الأخيرة في الأغوار الشمالية، مع قراءة سريعة لعمليات إطلاق النار في رام الله، فيما نتحرى وراء إعلان كتيبة في الخليل التي نستشرف واقع العمل فيها، لنكون بذلك قد كشفنا جزءاً كبيراً من المساحة الفعلية لـ”بقعة الزيت” التي تمددت في الضفة في عام واحد فقط، من دون أن تغفل العيون عن محافظات ومدن أخرى.

لا تزال طوباس، الواقعة شمال شرقي الضفة المحتلة، بمحاذاة نهر الأردن، تجهد لتجد لنفسها متسعاً بين كتائب المقاومة المتصاعدة في الضفة، وخصوصاً أن السلطة الفلسطينية استطاعت خلال الشهر الماضي ومطلع هذا الشهر أن تشنّ حملات اعتقال وتنكيل بحقّ عدد من الكوادر الفعالين، وخصوصاً في “الجهاد الإسلامي”. وكانت كتيبة هذه المدينة قد خرجت إلى النور منتصف تموز/يوليو الماضي، عندما صدر البيان الأول الذي أعلن التصدي لاجتياح إسرائيلي.

الفعل الأبرز لـ”كتيبة طوباس” كان رمزياً أكثر منه في التأثير العسكري، لكنه شكّل بادرة مهمة، حين أعلنت الكتيبة فجر الأحد 24 تموز/يوليو 2022 أنها أطلقت النار على حاجز “تياسير” في المحافظة “نصرة لنابلس” خلال حصار حي الياسمينة في البلدة القديمة فيها (محاولة اغتيال الشهيد إبراهيم النابلسي). 

لكن المحافظة تعاني مشكلات من أكثر من ناحية، أولها أن سكانها لا يتجاوزون 70 ألفاً موزعين على مناطق شاسعة وبنايات قصيرة، فيما تشكل الأغوار الشمالية ما نسبته 70% من مساحة المحافظة، وهي مناطق منخفضة ومكشوفة، ويتحكَّم فيها عدد من الحواجز الثابتة والطيّارة التي تنغّص حياة السكان، وخصوصاً المزارعين.

المشكلة الكبرى أن معظم أراضي طوباس تُصنف ضمن فئة “ج” في اتفاق أوسلو، بمعنى أن السلطة الفلسطينية هي المسؤولة عن تقديم الخدمات الطبية والتعليمية للسكان، فيما تسيطر “إسرائيل” على الجوانب الأمنية والإدارية والقانونية. 

ولأن الأغوار الشمالية هي سلة غذاء الضفة من الخضراوات والفاكهة، وهي من أغنى مناطق الضفة بالمياه، فقد وقعت في طليعة الاستهداف الاستيطاني الإسرائيلي. لذلك، تتمحور سياسة الاحتلال حول عزل طوباس عن باقي محافظات الضفة بزيادة المواقع العسكرية فيها، إذ تحوي المحافظة 7 قواعد عسكرية تتربع على مساحة تزيد على 14 ألف دونم.

كتيبة طوباس

ما هو ممكن لطوباس

مع ذلك، إنَّ انطلاق كتيبة في مثل هذه الظروف يعني أنَّ هناك حالة تأثر كبيرة بتمدد حالات المقاومة في الضفة، وخصوصاً في جنين ونابلس وطولكرم، في وقت لم يعد الاستقطاب يقوم على الطرق التقليدية القديمة، بل من الممكن أن تسهم أنشودة أو حكاية شهيد أو مقطع مصور أو خطبة مؤثرة تنتقل عبر مواقع التواصل في صناعة القرار لدى أي شخص للانخراط في المقاومة.

وفي المدينة، عاصمة المحافظة، ثمة حضور متوازٍ للحركات الثلاث الكبرى: “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” و”فتح”، مع أفضلية محدودة للأولى أهّلتها للفوز في الانتخابات التشريعية عام 2006. الأهم أنَّ تأثير السلطة والأجهزة الأمنية السلبي في السكان محدود، إذ يحافظون على نقائهم القروي بعيداً من حالة التغريب المدني المادي التي تعيشها المدن الكبيرة.

في النتيجة، يمكن لطوباس أن تجري عمليات مشاغلة، وأن تساهم في توسع رقعة الاشتباك. أما إمكانية المحافظة على ديمومة العمل لوقت طويل، فهي تحدٍّ حقيقي، لكن يمكن لهذه المدينة أن تمثل مستقبلاً مصدر قلق حقيقياً لـ”إسرائيل” بسبب التلاحم العشائري بين قاطنيها وأقربائهم في الجانب الأردني، وهذا ما يفسر كثرة الأخبار الإسرائيلية عن حالات إدخال السلاح من الأغوار بصورة أسبوعية تقريباً.

اقرأ أيضاً: كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم” (1/4)

عملية الأغوار في الميزان

جاءت عملية الأحد 4 أيلول/سبتمبر 2022 التي وُصفت بالنوعية لجهة طبيعة المنفذين وطريقة التنفيذ والمكان، رغم بعض الإخفاقات الميدانية، لتزيد من حضور الأغوار الشمالية في مساحة المواجهة. وقد شرعت وسائل الإعلام العبرية في تقديم معطيات حول الحادثة لتبرير الإخفاقات، وخصوصاً أن الحافلة المستهدفة كانت تحمل جنوداً من لواء “كفير” الذين قيل إنهم التحقوا بالخدمة قبل نحو أسبوعين فقط. زِد على ذلك أنَّ الحافلة لم تكن مصفّحة، وقد تجاوزها المنفذون الثلاثة مستقلين مركبة “تندر”، ثم توقفوا إلى جانب الطريق، وأطلقوا عليها 25 رصاصة حتى توقفت نتيجة إصابة السائق، قبل أن يحاولوا إحراقها بزجاجات حارقة.

تعقيباً على ذلك، رأى “معهد دراسات الأمن القومي” التابع لجامعة “تل أبيب” أن العملية “لم تكن مفاجئة حتى إن تضمنت تكتيكات غير عادية”، واضعاً إياها “علامةً أخرى” في ساحة المقاومة الآخذة بالاتساع. أما ما أراد المعهد التركيز عليه، فهو أن عملية الأغوار جزء من اتجاه ظهر في آذار/مارس الماضي، وبدأ بعمليات في المدن المحتلة عام 1948، “انطلاقاً من جنين التي استطاعت الجهاد الإسلامي أن تحولها إلى أهم بؤرة مقاومة في الضفة”، ثم “أقامت شبكات تعاون مع حماس وعناصر من فتح، وهي تقود جهوداً منهجية لتجنيد الشباب. وقد مولت مجموعات لا تتبع لها تنظيمياً”، أي إمكانية عمل خلايا ظل.

النقطة اللافتة هي إقرار المعهد بأنَّه لا يمكن تفسير ظاهرة تنامي المقاومة من منطلق الصعوبات الاقتصادية، بل يجب الإقرار بأن هناك وعياً متزايداً بضرورة النضال ضد الاحتلال “جراء الفراغ الذي تركته السلطة… ثمن المقاومة ليس باهظاً، فالأبطال الفلسطينيون يولدون كل يوم، والشعور بالقدرة والدافعية للنضال المسلح يستقر في الوعي الجمعي لجيل الشباب، وهذا بحد ذاته سبب كافٍ لتوسع دائرة المواجهة في الضفة”.

ماذا عن رام الله؟

تتتابع على نحو شبه يومي، وأحياناً أسبوعي، الأنباء عن عمليات إطلاق نار في رام الله تستهدف حافلات للمستوطنين وحواجز لـ”الجيش” الإسرائيلي ومداخل مستوطنات، ما دفع كثيرين إلى تقديرِ إعلانِ كتيبةٍ في رام الله والبيرة، وهو الحدث الذي لم يقع بعد.

لكن توالي العمل وحوادث إطلاق النار، وخصوصاً قرب بلدة سلواد شرقي رام الله، أو انطلاقاً منها، يثير علامات استفهام عن كتيبة فعلية يرجح أنها تؤجل إعلان نفسها لأسباب لها علاقة بالسلطة التي ترى أن مثل هذا الواقع في عاصمتها السياسية سيكون ضاغطاً عليها بشدة.

وبينما تمتلك “حماس” قواعد عمل قوية في عدد من قرى رام الله قياساً بـ”الجهاد الإسلامي” التي لم تصرح أو تلمح إلى أي تفاصيل في هذا الشأن بعد، فإن الحضور الأقوى يبقى لمجموعات من “كتائب الأقصى” (فتح) أو عناصر من السلطة قد يتخذون هذا المنحى.

 وكانت أشهر عمليتين وقعتا في رام الله خلال السنوات القليلة الماضية هما “جفعات آساف” (أسفرت عن مقتل 3 جنود إسرائيليين وجرح 2 آخرين) و”عوفرا” (أسفرت عن إصابة 11 مستوطناً أحدهم كانت حالته خطرة)، اللتين نُفذتا (كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2018) بطريقة الكر والفر قرب بلدتي سلواد ويبرود شمال شرقي رام الله والبيرة.

خاتمة: هل يستفيق “الأسد النائم”؟

لا بدّ من عودة إلى بدء، أي الخليل، التي أطلقت شرارة “هبة القدس” (2015-2018) قبل أن تنطفئ، والسبب الأساسي أن المحافظة الملأى بالسلاح كان سلاحها مضبوطاً إلى حد ما بأمر كبار العشائر، وفي أيدي وازنين فيها، لكن سيل السلاح الذي سمحت كل من السلطة و”إسرائيل” بدخوله إلى المحافظة ووصوله إلى أيدٍ غير حريصة خلق فوضى وفلتاناً خلط أولويات سكانها، ولا يزال قائماً حتى اليوم، إضافة إلى مصالح شبكة التجار المعقدة، الأمر الذي نال دراسات وافية حوله، ولا يزال يستحق المتابعة على حدة.

لكن الجمعة 17 حزيران/يونيو 2022 شهد حدثاً لافتاً؛ ففي هذا اليوم الذي استشهد فيه 3 مقاومين من “كتيبة جنين”  هم: يوسف صلاح (23 عاماً، شقيق الشهيد سعد)، وبراء لحلوح (24 عاماً)، وليث أبو سرور (24 عاماً، شقيق الشهيد علاء)، صدر بيان باسم “كتيبة الخليل” أعلن تنفيذ عمليتين استهدفت الأولى مرصداً أمنياً قرب مستوطنة “كريات أربع”، والأخرى حاجز “أبو الريش” جنوباً، ثم اختفت وأخبارها.

مهما كانت الحقيقة وراء ما جرى، فإنه وجّه الأعين مجدداً إلى أقصى جنوبي الضفة، حيث المحافظة التي وصفها الرئيس الفلسطيني الراحل، ياسر عرفات، بأنها “الأسد النائم”، وخصوصاً أن الخليل من أكبر المدن في الضفة، إذ تبلغ مساحتها 997 كلم2، ويقدّر عدد سكانها بأكثر من 800 ألف نسمة، فيما تتغلغل عشرات المستوطنات الإسرائيلية داخلها وتطوّقها كتل أخرى، كما أنها تحمل مركزاً دينياً مهماً هو الحرم الإبراهيمي الذي يمثل شرارة اشتعال، لكنها مطفأة منذ عقدين على الأقل. وربما ما جرى قبل فترة من إشادة فصائل المقاومة بإحراق برج عسكري في الخليل يشي بالتعطش إلى مثل هذا الاشتعال.

بينما تشتهر الخليل بصناعاتها التاريخية وأسواقها القوية، تحكمها تكتلات عشائرية تؤثر كثيراً في اتخاذ القرار. ويتوزع انتماء السكان فيها بين “فتح” أولاً، و”حماس” ثانياً، ثم باقي الفصائل، فيما لا يوجد حضور شعبي لافت لـ”الجهاد الإسلامي”، إذ تتشكل بنية الحركة في المدينة من بعض النخب والشخصيات ذات الكاريزما الاجتماعية أو العلمية العالية، لكن “الجهاد” تمتلك حضوراً جيداً في القرى هناك قياساً بالمدينة، مع أنه ليس حضوراً فعالاً كما شماليّ الضفة، والمشكلة التي تواجه الحركة أن غالبية الفتحاويين في الخليل هم ممن يتبنون خيارات السلطة حالياً.

مع أنّ الخليل تعطي الأفضلية لـ”حماس” في الاستحقاقات الانتخابية، فإن تلك الأفضلية تنعكس في النقابات واستطلاعات الرأي فقط في أحسن الحالات، ولا تعطيها أي هوامش للعمل التنظيمي، إذ تحاصر الأجهزة الأمنية أنصار الراية الخضراء، فيما يشارك الاحتلال في القضاء على أي ظاهرة، مثل العمل الخيري والجماهيري وحملات المساجد. في النتيجة، لم تمتلك “حماس” و”الجهاد” أي غطاء فتحاوي لتتمددا عبره، وخصوصاً أن إجراءات السلطة والاحتلال ضربت أساسات العمل وفكرة بعثه من جديد.

وإلى جانب تلك الضربات الأمنية القوية، وسياسة “الباب الدوار” التي تعتمدها السلطة والاحتلال في اعتقال الكوادر ومنعهم من الراحة، تركت كثرة التجارب السيئة وعياً سلبياً لدى الشباب الذين يمتلكون إرادة الفعل، مفادها بأن نهاية كل محاولة الاعتقالُ عامين إدارياً إذا اشتبه الاحتلال في فعل مقاوم، أو بمحكومية كبيرة إذا ثبت. رغم ما سبق، إذا قُدّر للخليل أن تعود إلى دورها التاريخي والفعال، كما في الانتفاضة الثانية، شرط أن يكون ذلك في الوقت المناسب، فإن هذا سيقلب الموازين بصورة كبيرة في الضفة، وهو أمر رهن السؤال المفتوح.

اقرأ أيضاً: 

Several ‘Israeli’ Settlers, Soldiers Injured in Heroic Operation in Occupied West Bank

September 6, 2022

By Staff, Agencies

At least seven ‘Israeli’ occupiers, including six soldiers, have been injured in a heroic operation when Palestinian youth opened fire on a bus in the Jordan Valley in the occupied West Bank.

‘Israeli’ sources said the shooting took place near Route 90 in the Jordan Valley, northeast of the occupied West Bank on Sunday, adding that the injured have been evacuated by helicopter, including one soldier who is in critical condition.

The ‘Israeli’ military said it apprehend two Palestinians suspected of carrying out the operation, and guns were found lying on the dirt road nearby. The two suspects were arrested after their vehicle caught fire while escaping. The cause of the blaze was not immediately clear.

A third suspect reportedly managed to flee, and a manhunt has been launched to capture him.

Hamas spokesman Abdul-Latif Qanu reacted to the shooting operation in the West Bank, calling it heroic.

Qanu said the operation that targeted Zionist occupation soldiers and settlers was a reaction to the occupying regime’s crimes and its acts of aggression against al-Aqsa Mosque and Palestinian prisoners.

“We salute those revolutionary youths, who carried out this special operation, thus highlighting our people’s ability to continue resistance across the West Bank,” he said.

The recent development comes as Zionist occupation forces continue their near-daily raid-and-arrest operations in various parts of the West Bank, wounding or killing Palestinians. Such raids are carried out while ‘Israeli’ settlers also conduct acts of violence against Palestinians and their property.

Settler violence is rampant in the occupied Palestinian territories. The acts of violence and vandalism, known as price tag attacks which are committed by ‘Israeli’ settlers against Palestinians and their property, have risen in recent years.

However, the Tel Aviv regime authorities rarely prosecute Zionist settlers for their assaults on Palestinians and their property and the vast majority of the files are closed due to deliberate police failure to investigate properly.

Many Palestinians have also sustained injuries or lost their lives in incidents due to allegations that they attempted stabbing or car-ramming operations against ‘Israeli’ settlers and forces.

The Zionist regime occupied the West Bank in 1967 before starting to dot the Palestinian territory with illegal settlements and severely restricting the Palestinians’ freedom of movement there.

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Six Israeli Soldiers Injured in Bus Shooting in Jordan Valley

September 4, 2022

Six Israeli soldiers were injured in a bus shooting in Jordan Valley. (Photo: via PalInfo)

At least six Israeli soldiers have been wounded in a shooting on a bus in the occupied West Bank, Israeli military authorities said on Sunday.

The incident took place in the Jordan Valley, near the illegal Jewish settlement of Hamra.

According to Israeli military sources, two Palestinian young men shot at the bus from a truck and forced it to stop.

Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Israeli forces arrested two suspects after conducting searches in the area.

A spokesman for the Palestinian political group Hamas praised the attack as “proof that all attempts by the occupation (Israel) to stop the escalating resistance operations in the West Bank have failed”.

Ram Ben-Barak, head of the Israeli parliament’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, told Israel’s Army Radio that Israel would respond “very forcefully”.

(Agencies, PC, SOCIAL)

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«الاشتباك» يصل إلى الأغوار: ضربةٌ للعدو… تحت الحزام

 الإثنين 5 أيلول 2022

يسابق الاحتلال الزمن لإخماد حالة المقاومة المتّقدة في الضفة الغربية (أ ف ب)


فلسطين  أحمد العبد

باتت الضفة الغربية المحتلة تشكل قلقاً متعاظماً للاحتلال الذي لم تمنع عملياته الاستباقية، انفلاش حالة المقاومة التي تزداد قوة وإتقاناً لعملياتها. يظهر ما تقدَّم، في دخول الأغوار، أكثر المناطق حساسية للعدو، دائرة الاستهداف، مع تنفيذ مجموعة مقاومين عمليةً استهدفت حافلةً كانت تقل جنوداً ومستوطنين، أصيب منهم خمسة، فيما رفعت الشرطة الإسرائيلية حالة التأهُّب، خشية تنفيذ عمليات مشابهة

رام الله | مرّة جديدة، نجح المقاومون الفلسطينيون في ضرْب المنظومة الأمنية والاستخبارية للاحتلال، بعد تنفيذ عمليّة فدائية في غور الأردن، أصيب على إثرها خمسة جنود ومستوطن بجروح مختلفة، حين أَطلق المنفّذون النار على حافلة كانت تقلّهم في شارع 90. وتدلّ العملية على أن المقاومة في الضفة الغربية باتت أكثر قوّة وإتقاناً لعمليّاتها من السابق، وخصوصاً أن العملية وقعت في أكثر المناطق حساسيّة لدى الاحتلال أمنياً وجغرافياً وسياسياً، حيث تنتشر أكثر من 38 مستوطنة، والعشرات من المواقع العسكرية وميادين لتدريب الجيش الإسرائيلي.

وتشي عملية الأغوار باتّساع رقعة المقاومة، مع دخول مكان محصَّن إلى دائرة الاستهداف، وارتفاع مستوى التخطيط للعمليات الفدائية، والتي كان يمكن أن تكون نتائجها مغايرة لولا الحظّ الذي سمح لقوات الاحتلال باعتقال المنفّذين المنسحبين، على إثر سقوط زجاجة حارقة كانت بحوزتهم في المركبة التي كانت تقلّهم، ما تسبب باحتراق المركبة واثنين من المنفّذين. وعلى خلفية الصفعة التي تلقّاها الاحتلال، رفعت الشرطة الإسرائيلية حالة التأهُّب، وزادت عديد قواتها في المناطق المزدحمة في كل فلسطين المحتلّة، خشية تنفيذ عمليات مشابهة.
وتعليقاً على ما تقدَّم، قال سعيد بشارات، الأسير المحرّر المُبعَد إلى غزة والذي تنحدر أصوله من الأغوار، لـ«الأخبار»، إن العملية تدلّ على التطوُّر في عمل المقاومة في الضفة الغربية، فضلاً عن أنها تؤكد مخاوف جيش الاحتلال من فقدان السيطرة الأمنية في هذه المنطقة، لافتاً إلى أن ما يميّزها، هو دخول منطقة أخرى أكثر حساسيّة إلى دائرة الاشتباك بعد تمكُّن شبان من اعتراض حافلة وإطلاق النار عليها في وضح النهار، على رغم وجود عشرات النقاط العسكرية وأبراج المراقبة والدوريات المنتشرة في الشوارع. وعلى المستوى العسكري، رأى بشارات أن ما حدث أثبت فشل عملية «كاسر الأمواج» التي أطلقها جيش الاحتلال قبل أشهر، بينما يسابق الزمن لإخماد حالة المقاومة المتّقدة في الضفة، وللحدّ من اتّساعها الأفقي بحيث لا تخلق حالة منظّمة بشكل هرمي، مشيراً إلى التطوّر اللافت في عمل منفّذي العمليات، «ما يعني أن الأمور خرجت عن السيطرة».

تشي عملية الأغوار باتساع رقعة المقاومة، مع دخول مكان محصَّن إلى دائرة الاستهداف

وجاءت ضربة الأغوار في الوقت الذي أعربت فيه أوساط أمنية واستخبارية إسرائيلية عن قلقها البالغ من ارتفاع مستوى عمليات المقاومة في الضفة الغربية، والحاجة إلى الحدّ من اتساعها. ووفق المختصّ في الشأن العبري، عصمت منصور، فإن «معادلة الأغوار تثبت أن منْع العمليات شبه مستحيل، وكل العمل الاستخباري الذي تقوم به إسرائيل والعمليات الخاطفة من اعتقالات واغتيالات لم تنجح في منْع العمليات». وقال، في حديث إلى «الأخبار»، إن «ما يميّز العمليات الأخيرة هو جرأتها الكبيرة، فعملية الأغوار هي الثانية من نوعها بعد سلواد التي استهدفت فيها حافلة تقلّ مستوطنين أو جنوداً من جيش الاحتلال، ومن مسافة قريبة، ما يعني أن رقعة المقاومة تتّسع بجرأة من جنين إلى نابلس إلى سلواد إلى الأغوار وأريحا». وتحدّث منصور عن تطوّر عمل منفّذي العمليات وجرأتهم وقدرتهم على مفاجأة الاحتلال، وهو ما يشي، بحسبه، بوجود مساعدة تدلّ على أن العمليات بدأت تُنظّم. ورأى منصور أن من شأن ذلك أن يزيد من قلق الاحتلال ومخاوفه من اتّساع رقعة المواجهة، ويجعل خيار الرهان على الشكل الحالي في التعامل مع الحالة الفلسطينية غير ذي جدوى، كونه أثبت فشله، وبالتالي «نحن أمام خيارين: فإمّا فتْح آفاق جديدة سياسية واقتصادية، وهذا أمر غير وارد بسبب الانتخابات الإسرائيلية، وإما تصعيد القبضة الأمنية وتشديدها، وهو السيناريو الأقرب والذي ستترافق معه تطوّرات أمنية كبيرة تجعلنا أقرب إلى المواجهة المفتوحة».

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Iron vs paper: How Seif Al-Quds made ‘Deal of the Century’ obsolete

May 22, 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Mohammad Al-Jaber 

The Palestinian people, through resisting Israeli tyranny and unlawful occupation, sent a message to the United States that it could not divide Palestine how it wished from the comfort of all accross the globe.

The occupation and Trump’s dreams of a “Deal of the Century” were dissipated by a united Palestinian people and a valiant resistance

Former US President Donald Trump followed in the colonial footsteps that saw the West, namely the United Kingdom and France, divided West Asia – and other colonies around East Asia and the entirety of Africa – among themselves from their distant lands of London and Paris. In early 2020, Trump announced a neo-colonial plan for occupied Palestine that gave his Israeli allies authority over more Palestinian land and further recognized Israeli “sovereignty” over Palestine. He dubbed this self-proclaimed “peace” plan “the Deal of the Century.”

The deal itself was designed to further strip Palestinians of their right to their land usurped from them by an occupation that has been ongoing for nearly a century now with support from the United States and the majority of the West. It was a mere extension of the neo-colonial practices that have done nothing but harmed the nations they created, with the overwhelming majority still heavily suffering until this day.

The alienation from the cultures and ethnicities whose lives will be affected by mere lines drawn on a piece of paper was a common practice among colonialists, and apparently, despite the West trying to depict it as something from the past, the same colonial powers – or the ones that inherited their influence – are still acting as they did, not even trying to hide their meddling, and even going as far as putting a bow on their interference and labeling it “a gift of peace.”

Split Palestine among you

Trump, from the comfort of his White House nearly 11,000 km away from Palestine, deemed it fit for him to decide what happens to the occupied land. The Israeli occupation would “retain” 20% of the West Bank, a land that is righteously Palestinian, while “giving up” part of Al-Naqab to Palestine.

The map chalked up by Trump not only gave the Israeli occupation a false sense of sovereignty over Palestinian land, but it sought to divide the Palestinian capital of Al-Quds, only granting part of the city to the Palestinians while declaring that it would “remain undivided as Israel’s capital.”

When it comes to the illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, “Tel Aviv” would also maintain its occupation of the Palestinian land in the Jordan Valley. However, the settlements in the West Bank would not only be defined by their “municipal borders”, but their “security parameters”, meaning the scope of Israeli occupation would encroach further on Palestinian land.

Going far and beyond, the United States would not the Palestinian state its rightful recognition, though the Americans failed to see that the Palestinians are not awaiting their recognition, for Palestine is more than a state in their mind and that of the Arab and Islamic worlds.

Trump, through his idea of “peace”, handed the Palestinians an ultimatum: they had to accept their new borders, drawn up in the United States, for the West to recognize their statehood four years after signing the malignant accord. They also had to drop their weapons and give up resisting the occupation’s tyranny.

That same resistance whose arms Trump wanted on the ground came right back and bit the United States and the Israeli occupation when, through Seif Al-Quds, it shattered any prospect of such a deal for “Tel Aviv” and Washington. If things were to go how the neocolonialists wanted them to happen, Palestine would not have only lost the land it was giving up through the deal. It would have lost more to the Israeli expansionism they could not curb without their arms.

Get your hands off Palestine

The Palestinian people have long been suffering from “Israel’s” arbitrary occupation and tyrannical expansionism, and they were not going to accept to be dealt another round of the poison forced down their throat by their colonizers for decades. 

A year later, a new equation was established: Palestine is indivisible, and it would not kneel before the world powers trying to further rob it of its rights.

That equation was written using Seif Al-Quds Battle, which saw Palestinians setting out to break the Israeli hegemony over their land. Relentlessly, and in defense of their brethren in the occupied West Bank and occupied Al-Quds, whom the Israeli occupation abused and committed numerous violations and crimes against, the Palestinian resistance in Gaza crushed “Tel Aviv’s” arrogance and forced “Israel” into giving up its ambitions and dreams of undermining Palestinian unity.

The battle was launched in response to Israeli brutality against the Palestinian people of Al-Quds and the West Bank, who the occupation regime sought to rob their land and homes, displacing them once more on the country they stole from them four scores ago.

The Palestinian resistance could not stand idle and retaliated against the occupation’s aggression in an 11-day-long battle that shifted the regional balance of power and put “Israel” before a new reality: hands off Al-Quds and the West Bank, otherwise they will bear the brunt of their own doings.

In 11 long days for “Israel”, the resistance exposed the occupation’s weaknesses and curbed its expansionism so much so that any settlement expansion plans would have to be thought of thoroughly in fear of retaliation from Hamas or the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. The battle taught “Tel Aviv” many lessons, among them was Palestinian unity.

Normalizers at bay 

Seif Al-Quds not only forced the Israeli occupation to tread carefully on Palestinian soil – it caused those who sought to normalize ties with it following the first wave of normalization in 2020 to stay away from the table with the Israeli occupation. Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Sudan, and Morocco all shook hands with the Israeli occupation in a very short period of time and recognized the sovereignty of their regime over occupied Palestine.

The table of normalization has been empty since late 2020, with Khartoum being the last one to sit with the Americans and the Israelis. A year and a half later, the Israeli occupation is still unable to have another country recognize its false “statehood” that exists on tens of thousands of Palestinian graves murdered at the hands of “Tel Aviv’s” settlers terrorizing Palestinians for a land that is not theirs.

The Palestinian resistance curbed the occupation and its main backer, the United States, from being able to establish the “two-state solution” they have been dreaming of since the signing of the Oslo Accords. The “two states” in question consist of “Israel” and a state controlled by the occupation directly and labeled as “Palestine”, though it is a terraformed version of the righteous Palestine the Palestinian people are putting their blood, sweat, and tears towards liberating.

This “Palestine” drawn up by Trump and former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would not be autonomous whatsoever, and its people would not be able to fend off any aggression the Israeli occupation is known to arbitrarily perpetrate no matter the gravity. It would not be the Palestine whose freedom people all over the world champion and advocate when they chant “Free Palestine”.

The mirage of a “Deal of the Century” is gone, and it was dissipated by the united Palestinian people and the valiant resistance that showed no restrain in defending the sovereignty of occupied Palestine.

The Nakba Is Ongoing, It Didn’t End In 1948

19 May 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

Robert Inlakesh 

For us to simply classify the Nakba as a single historical event, would be an incorrect framing, as the collection of atrocities visited on the Palestinian people by the Zionist regime represents an ongoing attempt to solidify the dominance of “Israel’s” settler-colonial project.

If “Israel” had already completed its project, it would have declared its borders, it has never done this and is still in the process of carving itself a State out of the Levant

By now most people familiar with the Palestinian cause know well of the horrific ethnic cleansing campaign that took place between 1947-9, during the creation of the regime that calls itself “Israel”. Little however, know much about the ethnic cleansing ongoing today, or perhaps their knowledge is limited to isolated cases.

The Nakba, or ethnic cleansing of Palestine, is often defined as a historical event in which over half of Palestine’s villages, towns, and cities were destroyed, and 450 towns and villages depopulated of their Palestinian inhabitants, amounting to the forced ethnic displacement of around 800,000 people. The word Nakba means “catastrophe”, which is what is used to refer to that time, but when we speak of al-Nakba in English, what we are doing is using a term with which we refer to a historical event often meaning the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 

Recently, Palestinian-American congresswoman, Rashida Tlaib, introduced a House Resolution which would see the United States government recognise the Palestinian Nakba. “This Sunday [Nakba Day] was a day of solemn remembrance of all the lives lost, families displaced, and neighborhoods destroyed during the violence and horror of the Nakba. The scars bourn by the close to 800,000 Palestinians who were forced from their family homes and their communities, and those killed are burned into the souls of the people who lived through the Nakba,” said Tlaib. Although this would certainly be a major achievement to gain such recognition of Palestinian suffering, in essence meaning that the US government would be admitting the historic crime that the Zionist terrorist forces committed prior to declaring themselves a State, it is important that we not disconnect the past from the present.

The goal of today’s Israeli regime is very much the same as it was back in 1947, to occupy as much land as possible, with as few Palestinians on it as possible. In order to achieve such a goal, the settler-colonial project has taken different forms and used various tactics over the past 74 years, yet that same goal remains intact. 

The 1950’s saw large-scale incursions into the Gaza Strip and the further displacement of more refugees during this process, whilst those Palestinians who remained inside what would become “Israel”, were kept under military rule. Often known as the 1948 Palestinians, who today have Israeli citizenships, this portion of the Palestinian population consists of many who were considered to be “present absentees” by the Israeli regime, which translates to; the people who fled their villages and remained in what became “Israel” but were refused their right to return to their original villages. Israel quickly made use of laws implemented by the British occupation regime in Palestine, like ‘Article 125 of the Defense (Emergency) Regulations’, which Israel used as a legal basis for making Palestinian villages “closed military zones”, hence preventing the displaced natives from returning to their houses. Israel also implemented the 1950 Absentee Property Law, which is broad in its definitive language and would be used to declare displaced Palestinians as “absentees” in order to steal their homes. Between 1948 and 1950, it is also believed that Israel ethnically cleansed a further 40,000 Bedouin Palestinians, whilst also destroying more Palestinian villages along the Lebanese border and expelling thousands more Palestinians until 1956.

In 1967, during what was called the ‘Naksa’ (setback), again the tactics slightly changed, Israel had decided to illegally occupy all of historic Palestine and even beyond, expelling 300,000 Palestinians from their homes in the process. In 1969, roughly 100,000 more were forced to flee villages around the Jordan Valley area after successive Israeli air raids and military assaults against both Palestinian and Jordanian villages. 

Without summing up all of the cases of ethnic cleansing throughout the 74 years of the Zionist regimes settler colonialist expansion, it suffices to say this, the very same tactics and laws are being used by “Israel” today to do the exact same thing they did in the past. 

In the Naqab, where the majority of Palestinian Bedouins live today, Israel is attempting to ghettoize the people there. This means forcing them into a small number of so-called “recognised villages” and ethnically cleansing some 40 unrecognized villages, this is a throwback to the suffering of the people of the Naqab during and after 1948, when Zionist forces rounded up the remaining 11,000 Bedouin’s – of a community that were 100,000 prior to 1948 – and forced them to live in an area called al-Siyaj, where they were under strict martial law rule until 1965. Israel is today using the Jewish National Fund to work on “agricultural projects”, similar to what occurred in 1948, in order to usurp the lands of Bedouins. 

In the West Bank, the largest portion of “Area C”, is considered to be where “closed military zones” are, meaning that Palestinians are forbidden from entering these areas. In Area C (60% of the West Bank) it is also near impossible for Palestinians to get a building permit to construct a new home. The plan to ethnically cleanse the 1,000 Palestinian residents of the village of Masafer Yatta is just the latest in a long line of plans to expel Palestinians from their villages in the West Bank. Nevertheless, Israeli illegal settlers are granted a near carte blanche to establish outposts and settlements wherever they please, despite the fact that even by Israeli law many of these outposts are illegal. Israel is also using the “Absentees Property Law” to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from their homes in East al-Quds today, as we see in Silwan and Sheikh Jarrah, in addition to areas in Haifa and Jaffa. 

I had the pleasure of working on producing a short documentary with Redfish, called ‘The Palestinian Nakba: In Memory and the Present’, in which we interviewed survivors of the 1948 Nakba, as well as Palestinians from the younger generations who are surviving it today. Unfortunately, this short documentary report has been censored in all corners of the internet. Due to Redfish – like many other platforms that report information from an alternative and critical perspective – having been booted off of Youtube and other social media platforms, the voices and stories of Palestinians are by proxy being silenced. It is this sort of content that attempts to portray the true story of the Nakba from a Palestinian perspective, yet the public are being robbed off this knowledge.

For us to simply classify the Nakba as a single historical event, would be an incorrect framing, as the collection of atrocities visited on the Palestinian people by the Zionist regime represents an ongoing attempt to solidify the dominance of “Israel’s” settler-colonial project. To say that the ethnic cleansing of Palestine was simply taking place around the time of 1948 would be, in a way, bowing to the Zionist concept that their “State” model won and that the Palestinians have already been defeated. The Palestinian resistance is most certainly not defeated, this is an ongoing struggle and an ongoing ethnic cleansing campaign, which fits into “Israel’s” settler-colonial ambitions. Naming one single event as The Nakba is correct, but when isolating the concept of the ethnic cleansing of Palestine to atrocities visited on Palestinians singularly during 1948, we begin to paint a different picture of what the true picture is.

Many of the same legal concepts, language, arguments, and tactics that were used to ethnically cleanse Palestine in 1947 are today being used to do the same thing and the examples of this are clear for all to see. This is an ongoing battle, one of a people – the Palestinians – who are fighting to expel an invading and occupying usurper entity – the Zionist regime. If “Israel” had already completed its project, it would have declared its borders, it has never done this and is still in the process of carving itself a State out of the Levant, therefore everything “Israel” is doing today is part of its expansionist mission and for it to stand as a ethno-supremacist “State” it must cement itself on all the land it illegally occupies. Israel has not achieved its goals and the Palestinians are not defeated, therefore the ethnic cleansing of Palestine only ends when one side wins.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

‘Israeli’ Occupation Forces Dismantle Dozens of Palestinian Homes in West Bank

By Staff, Agencies

‘Israeli’ occupation forces this week confiscated the homes of 84 Palestinians in Ramallah Governorate and a structure accommodating a family of eight in the northern Jordan Valley, United Nations [UN] humanitarians said on Friday.

The Zionist military took at least 49 structures in the Ras al-Tin, Ramallah Governorate displacement on Wednesday, said the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [OCHA]. Citing initial assessments, the office said the structures include homes, animal shelters, solar power systems, water tanks and tractors with trailers and animal fodder.

The herding community moves to Ras al-Tin every summer for grazing but now is at heightened risk of forcible transfer from the area.

In the Thursday action in Humsa Al-Bqaia in the northern Jordan Valley, the occupation forces confiscated a recently installed structure used by a family, including six children, who lost their previous homes in another incident last week, OCHA’s ReliefWeb reported.

“The United Nations has repeatedly called on ‘Israel’ to halt its demolition and confiscation of Palestinian property and bring its conduct in line with its obligations as an occupying power under international humanitarian law,” OCHA said.

“The ‘Israeli’ authorities have demolished, seized or forced people to demolish at least 474 Palestinian-owned structures, including 150 donor-funded ones, displacing 656 people, including 359 children, across the West Bank” this year, OCHA said.

“This represents a near 70 percent increase in the number of people displaced, with a near 75 percent increase in children, compared with the equivalent period in 2020.”

UN Urges Immediate Halt to “Israeli” Demolitions of Palestinian Homes


UN Urges Immediate Halt to “Israeli” Demolitions of Palestinian Homes

By Staff, Agencies

The illegal demolition of the Palestinian Bedouin community of Humsa al-Baqai’a in the Jordan Valley by “Israeli” forces “raises serious risk of forcible transfer,” the UN warned, calling on Tel Aviv to immediately halt such measures.

“Attempts to force this or any other community to relocate to an alternative location raise a serious risk of forcible transfer. While the ‘Israeli’ authorities have tried to justify this citing their domestic designation of this area for military training, such measures by an occupying power are illegal under international law,” the Humanitarian Coordinator for the occupied Palestinian territory, Lynn Hastings, said in a statement on Friday.

He described the “Israeli” entity’s demolition of Humsa al-Baqai’a and confiscation of properties in the Palestinian community of Humsa al-Baqai’a in the northern West Bank as “disturbing”.

He urged the “Israeli” occupation forces to “immediately halt all further demolitions of Palestinian homes and possessions, allow the humanitarian community to provide shelter, food and water to this most vulnerable community and let these people rebuild their homes in their current location and stay there in safety and dignity.”

The UN official noted that “Israeli” forces blocked access of humanitarian personnel to the families throughout the demolished village.

Hastings said, “When they managed to access the community after the demolition, they found tents, food, water tanks and fodder had all been destroyed or confiscated, leaving people – including children – out in the open, in summer heat, with virtually no basic provisions; even milk, diapers, clothes and toys had been taken.”

According to assessments, he added “six families of 42 people, including 24 children have lost their homes, for the sixth time this year. Thirty-eight structures were demolished or confiscated, most alarmingly, water tanks.”

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [OCHA] said in a statement that the so-called “Israeli” Civil Administration [ICA] has confiscated food consignments and detached structures, leaving the residents with no food and water following the demolitions.

The demolitions have also left the villagers with no baby milk powders, clothes as well as personal hygiene products. They also have no fodder and water for their livestock.

Palestinian homes in the Jordan Valley are subjected to demolitions by “Israeli” authorities who claim they lack building permits, despite the fact that the Tel Aviv regime does not provide such permits to Palestinians.

Moreover, the “Israeli” entity orders Palestinians to demolish their own homes or pay the demolition price to the municipality if they refuse to tear down their houses. Palestinians as well as the international community consider “Israeli” demolition politics in the occupied territories illegal.

A United Nations’ human rights investigator on Friday denounced “Israeli” settlements in the West Bank as a “war crime” and warned that Tel Aviv’s “illegal occupation” cannot be cost-free.

Michael Lynk, UN special rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, was addressing a session of the world body’s Human Rights Council in Geneva.

“I conclude that the ‘Israeli’ settlements do amount to a war crime,” Lynk said.

“I submit to you that this finding compels the international community…to make it clear to ‘Israel’ that its illegal occupation, and its defiance of international law and international opinion, can and will no longer be cost-free,” the UN official added.

In its bi-weekly report on “Israeli” violations on July 2, the OCHA said Israeli forces had either demolished or seized two dozen Palestinian-owned structures in the occupied territories of the West Bank and al-Quds [Jerusalem] in a span of two weeks.

It added that the demolitions were carried out between March 15 and March 28 this year under the pretext that they lacked the necessary construction permits.

Throughout the years, the entity has frequently demolished Palestinian homes, claiming that the structures have been built without permits, which are nearly impossible to obtain.

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (11-17 March 2021)

Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (11-17 March 2021)

Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine

11 – 17 March 2021

  • IOF excessive use of force in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem: 23 Palestinians wounded, including 3 children and Palestinian minister
  • One Palestinian sustained wounds after an explosive device left by IOF detonated in the central Jordan valleys
  • Three IOF shootings reported at agricultural areas (east) and three others on fishing boats in Gaza sea
  • In 138 IOF incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem: 71 civilians arrested, including 12 children and 2 sisters
  • IOF arrest a child attempting to cross the Gaza border fence
  • IOF conducted limited incursion into eastern Central Gaza
  • 5 commercial facilities and 4 houses demolished (2 self-demolished ) in occupied east Jerusalem
  • Israeli decision to confiscate 50 dunums in Bethlehem and demolish 15 tents in Khirbet Tana
  • Settler-attacks: attacks on civilians and attempts to confiscate lands in Salfit, Hebron and Nablus
  • IOF established 55 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians on said checkpoints


Israeli occupation forces (IOF) continued to commit crimes and multi-layered violations against Palestinian civilians and their properties, including raids into Palestinian cities that are characterized with excessive use of force, assault, abuse and attacks on civilians that are mostly conducted after midnight and in the early morning hours. Even more, IOF continued its demolition operations and delivery of cease-construction and demolition notices in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. PCHR documented 228 violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law (IHL) by IOF and settlers in the oPt.

IOF shooting and violation of right to bodily integrity:

IOF shot and injured 23 civilians (including 3 children and a minister) in its excessive use of force against civilians in the West Bank: 11 were wounded in clashed during IOF demolition of buildings in Kafr ‘Aqab, occupied east Jerusalem; 3 during IOF incursion into Dheisha refugee camp, Bethlehem; 5, including Minister of Labor Nasri Abu-Jash (54) who sustained to bullets in the abdomen and back in IOF suppression of a peaceful protest in Nablus; another civilian was wounded in Nablus 2 children in al-Jalazone refugee camp, Ramallah; and another civilian was shot near he annexation wall in Qalqilya. Dozens of others suffocated due to tear gas inhalation.  Also, one civilian was wounded after an explosive device left by IOF detonated in central Jordan valleys.

In the Gaza Strip, 5 IOF shootings were reported on agricultural lands eastern Gaza; and 3 at fishing boats in the Gaza sea.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians: IOF carried out 138 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids of civilian houses and shootings, enticing fear among civilians, and attacking many of them. During this week’s incursions, 71 Palestinians were arrested, including 12 children and 2 sisters.

In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted one limited incursion into eastern Central Gaza and arrested a child attempting to cross the Gaza Border.


PCHR documented 14 incidents:

  • East Jerusalem: house gate demolished in Isawiya; shop and two houses self-demolished in Silwan; 4 barracks dismantled (2 used as residences and 2 used as shops) in az-Za’ayyem; shop and warehouse demolished and several business owners received demolition notices in Kafr ‘Aqab.
  • Bethlehem: ratification of Israeli decision to confiscate 50 dunums from Husan and Nahalin villages; 4 agricultural rooms demolished in Beit Ta’mir; and 4 dunums razed in al-Makhrour area.
  • Hebron: room and barracks demolished eastern Halhul; and agricultural room dismantled eastern Yatta.
  • Nablus: 15 tents (residential and for sheep) demolished in Khirbet Tana.
  • Ramallah: n15 dunums razed in Ras Karkar.
  • Jericho: 4 residential barracks demolished.

Settler-attacks: PCHR fieldworkers reported and documented 5 attacks:

  • Salfit: rioting in Kifl Haris.
  • Hebron: civilians assaulted in Yatta and road constructed in a 25-dunum land in eastern Hebron in prelude to its confiscation.
  • Nablus: Palestinian lands assaulted in Jalud as well as an under-construction house in Burin.

Israeli closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:            

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life. The United Nations confirmed that the Gaza conditions are worsening, with deteriorating health, power, and water services. The UN emphasized that the Gaza Strip requires immense efforts in the housing and education sectors and to create job opportunities.

Meanwhile, IOF continued to divide the West Bank into separate cantons with key roads blocked by the Israeli occupation since the Second Intifada and with temporary and permanent checkpoints, where civilian movement is restricted, and they are subject to arrest.

  1. Shooting and other Violations of the Right to Life and Bodily Integrity
  • At approximately 04:00 on Thursday, 11 March 2021, an Israeli military force accompanied with dozens of Israeli soldiers and Special Forces Unit moved into Dheisheh refugee camp, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched houses, blew up its doors, frightened its inhabitants, and arrested Khader ‘Abed al-Jabbar al-Hasanat (44). During which, a group of Palestinian young men gathered in the camp’s eastern neighborhood and threw stones and Molotov Cocktails at IOF, who attacked the protestors, chased them on the camp’s streets and fired live bullets and heavy sound bombs at them. As a result, 3 protestors were shot with live bullets.
  • At approximately 09:30, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Deir al-Balah city in the center of the Gaza Strip, and east of Gaza Valley (Juhor al-Deek) village, southeast of Gaza City, opened fire at agricultural lands; no causalities were reported.
  • At approximately 11:00 on Friday, 12 March 2021, a peaceful protest took off in front of Beit Dajan village council, east of Nablus, north of the West Bank, at the call of the villagers and with the participation of the National Action Factions in Nablus, towards lands under the threat of confiscation, east of the village. The protestors raised Palestinian flags and chanted slogans against the Israeli occupation and settlers. When the protestors arrived at the area, they found a large number of Israeli soldiers awaiting them. The protestors chanted slogans again against the Israeli occupation and settlers. IOF immediately suppressed the protest and fired live and rubber bullets, sound bombs and tear gas canisters at the protestors. As a result, 5 civilians, including a child, were wounded. The wounded civilians were as follows:
  1. A child was shot with a Two-Two bullet in his left foot.
  2. Minister of Labor Nasri Khalil Saleem Abu Jash (54) was shot with 2 rubber bullets in his abdomen and back.
  3. 26-year-old male was shot with 2 live bullets in his feet.
  4. 60-year-old elderly was shot with 2 rubber bullets in his feet.
  5. 30-year-old male was shot with 2 rubber bullets in his feet.

All of the wounded civilians were taken to Rafidia hospital for treatment. Also, many protestors suffocated due to teargas inhalation and received treatment on the spot.

  • Following the Friday prayer, on 12 March 2021, IOF suppressed hundreds of Palestinian worshipers gathered in al-Ghazlay yard in al-Asbat Gate area. IOF beat and pushed the worshipers while they were getting out of al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City and fired sound bombs at them. During which, IOF arrested Omar Basem Zaghir (22) after severely beating him. It should be noted that IOF imposed a cordon on the Old City in the morning, established dozens of military checkpoints at al-Aqsa Mosque gates, checked Palestinian worshipers’ IDs, prevented 321 persons living in the West Bank from performing prayers at the mosque, and arrested 4 civilians under the pretext of entering Jerusalem without permits. Among the arrestees were: ‘Abed al-Raheem al-Sa’idi and Ahmed Abu ‘Asem, from Tulkarm.
  • At approximately 06:00 on Saturday. 13 March 2021, IOF stationed near the annexation wall, at Bereen Gate, southwest of Qalqilya, fired teargas canisters at Palestinian workers, who attempted to enter Israel for working. As a result, a 26-year-old male, from Beita village in southern Nablus, was hit with a teargas canister in his head and taken to a governmental hospital in the city for treatment. He was then referred to Istishari Arab Hospital.
  • At approximately 15:05 on Saturday, 13 March 2021, Israeli gunboats stationed off Waha Shore and off al-Soudaniyia Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and fired live bullets and sound bombs around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 16:10, settlers from “Givat Ronim” settlement outpost established in southeastern of Nablus, and under IOF protection, attacked Montaser Nafi’ Mansour’s under-construction house located in the eastern side of Burin village. The settlers demolished the house walls before the villagers’ arrival. Meanwhile, clashes erupted between the villagers and settlers and continued for an hour. During which, IOF fired live bullets, sound bombs and teargas canisters to disperse the villagers. As a result, a 19-year-old male was shot with a live bullet in his left thigh and below his abdomen and taken to Rafidia Governmental Hospital in Nablus.
  • At approximately 08:00 on Sunday, 14 March 2021, Israeli gunboats stationed off Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and opened heavy fire around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF attacked Nabil Saqer ‘Obad, from Kifl Haris village, north of Salfit, adjacent to “Ariel” settlement, north of the city. ‘Obaid said that while he was heading to his work and walking on the street, Israeli soldiers shouted at him, saboteur stop! They pointed their guns at him and ordered him to stop. He added that he stopped and Israeli soldiers stationed behind trees approached him. Meanwhile, the soldiers pushed him to the ground and an Israeli soldier kicked him at his head and asked him, where is the knife? ‘Obaid told the soldier that his is not a saboteur and he is a worker waiting his employer to go with him to work. IOF confiscated ‘Obaid’s cell phone and called his employer to make sure that he is really waiting him. They released him later.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of al-Qarara village, east of Khan Yunis; no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF stationed at military site no(16), north of Beit Hanoun, north of the Gaza Strip, opened heavy fire at Palestinian shepherds who approached the fence, causing fear among them and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 20:30, IOF moved into Qaryut village, southeast of Nablus, and fired heavy sound bombs and teargas canisters at residential houses. Meanwhile, 3 paramedics namely ‘Abed al-Raheem Mahmoud Falah Hamdan, Bashar Mu’amer Qaryuti and Mo’tasem Mefleh Ahmed Badawi drove a vehicle with Red Crescent plate and headed to help civilians, who suffocated due to teargas inhalation. The paramedics provided help for Kasab and ‘Awad Rateb families. When the paramedics got out of Rateb’s house, they found that IOF broke the vehicle’s rear window. The paramedic Bashar Mu’amer Qaryuti said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“At approximately 20:30 on Sunday, 14 March 2021, while I was at my duty in the Palestinian Red crescent office in the center of  Qaryut village, southeast of Nablus, along with my colleagues ‘Abed al-Raheem Mahmoud Falah Hamdan and Mo’tasem Mefleh Ahmed Badawi, we knew that IOF moved into the village and they fired teargas canisters at residential houses. We immediately got into the PRCS vehicle and headed to Kasab family’s house, where we provided aid for 6 persons. After that, we headed to ‘Awad Rateb’s house and found 4 soldiers stood in front of the house. We managed to enter the house and provide help of its inhabitants. When we got out of the house, we found the vehicle’s rear window was broken. We asked neighbors and they told us that IOF broke the window and flee towards ‘Ali settlement. We phoned the Palestinian Liaison office and told them about what happened.”  

  • At approximately 08:30 on Monday, 15 March 2021, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of Khuzaʽa village, east of Khan Yunis; no casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 10:35, Israeli gunboats stationed off Waha Shore, northwest of Beit Lahia, north of the Gaza Strip, chased Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 3 nautical miles and opened heavy fire around them, causing fear among the fishermen and forcing them to flee. No casualties were reported.
  • At approximately 20:30, IOF stationed at a military watchtower established near “Beit El” settlement, near Jalazone refugee camp, north of Ramallah, fired live bullets at two children, who were present near the entrance to al-Yasmin neighborhood, adjacent to the mentioned settlement, under the pretext of throwing stones. As a result, the 16-year-old child was shot with a rubber bullet in his leg and the 15-year-old child was shot with a rubber bullet in his foot. Both of them were taken to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah for treatment. This coincided with IOF incursion into the neighborhood, as they raided and searched houses and confiscated the recording device of the surveillance cameras.
  • At approximately 09:30 on Tuesday, 16 March 2021, IOF stationed along the Gaza’s border fence with Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of Khuzaʽa village; no casualties were reported.
  • On the same day, 11 civilians were shot with rubber bullets, while 31 others suffocated due to teargas inhalation during the IOF incursion into al-Matar neighborhood in Kafr ‘Aqab village, north of occupied East Jerusalem. IOF also demolished a shop and a store, levelled plot of land and delivered several notices for shops’ owners.
  • At approximately 10:00 on Wednesday, 14 March 2021, ‘Ali Mousa Jahaleen Abu Dahok (18), from Deir Hajla village in eastern Jericho, sustained critical wounds due to the explosion of an object of Israeli military remnants. According to PCHR’s investigations, Abu Dahok was wounded while breeding sheep in central valley area, near the Jordanian border, east of the city. Abu Dahok sustained deep wounds in his feet and taken to Arab Society Hospital in Bethlehem.
  1. Incursions and arrests

Thursday, 11 March 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Harmala village, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Na’eem Asakra’s house and handed his two sons, Emad (27) and Eyad (22), summonses to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services in “Gush Etzion” settlement, south of the city.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Azza refugee camp, north of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Nadeem al-Azza’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Dura, southwest of Hebron. They raided and searched Ahmed Moneef Qazzaz’s (24) house and arrested him.
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Beit Ulla, west of Hebron. They raided and searched Hussam Hami Fawargha’s (26) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Sa’ir, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Jaradat family, and arrested Safa’ Hazem Jaradat (24), and her sister, Amany (21).
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into al-Sawahira al-Sharqiya village, east of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Izz al-Dein Mohammed Mashahera’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 14:00, IOF stationed at Alsilsila Gate, one of the Aqsa Mosque’s Gates, and arrested Khaled Riyad al-Issawi (38), head of the preaching and guidance department at the Aqsa Mosque, after ending the Isra’ and Mi’raj prayers. IOF took him to one of the police centers in the city and released him on the next day on condition that banning his entry to the Aqsa Mosque for a week.
  • At approximately 21:00, Israeli Intelligence Services handed the Jerusalem Affairs Minister, Adnan Adel Tawfiq Ghaith (46), two military decisions after summonsing him to al-Maskobiya police center. First decision is renewing his ban from leaving his residence place in Silwan and preventing him from moving and being present inside the occupied Jerusalem. The other decision is banning any communication with dozens of officials and activists including the Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas.

It should be noted that Ghaith was arrested and interrogated several times since being issued as a governor, and several military decisions, renewable every 6-month, were issued against him, such as imposing the house arrested into his place of residence in Silwan; preventing him from communicating with specific figures; banning his entry to the West Bank; banning him from holding or presenting any activities or conferences inside Jerusalem; and providing financial aids for institutions.

  • IOF carried out an incursion in Kifl Haris, north of Salfit. No arrests were reported.

Friday, 12 March 2021:

  • At approximately 19:00, IOF arrested Abdul Rahim Rami al-Khaldi (17), from al-Bureij camp, while attempting to pass the border fence with Israel, east of the camp.
  • Abdul Rahim’s father, Rami al-Khaldi (born in 1974), said that at approximately 14:30, on Friday, his son got out of the house, so they noticed his absence and started asking their relatives about him. At approximately 12:30 on Saturday, Rami received a phone call from the Israeli police to inform him that his son is under arrest and he will be presented before the Court of Ashkelon.
  • At approximately 19:30, IOF arrested Ehab Abu Sneina (23) and Shadi ‘Amira (21), after getting out of the Aqsa Mosque, and took them to one of the police centers in the city. IOF released them on bail of 1000-NIS and banning their entry to the Aqsa Mosque for 15-days.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Azzun, east of Qalqilya, Halhul, Yatta, and Beit ‘Amra villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Saturday, 13 March 2021:

  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Husan, west of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Younis Hamamera’s (23) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Beit Furik village, northeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ahmed Tawfiq Nasasera (47).
  • At approximately 22:00, IOF moved into Zububa, west of Jenin, stationed at the entrance of the village, and arrested two high-school students; Mohammed Hasan Za’al (18) and Ahmed Mohammed Atatera (18).
  • IOF carried out an incursion in Silwad, northeast of Ramallah governorate. No arrests were reported.

Sunday, 14 March 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Mohammed Mostafa Rweidy’s (21) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians, claiming that they attacked settlers’ vehicle and caused damages in the vehicle and the driver was injured. The arrestees are: Aziz Ghassan Alian (18), Lo’ay Abed Alian (20), and Mohammed Abed Alian (22).
  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Yatta, south of Hebron governorate, and stationed in al-Karmel area. They raided and searched five house and arrested (5) civilians; Yehya Saleh al-‘Amro (37), who was released 15-days ago, Eisa Khaled al-‘Amour (33), Qusai Khaled al-‘Amour (32), Eisa Mohammed al-‘Amour (35), and Fadi Bader al-‘Amour (33).
  • At approximately 03:00, IOF moved into Beit Ummar, north of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Majdi Mershed Za’aqiq (17), and Mohanad Yousef ‘Alqam (20).
  • At approximately 05:00, IOF moved into al-Tur neighborhood, east of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Ibrahim Khaled al-Haniti’s (18) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Teqoa, west of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mohammed Ali Sabbah’s (23) house and handed him a summons to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 09:00, IOF moved into Silwan, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Mohammed Ali al-Ghoul (17) and Qais Mahmoud Hassouna (17) and handed them summonses to refer to the Israeli Intelligence Services.
  • At approximately 11:00, IOF detained Nader Samer Ibdah (23), a driver from Marda village, north of Salfit, while driving to Salfit. IOF detained everyone in the vehicle, handcuffed Ibdah, and released them at approximately 23:30.
  • At approximately 12:00, Abdul Rahman al-Bashiti (16) surrendered himself to the Israeli occupation jail, to complete the legal measures against him. His family stated that their son is under house arrest and has been banned from entering his place of residence since January, and that Abdul Rahman was arrested and interrogated for 3 weeks, despite suffering from diabetes, and he was released on conditions that included the ban on returning to his home, which led him to stay in Beit Hanina away from his family.
  • It should be noted that al-Bashiti family frequently subjected to arrests and violence, as their old son, Hisham (20), was arrested when he was only 13, and he was arrested several months ago on charge of throwing stones at the Israeli soldiers. Hatem (18), was arrested and summonsed dozens of times with his brother Abdul Rahman (16), wo was arrested up to 20-times during 2020, despite suffering from diabetes and deteriorating his health condition inside detentions and during investigations.
  • At approximately 13:00, IOF moved into Hizma, northeast of the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched Salah al-Dein Osama Salah al-Dein’s (15) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 17:00, IOF moved into Batin al-Hawa neighborhood, south of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City. They raided and searched Yousef Rebhi al-Rajabi’s (24) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 19:00, a big occupying force along with dozens of Israeli soldiers and Special Forces stormed Shu’afat refugee camp, east of the occupied East Jerusalem, and stationed at the main street. Dozens of young men gathered and threw stones, empty bottles and cocktail Molotov at the Israeli soldiers and vehicles, who indiscriminately responded with rubber bullets and teargas canisters, chased the prosecutors, and arrested (3) civilians; Mohammed Abed al-Haq (16), Mahmoud Hamdan (17), and Wael ‘Arrar (21).
  • At approximately 21:15, IOF stationed at Mevo Dotan military checkpoint, southwest of Jenin, arrested Ameen Ashab Zakarna (23), from Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Aroub refugee camp, Halhul, Beit Awwa, and Taffuh villages in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Monday, 15 March 2021:

  • At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Aroub refugee camp, north of Hebron. They raided and searched two houses and arrested Emad Mahmoud al-Jondi (19), and Anas Yasser Abbad (20).
  • At approximately 01:10, IOF moved into Deir al-Ghusun village, north of Tulkarm. They raided and searched Fo’ad Mohammed Bani Saleh’s (22) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 01:20, IOF moved into Tulkarm. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Fares Samer Fattouh (22) and Ahmed Issam ‘Ateiwi (28) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 02:20, IOF moved into Anabta village, east of Tulkarm. They raided and searched Ra’ed Adel Hammad’s (27) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 05:10. IOF moved into Birzeit, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Mohammed Najeeb al-Shahbour (26).
  • At approximately 05:20, IOF moved into Jalazone refugee camp, north of Ramallah. They raided and searched ‘Ahed Riyad al-Tirawi’s (25) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 12:00, IOF stationed at Kifl Haris, north of Salfit, arrested Palestine TV crew, while shooting a program about Ariel Rotary in Kifl Haris. IOF ordered them to delete they taken pictures, end shooting, and leave the location. IOF released them after an hour.
  • At approximately 19:30, IOF stationed at Huwwarah military checkpoint, south of Nablus, arrested Yousef Jihad Owda (35), from Kafr Thulth. IOF took him to an unknown destination.
  • IOF carried out (4) incursions in Kafr al-Dik, west of Salfit; Kafr Ni’ma, west of Ramallah governorate; Samu and Yatta, in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

Tuesday, 16 March 2021:

  • At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Qabatiya, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ahmed Lo’ay Manasra (19).
  • At approximately 03:20, IOF moved into Kifl Haris, north of Salfit. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians; Mohammed Ra’ed al-Qaq (17), Hamza Marwan Bouziya (22), and Hamad Abdul Aziz al-As’ad (24).
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Qarawat Bani Zeid, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Saoud Mohammed ‘Arrar (30) and Wajdi Shujei’ ‘Arrar (33) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into al-Khadir village, south of Bethlehem. They raided and searched Mahmoud Mohammed Salah’s (28) house and arrested him.
  • At approximately 06:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Ali Sufian Obaid (17), and Mohammed Mahran Dirbas (14).
  • At approximately 07:30, IOF and 6 military bulldozers moved 100-meters to the west of the border fence, east of al-Bureij, then to the south of the border fence, east of al-Maghazi. They leveled and combed lands and redeployed at approximately 15:40.
  • At approximately 13:00, Abdullah Amjad Obaid (16), from al-Isawiya, surrendered himself to the Israeli prisons to serve his sentence of 2-months. His family stated that the Israeli Authorities sentenced Abdullah of 2 months of the actual arrest, despite the fact that he was under the house arrest 4-months ago.
  • At approximately 16:00, IOF moved into al-Wad neighborhood, one of the occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City’s neighborhoods. They raided and searched Eisa al-Firawi’s (20) house and arrested him.
  • IOF carried out (5) incursions in Jenin, Awarta and Qaryut, southeast of Nablus; Ramin, south of Tulkarm; and Biddya, west of Salfit. No arrests were reported.

Wednesday, 17 March 2021:

  • At approximately 02:00, IOF moved into Jamma’in, southeast of Nablus. They raided and searched several houses and arrested Jamal Ibrahim Abu Amr (22).
  • Around the same time, IOF moved into Karkafeh area in Bethlehem. They raided and searched Abdullah Abdul Naser Salhab (31) and Abdul Rahim Faraj Salhab (39) and arrested them.
  • At approximately 03:30, IOF moved into Teqoa, east of Bethlehem. They raided and searched several houses and arrested (3) civilians, including a child; Ma’moun Ibrahim al-‘Amour (16), Ammar Yaser al-‘Amour (20), and Mo’taz Khader al-‘Amour (22).
  • At approximately 04:00, IOF moved into Ein al-Sultan refugee camp, west of Jericho. They raided and searched the house of the former prisoner, Hamza Ahmed Irmilah (28), and arrested him. IOF released him later.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF moved into Isawiya village, northeast the occupied East Jerusalem. They raided and searched two houses belonging to Fadi Abdullah Mahmoud (32) and Anwar Sami Obaid (23) and arrested them.
  • IOF carried out (3) incursions in Beit Ummar, Beit Ulla, and Deir al-Asal al-Tahta in Hebron. No arrests were reported.

III. Settlement Expansion and settler violence in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem

Demolition and Confiscation of Civilian Property

  • At approximately 11:00 on Thursday, 14 March 2021, IOF moved into al-‘Issawiya village, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem, to demolish the main gate and tin plates of what was left from the rubble of ‘Alian family houses that were demolished by IOF 3 weeks ago.

‘Alian Family said that they were surprised with IOF surrounding the land and starting to demolish the main gate which was left from their houses’ rubble.  The Israeli Municipality vehicles removed the iron gate and tin plates from the land and left the area.  They added that IOF handed their son Fadi a notice to remove the rubble of their building that was demolished by the Israeli Municipality bulldozers on 22 February, within 10 days or they family will be fined.  It should be noted that IOF stormed the land many times; the last was on 04 March when they demolished a tent sheltering the family and established on their houses’ rubble for the second time within 10 days.  ‘Alian Family previously stated that the decision to demolish the family building, which included 2 floors and sheltered 20 family members, including 12 children, under the pretext of unlicensed construction, was a political decision par excellence, especially since their son, Fadi, previously received several calls from the Israeli Intelligence threatening him to demolish his family building if he continued to work as the Head of the Guard Unit in the mosque. The family added that Fadi was arrested several times and teased him lately until they demolished the family’s 360-sqm building, which was established more than 10 years ago under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

  • On Thursday as well, Israel Supreme Council for Planning and Building of the Israeli Civil Administration ratified a decision to confiscate 50 dunums from Husan and Nahalin villages, western Bethlehem, and to change their agricultural nature for the expansion of “Beitar Illit” settlement, established on Palestinian lands western Bethlehem.

Hasan Brejiyeh, director of the Wall and Colonization Resistance office in Bethlehem, stated that the targeted lands are plots 3 and 4 in Nahalin and Husan. He added that the land to be confiscated will be used for opening settler-only roads and building new housing units for the Israeli settler population.  Breijyeh stressed that this decision is extremely dangerous as it asserts the occupation authorities’ intent to confiscate additional Palestinian owned-lands for the above-mentioned settlement.

  • In the afternoon, Mohammed Hasan Ja’afrah self-demolished his commercial facility located in al-Jeser area between the Municipalities of Silwan and Jabal Mukaber, southeast of occupied East Jerusalem, pursuant to an Israeli Municipality’s decision under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

Mohammed Ja’afrah said that his commercial facility is a restaurant built 20 years ago on an area of 55 sqms.  He added that he received the first demolition notice 3 years ago, and 3 hearings were held in the Israeli court in this regard under the pretext of unlicensed construction. He said that the court imposed on him in the third hearing in 2019 a construction fine of 40,000 shekels and he is still paying it.  He pointed out that the court issued a decision last December to demolish the restaurant, but his lawyer could appeal the decision and postpone the demolition until the beginning of March.  He said that he received a call today morning from the Israeli police to inform him to self-demolish the restaurant before 10:00 on Monday or they will bring the bulldozers to carry out the demolition and fine him with thousands of shekels.  It should be noted that the Israeli Municipality forced Ja’afrah last August to self-demolish his under-construction 100-sqm house in al-Farouq neighborhood in Jabal Mukaber.

  • On the same afternoon as well, Ahmed ‘Issa Hijazi self-demolished his house in ‘Ein al-Lozeh neighborhood in Silwan village, south of occupied East Jerusalem’s Old City, pursuant to the Israeli Municipality’s decision, under the pretext of unlicensed construction. Ahmed Hijazi stated that the Israeli police raided his house this morning and ordered him to self-demolish his house before 10:00 on Monday or they fine him with demolition costs, between 100,000 to 150,000 shekels, forcing him to take the furniture out of the house and then self-demolished it.  He added that he built his house in 2014 to make it wider so it could be enough for his big family of 14 members, including 3 children.  He built 3 bedrooms, a living room and its facilities on an area of 90 sqms.  Hijazi said that the Israeli Municipality imposed on him in 2019 a construction fine of 25,000 shekels.  He added that the court issued a month ago a decision to demolish his house under the pretext of failing to fulfill the geometric requirements.  His lawyer filed an appeal to the Magistrate and District Courts but in vain.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Monday, 15 March 2021, IOF, accompanied by several military vehicles and a civil administration vehicle, moved into Wad al-Shunaar, Halhul and commenced demolishing a 15sqm room and a 30sqm tin-plated barracks allegedly for unlicensed construction, both properties of Khairy A. Hirbawey. IOF had served Hirbawy military order no. 1779 on 08 February 2021, giving him 96 hours to conduct the demolition.
  • On Monday evening, IOF demolished 4 agricultural rooms in Beit Ta’mir, east Bethlehem, allegedly for non-licensing. Hasan Brejiyeh, director of the Wall and Colonization Resistance office in Bethlehem, stated that IOF demolished 4 agricultural room in Beit Ta’mir, owned by: Ibrahim A. Mubarak; Haroun I. Mahamid; Suliman A. al-Wahsh; and Hasem I. Mohammed. IOF confiscated their contents allegedly for non-licensing. It should be noted that the demolition was not preceded by any notice or warning.

Mubarak Az-Zawahreh, Head of Beit Ta’mir Village Council, added that dozens of Palestinian civilians gathered to stop the demolition and the confiscation of materials used for agricultural purposes. They demanded IOF provide them proof and a list of confiscated items, but they were only given the confirmation from the solider in charge that they will be given these papers after the removal and confiscation is done. It should be noted that Beit Ta’mir and the adjacent Jib a-Theeb villages are subject to constant IOF demolitions at the request of settlers who want to confiscate the lands.

  • On Tuesday, 16 March 2021, IOF dismantled 4 barracks (2 used for residence and 2 for commercial purposes) in in az-Za’ayyem, eastern occupied east Jerusalem, and confiscated two containers near the village’s intersection.

Abdul-qader Klaib, az-Za’ayyem village council chairman, said that this is the second time IOF dismantled Murad and Imran Mohammed Zar’ey’s barracks (80sqm/each). IOF also confiscated two containers for:

  • Mohammed Abu-Ghalia, equipped with photography equipment and surveillance devices; and
  • Mohammed Saa’di, used as a gas station.
  • On Tuesday evening, 11 Palestinians sustained rubber bullets and 31 suffocated due to inhalation of tear gas during an IOF raid into al-Matar neighborhood in Kafr Aqab, occupied east Jerusalem. IOF demolished a shop, a warehouse and a land, and served multiple business owners demolition notices.

According to PCHR’s investigations, at approximately 14:00 IOF raided al-Matar neighborhood through a hole dug by a military bulldozer in the annexation wall surrounding it and commenced demolishing Sadiq al-Hatawy’s shop and warehouse and his land. IOF served other business owners demolition notices; these demolitions are in prelude to the construction of a sports complex and park for settlers on Palestinian-owned lands, according to Raed Hamdan, Media Officer at Kafr ‘Aqab Municipality. A group of young Palestinians gathered in the are and threw stones at the Israeli forces and military vehicles. IOF immediately responded violently, firing rubber bullets and tear gas canisters at them causing clashes that lasted until late evening where dozens sustained rubber bullets and suffocated due to tear gas inhalation. The Palestinian Red Crescent Society stated that 31 Palestinians suffocated due to tear gas inhalation; and 11 sustained rubber-bullet wounds – one in the head – during the IOF incursion into Kafr ‘Aqab.

  • In the evening, IOF razed Ramzi N. Qaisyeh’s lands in al-Makhrur area, western Bethlehem. According to Hasan Brejiyeh, director of the Wall and Colonization Resistance office in Bethlehem, IOF raided al-Makhrur after closing the area and commenced razing Qaisyeh’s 4-dunum land, uprooting trees and confiscating equipment. It should be noted that Qaisyeh’s land was previously raided by IOF in April 2020 and August 2019.
  • In the evening, Saif Abdul-Latif self-demolished his house in Silwan in execution of the Israeli Municipality decision allegedly for non-licensing. Abdul-Latif said that he started building his house 3 months ago, as he intended to get married and move there in four months. He added that the 50sqm house is still under construction; yet, the Israeli Municipality in the city persecuted him and insisted on demolishing the house immediately, which forced him to demolish it himself before the municipal crews who watched him conclude the demolition.
  • At approximately 11:00 on Wednesday, IOF, accompanied by the Civil Administration, workers and several construction vehicles, moved into Kibet Tana, northeastern Nablus, and demolished 15 tents. The tents, 35-40 sqm/each used as residence and sheep barns, belonged to 7 Palestinian farmers: Ibrahim Hanni; Hakam Nasasra; Hamdi Mlitat; Mirwan Khatatba; Bassam Nasasra; Hamoudeh Hanni and his brother Kamal. IOF alleged the demolition was for illegal presence in Area C.
  • At approximately 09:00 on Wednesday, 17 March 2020, IOF, accompanied by several military vehicles and construction vehicles as well as the Civil Administration, moved into Ras a-Zaytoun area in Ras Karkar, northwestern Ramallah. The dozer razed a 5-dunum land, uprooted 15 olive trees (aged between 5-7 years). This is the third IOF attack on this land, owned by Ni’man A. Nofal, allegedly to improve services for “Talmon” settlement, which is established on Palestinian-owned lands.
  • Around the same time, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles, Civil Administration vehicle, JCB bulldozer and two trucks moved into Arab al-Zayed Bedouin Community in An-Nuway’imah village, north of Jericho. They completely demolished 4 barracks, 60 square meters for each, for being unlicensed and located in Area C. the demolishing decision came with no prior warning on the morning of the same day.

The three barracks belonging to Abu Kharabish brothers:

  1. Nayef Salama Abu Kharabish, his 60-square meters barracks which is used as a shelter for 8 civilians; including 6 children and a woman, was demolished and confiscated.
  2. Fadi Salama Abu Kharabish, his two barracks (60 square meters for each), which are used for sheltering 3 civilians including a woman and a child, and the other one is used for grazing sheep, were demolished and confiscated.
  3. Ali Salama Abu Kharabish, his 60-square meters barracks which is used as a shelter for 8 civilians; including 6 children and a woman, was demolished and confiscated.
  • At approximately 10:00, IOF reinforced with several military vehicles and Civil Administration vehicle al-Fakhit area, east of Yatta, south of Hebron. The soldiers deployed in the area while the Civil Administration staff started demolishing agricultural tent owned by Fo’ad Fadel al-‘Amour (48), for being unlicensed.

Settler attacks on Palestinian civilians and their property

  • At approximately 01:00 on Thursday, 11 March 2021, a group of settlers raided Kifl Haris, northern Salfit, and started rioting in the streets, breaking properties and statues and trashing the streets.
  • At approximately 08:30, 13 March 2021, a group of settlers from “Mitzpe Yair” settlement outpost established on the Palestinian lands confiscated from eastern Yatta, south of Hebron, attacked Sa’id Mohammed ‘Alian ‘Awad (48) and his wife Reema ‘Awad (38) with stones and batons when the couple were with their 6 children and their relatives’ children in their plot of land in Sho’ab al-Butm, south of the settlement outpost. As a result, ‘Awad sustained fractures in the face and bruises all over his body while the windows of his car were smashed.

Reema Isma’il ‘Awad said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

“At approximately 8:00, I went with my husband Sa’id ‘Awad (48) and my six children; the eldest is Sanad (15), along with other children of my in-laws, to picnic in our land in Sho’ab Al-Butm, where my husband, his brothers and his uncle own around 288 dunums overlooking “Mitzpe Yair” settlement from the northern side. The Israeli Supreme Court issued a decision that we own the land except for a small part, which is not settled yet. When we arrived at the land, there was a settler namely, Yusi, whom we know grazing his sheep amid the olive seedlings and winter crops. We went to tell the Israeli police, who asked us to take a video to prove that the settler is present in the land, so I started taking the video of the settler with his sheep, while my husband called the Israeli police and the popular committees in al-Masafer area in order to come to the land. A few minutes later, the settler made phone calls, and we saw a number of young settlers coming towards us from behind a caravan close to the settlement’s borders; a number of them were masked and carrying sticks. They approached us, and one of them hit me on my back with an iron bar in his hand and I fell on the ground.  He tried to take my cell phone with which I was taking the video to capture what was going on. My son, Sanad, tried to defend me and take away the settler who had attacked my husband and hit him on the head with an iron bar on his head and body.  My husband fell unconscious on the ground and the settler broke his cell phone. The rest of the settlers threw stones at us and our car; as a result, they broke the windshield and side windows. I started screaming at the settlers, who ran away. Few minutes later, three soldiers arrived, followed by Magen David Adom ambulances, which gave us first aid, while residents of the area arrived. We asked the soldiers to take my husband to an Israeli hospital, but they refused, claiming that the attack was by settlers and not by IOF.  Around an hour later, the Israeli police arrived.  The ambulances drove us to a place close to the “Susiya” settlement, where a Palestinian ambulance took us to the Hebron Governmental Hospital for treatment.  At approximately 22:00, doctors there decided to refer my husband to Al-Ahli Hospital, where he underwent a surgery for his jaw. My husband is still receiving treatment due to bruises in his face and the rest of his body, in addition to a fracture in his left jaw.”

  • At approximately 08:30 on Tuesday, 16 March 2021, a group of settles from “Kiryat Arba” settlement raided lands belonging to Jaber family in eastern Hebron. The settlers commenced construction of a road in prelude to confiscating the 25-dunum land. This occurred under the protection of several Israeli military forces to deter landowners from reaching the settlers. After Palestinian civilians intercepted the construction vehicles and several arguments with soldiers and settlers, the settlers withdrew. It should be noted that almost two months ago, settlers built a room in the above-mentioned land that was later demolished by the landowners.
  • Early on Wednesday, 17 March 2021, a group of settlers from “Ehyaa” settlement – established on Jalud village’s lands in eastern Nablus, attacked Palestinian lands in Jabal Sheikh Bashar, Area (B), land plot no. 6 and removed 40 olive seedlings belonging to Rajeh M. S. Hamoud.
  1. Closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement of persons and goods:

The Gaza Strip still suffers the worst closure in the history of the Israeli occupation of the oPt as it has entered the 14th consecutive year, without any improvement to the movement of persons and goods, humanitarian conditions and bearing catastrophic consequences on all aspects of life.

The West Bank:

In addition to 108 permanent checkpoints and closed roads, this week witnessed the establishment of more temporary checkpoints that restrict the goods and individuals  55 temporary checkpoints, where they searched Palestinians’ vehicles, checked their IDs and arrested of them. IOF closed many roads with cement cubes, metal detector gates and sand berms and tightened their measures against individuals’ movement at military permanent checkpoints.


  • On Monday, 15 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the entrance to Rafat village and at the entrance to Biddu village’s tunnel.
  • On Tuesday,16 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints near Jab’ village’s intersection.  


  • On Thursday, 11 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint near al-Nashnash intersection, south of the city.
  • On Saturday, 13 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the eastern entrance to Beit Fajjar village and on Caritas Hospital Road, north of the city.
  • On Sunday, 14 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Beit Fajjar village, south of the city.
  • On Monday, 15 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Jannatah village.
  •  On Tuesday, 16 March 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Tuqu village, near al-Khader Cemetery and near al-Nashnash intersection, south of the city.
  • On Wednesday, 17 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Maniya village, southeast of the city.


  • On Thursday, 11 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints near ‘Atara village’s bridge and at the entrance to Nabi Salih village.
  • On Friday, 12 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the main entrance to Nabi Salih village, northwest of the city.
  • On Saturday, 13 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints near ‘Atara village’s bridge and at the eastern entrance to Al-Mughayyir village.
  • On Monday, 15 March 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the entrances to Sinjil and ‘Aboud villages and at Rawabi city square, north of the city.
  • On Tuesday, 16 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints near ‘Atara village’s bridge and at the entrance to Sinjil village.


  • On Thursday, 11 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the southern entrance to Jericho.
  • On Sunday, 14 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at Al-Auja village’s intersection and at the southern entrance to Jericho.
  • On Monday, 15 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the southern and northern entrances to Jericho.


  • On Tuesday, 16 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints on Madama village’s bridge and near the intersection of Deir Sharaf village, west of the city.


  • On Thursday, 11 March  2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrance to Sa’ir village, at the western entrance to Hebron, at the northern entrance to Yatta city, and at the entrance to Fawwar refugee camp.
  • On Friday, 12 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance to Hebron and at the entrance to Idhna village.
  • At approximately 08:00, IOF closed with rocks and sand berms the entrance to Ma’een village, in order to prevent civilians’ access to bypass road 60 via their vehicles. The road closure came after notifying several houses to be demolished.
  • On Saturday, 13 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the western entrance to Hebron and at the entrance to Idhna village.
  • On Sunday, 14 March 2021, IOF established 3 checkpoints at the southern entrance to Hebron, at the entrance to as-Samu village, and at the southern entrance to Bani Na’im village.
  • On Wednesday, 17 March 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrance to Bani Na’im village, at the northern entrance to Hebron, at the northern entrance to Yatta city, and at the entrance to Al-Arroub refugee camp.


  • On Thursday, 11 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the eastern entrance to the city.
  • On Friday, 12 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the entrance to Azzun village, east of the city.
  • On Monday, 14 March 2021, IOF established 4 checkpoints at the entrances to Azzun, Jayyous, Izbat al-Tabib and Jit villages, north of the city.


  • On Thursday, 11 March 2021, IOF established 2 checkpoints at the northern entrance Salfit and at the entrance to Deir Ballut village, west of the city.
  • On Friday, 12 March 2021, IOF established a checkpoint at the western entrance to Deir Istiya village, north of Salfit.

إدارة بايدن… فلسطينياً

سعاده مصطفى أرشيد

استطاع بن يامين نتنياهو اعتصار الأيام الأخيرة من رئاسة ترامب، ساعة بساعة ودقيقة بدقيقة، في سباق لاهث مع موعد العشرين من هذا الشهر، وها هو قد حقق على أرض الواقع مجموعة من النقاط والمكاسب الشخصية والانتخابية له، ولجمهوره المتطرّف، ثم لمجموع «الإسرائيليين»، وهي مكاسب من النوع الذي يفرض واقعاً ويكون من الصعب تجاوزه أو العودة عنه لأيّ رئيس وزراء قادم في (إسرائيل) حتى ولو كان ببعض المقاييس معتدلاً، وكذلك على الإدارة الأميركية الجديدة إنْ رغبت – وهي لن ترغب، إذ إنها مرتاحة جداً بما حققت سياسات ترامب – نتنياهو، فما تلك السياسات إلا تعبير عن رغباتها وأمانيها المضمرة ومنسجمة مع قناعاتها، وهي وإنْ كانت تحسب لتنفيذها أكثر من حساب، فإنّ ترامب قد رفع الحرج عنها، سواء في موضوع ضمّ الجولان أو نقل السفارة الأميركية للقدس، أو في صفقته الشهيرة التي منح بها نتنياهو الأغوار والمستوطنات وشمال البحر الميت وبرية الخليل، ويسارع نتنياهو الزمن لتنفيذها خلال الأيام المتبقية، بصمت أو بصوت مرتفع، وكان آخرها إعلان حكومته عن قرارها ببناء مئات الوحدات السكنية الاستيطانية الاثنين الماضي.

أما وقد زال الحرج، ورفع العتب عن الإدارة المقبلة، فإنّ بإمكان بايدن أن يبدو بمظهر المعتدل الحكيم الذي سيحاول معالجة وترميم ما أحدث ترامب من فوضى ودمار، بإعادة إطلاق مسيرة التسوية من جديد، ثم بفتح حوار مباشر مع السلطة في رام الله، وغير مباشر مع غزة. إلى رام الله ستأتي وفود أميركية لعقد لقاءات والتعرّف على عقد ومفاصل الصراع باعتبارهم طارئين عليها، كما يحدث مع كلّ إدارة أميركية جديدة، وستذهب وفود فلسطينية إلى واشنطن، ويزدهر موسم السفر والطيران غرباً برغم عراقيل الوباء. نصيب السلطة من المساعدات المالية سيتسم بالسخاء وتعود وكالة التنمية الأميركية إلى سابق نشاطها في دعم مشاريع ذات شكل يراه الناس، ولكن على أن لا تكون مفيدة، سيُعاد فتح مكتب منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية في واشنطن، كلّ ذلك سيتمّ تسويقه باعتباره انتصاراً للدبلوماسية الفلسطينية، التي سبق لها أن ادّعت محاصرتها للدبلوماسيتين الأميركية و»الإسرائيلية» قبل أيام من الكشف عن مسلسل التطبيع، وقد أعلنت القاهرة الثلاثاء الماضي عن بدء التحضير لاجتماعات رباعية ميونخ لدعم مسار السلام، وذلك بعد عام كامل من الدعوة للاجتماع في مطلع العام الماضي. أما في غزة فسيتولى القطريون إدارة الحوار وينوبون عن الأميركان في تقديم الدعم المالي بحقائب الدولارات الذي ستزيد وزناً وانتفاخاً كلما سارت أمور غزة كما يشتهي ويريد القطري باعتباره الممثل الأول وربما الحصري لسياسات الإدارة الديمقراطية، وبقدر ما تستجيب حركة حماس لخيارات القطري في تركيب وتراتبية قيادتها في المرحلة المقبلة، في الانتخابات الداخلية المقبلة.

ما تقدّم لن يغيّر من حقيقة أنّ الإدارة الأميركية الجديدة لا تقلّ صهيونية ودعماً (لإسرائيل)، وعدوانيّة علينا عن سابقتها الجمهورية في الجوهر، (فإسرائيل) هي ذراعها القوية والضاربة عسكرياً، وقاعدتها المتقدّمة، والنموذج المشابه لها والابن المباشر في السلوك لأبيه، في ادّعاء الديمقراطية والليبرالية وتطبيق نظم الرفاه والرعاية الصحية والاجتماعية، كما يماثله في صفات العدوان والتوحّش وادّعاء التفوّق، ستقوم الإدارة الديمقراطية بدعم وتغطية كامل النشاطات العدوانية والاستيطانية سواء في القدس أو في ما تبقى من الضفة الغربية، فقد أزالت الإدارة السابقة الحَرَج عنها كما ورد آنفاً، وهي تتعامل مع حقائق فاعلة وثابتة على أرض الواقع، هذا فيما يعدّد الفلسطيني انتصاراته وإنجازات دبلوماسيّته، ويحتفي بالضيوف الكرام الوافدين من واشنطن، وإعداد القوائم الطويلة لأعضاء الوفد – الوفود التي ستردّ الزيارة.

العودة إلى مسار التسوية لن يكون فورياً، وقد يستنفذ العام 2021 بأكمله فمن ناحية تجد الإدارة الأميركية أنّ لديها من الملفات الملحّة ما يتفوّق بأولوية على هذا الملف الذي قد لا يكون فيه ما يستدعي الاستعجال، فالعرب يهرولون بتسارع نحو التطبيع، والاهتمام بفلسطين يتآكل بتسارع عربياً وإسلامياً ودولياً، ولا دماء تسيل، ولا اشتباكات تثير فضائيات الأخبار وتشغلها، وسياسات بناء الفلسطيني الجديد وإعادة ترتيب أولوياتة واهتماماته قد آتت أُكُلها، فأمام الرئيس قائمة من العناوين الداخلية المستعجلة وعلى رأسها ملفات وباء الكورونا والانكماش الاقتصادي، وتفكك المجتمع عرقياً وثقافياً، ثم الحالة الشعبوية التي أوجدها ترامب وتجلت في غزوة دهماء على مبنى الكونغرس في الأسبوع الماضي، وملفات خارجية ملحة كالعلاقة مع روسيا والتوتر في بحر الصين ومعها، والملف النووي الإيراني وغير ذلك كثير، ثم أنّ (إسرائيل) ستكون على موعد مع انتخاباتها الرابعة في آذار المقبل، ولا أحد يستطيع الجزم بنتائجها، ولكن مؤشرات عديدة تشير إلى أنّ نتنياهو قد لا يغيب عن مسرح السياسة، والاستطلاعات تعطيه إمكانية الحصول على مقاعد أكثر مما حصل عليه في المرات السابقة، وهو وإنْ غاب عن مسرح السياسة، فإنّ مَن سيرثه في زعامة اليمين، لن يختلف كثيراً عنه إلا في حالة أن يكون أكثر تطرفاً، وأقلّ دبلوماسية ومهارة وخطابة، نتائج الانتخابات بكلّ حال لن تكون حاسمة باتجاه فريق قادر على تشكيل حكومة بسهولة، الأمر الذي سيجعل من مشاورات تشكيلها طويلة، وقد تستمرّ إلى أواخر الصيف فيما يبقى نتنياهو خلال كلّ تلك الفترة رئيساً لحكومة تصريف أعمال، التي قد تنتهي بتشكيل حكومة أو الذهاب إلى انتخابات خامسة، ومن الطبيعي أن ينتظره الأميركي غير المتعجّل الذي سيفضل إطلاق عملية التسوية مع حكومة «إسرائيلية» مستقرة.

هكذا سيمرّ العام 2021، عام انتظار جديد، ولا ندري إنْ كان الأخير، بإمكان الفلسطيني قضاءه في حوارات الوحدة والحديث عن ضرورتها، وعن الانقسام ومخاطره، ثم انتظار فراغ بايدن من معالجة الملفات المزدحمة والملحة على مكتبه، وانتظار مآلات تشكيل حكومة في (إسرائيل) إنْ تشكلت، وقد يجري انتخابات المجلس التشريعي الثالث، بعد عقد ونصف العقد من موعد استحقاقها، بالطبع إنْ وافقت (إسرائيل) على ذلك، مع أو بدون القدس ومناطق (ج) والأغوار، هكذا يحترف الفلسطيني الحزن والانتظار…

*سياسي فلسطيني مقيم في جنين – فلسطين المحتلة.

‘Israeli’ Occupation Leaves 41 Children Homeless After Razing Palestinian Village

Israel Demolishes 11 Palestinian Homes in West Bank

November 4, 2020

Palestinian women stand in front of their demolished house, in Jordan Valley. (Photo: via

Israeli military bulldozers yesterday demolished 11 homes in the northeastern part of the occupied West Bank over “lack of construction permits”.

Moataz Bisharat, a Palestinian official responsible for monitoring Israeli settlement activity in the Jordan Valley, told Anadolu Agency that an Israeli force had raided “the Hamsa bedouin community in the east of Tubas town, and demolished Palestinian homes there.

Bisharat added that the community was inhabited by “23 Palestinian families living in corrugated iron houses.”

The head of the Ibziq village council in the Jordan Valley region, Abdul Majeed Khdeirat, told the agency that the Israeli army had seized agricultural tractors, solar cells, and water tanks from the village.

Palestinian residents in the Jordan Valley region are continuously subjected to the demolition of their homes, and seizure of their property by the Israeli army. The 1.6 million dunam region currently accommodates around 13,000 Israeli settlers in 38 illegal settlements, and some 65,000 Palestinians scattered across 34 communities.

(MEMO, PC, Social Media)

After Razing The Village

By Staff, Agencies

Zionist forces in the occupied West Bank have razed a Palestinian village, leaving 73 people – including 41 children – homeless, in the largest forced displacement incident for years, the United Nations warned.

Excavators escorted by military vehicles were filmed approaching Khirbet Humsa and proceeding to flatten or smash up tents, shacks, animal shelters, toilets and solar panels.

“These are some of the most vulnerable communities in the West Bank,” said Yvonne Helle, the UN humanitarian coordinator for the ‘Israeli’-occupied Palestinian territory.

Three-quarters of the community lost their shelters during Tuesday’s attack, she said, making it the largest forced displacement incident in more than four years. However, by the number of destroyed structures, 76, the raid was the largest demolition in the past decade, she added.

On Wednesday, families from the village were seen rifling through their wrecked belongings in the wind, with some of the first rain of the year arriving the same day. The UN published a photo of a bed and a cot in the open desert.

The village is one of several Bedouin and sheepherding communities in the Jordan Valley area that is located within Zionist-declared army training “firing zones” where people there often face demolitions for a building without an alleged ‘permission’ from the occupying regime.

“Palestinians can almost never obtain such permits,” said Helle. “Demolitions are a key means of creating an environment designed to coerce Palestinians to leave their homes,” she said, accusing the Zionist entity of “grave breaches” of international law.

Nearly 700 structures have been demolished across the West Bank and occupied al-Quds in 2020 so far, she said, more than any year since 2016, leaving 869 Palestinians homeless.

Lebanon’s FM Vehemently Condemns Interception of Civilian Airliner by American Jets

Lebanon’s FM Vehemently Condemns Interception of Civilian Airliner by American Jets

By Staff

Beirut – In his first comments on an incident involving two US fighter jets that intercepted an Iranian civilian aircraft with Lebanese nationals on board, Lebanon’s Foreign Minister Nassif Hitti expressed his condemnation of the dangerous episode to Al-Ahed News.

Hitti blasted and protested the harassment of a civilian passenger aircraft because it endangers the safety of civilians.

He described any attempt to intercept a civilian plane with a military aircraft as unacceptable, noting that Lebanon adheres to and respects international norms and laws.

Moreover, Lebanon’s top diplomat condemned and rejected all attempts to intercept civilian aircraft.

“Even if there were no Lebanese on board, we would still protest,” Hitti added and noted that the presence of Lebanese nationals only reinforces the existing position. The issue, in Hitti’s view, is not political but rather related to international standards and norms.

In response to a question about whether Lebanon lodged a complaint or made international contacts due to the presence of Lebanese passengers on board, Hitti indicated that the airliner has the right to make the calls.

The foreign minister also shed light on the issue of extending the stay of UNIFIL forces operating in southern Lebanon until the end of next August. He affirmed that there are attempts by some to redefine the tasks of the peacekeeping forces in the south, and “we confirm our position that we do not want to change their numbers and reject any attempt to change UNIFIL’s task.”

“We have received support from some countries in this context, including Italy, where the Italian foreign and defense ministers assured us that the Italian force is committed to not compromising the tasks,” Hitti added.

“It is true that maintaining security and stability in the south is in Lebanon’s interest, but also in the interests of the region and the world. We welcome UNIFIL, and there is continuous coordination between it and the Lebanese army.”

Hitti also underscored Lebanon’s commitment to both Resolution 1701 and the current framework that UNIFIL operates in. 

On a separate topic, Hitti expressed his concerns regarding the annexation of the Jordan Valley, an issue he labeled as important.

In his opinion, this is one of the top issues, and the attempt by “Israel” to annex even a part of the Jordan Valley has not been halted, but postponed.

“This matter has great repercussions on the region, and we must be alert,” Hitti warned and stressed the need for caution about this matter because the danger of annexation still exists.

“We all need to be alert about this flagrant violation and its repercussions, and this is not new, as all ‘Israeli’ policies are based on breaching international resolutions and legitimacy.”

Forging Greater Israel: Annexation by Any Other Name



JULY 15, 2020


Photograph Source: Ralf Roletschek – GFDL 1.2

July 1st came and went and Netanyahu made no formal statement regarding annexation. That left many journalists, politicians, activists, and others feeling abandoned to speculation. Declarations of support or opposition went forward accompanied by an air of uncertainty and the frustration of trying to second guess the objectives of those whose actions would determine the coming months.

Palestinians living in the occupied territories slated for absorption would have scoffed cynically at those seeking to imagine how this might affect their daily routines as well as the dynamics of regional politics. Israel’s purported intention is to annex 30% of the West Bank where Jewish population density and “security” considerations make this a “natural” consequence of the decades’ long illegal settlement strategy and a “necessity” for the “survival” of the geographically “besieged” Jewish State.

Muhammad, a young man from Hebron who gives virtual tours of Palestine, showed his viewers a debris-strewn street where hostilities had broken out a day earlier over the proposed annexation. His explanation for the urgency of these protests adds a layer of irony to the grim reality of occupied life. Israel retains ultimate control over the land and lives of the Palestinians living here after all. The Palestinian Authority (PA) is its willing subcontractor. It serves primarily as a buffer between the commands of its overlord and the will of its people. “We have to make it clear that annexation is illegal,” Muhammad says in earnest, though he understands – and his work underscores this – the critical value of US public opinion.

The Master’s voice will become louder and clearer with official annexation. Most Palestinians recognize this instinctively. Those who will be living peacefully within the latest official state boundaries will awaken to find the question of their residency looming ever nearer, a matter of whim; a gamble the state might act upon with relatively little risk based on the world’s record of indifference.

With or without a declaration of intent, annexation creeps over the lives of these people hour by hour. Across 43 villages, approximately 107,000 people – who will, in all likelihood, still be nominal subjects of the PA—will conceivably face another Nakba, this one orchestrated in silence and with discretion, aimed at fulfilling the Zionist myth of a “land without a people.”

A rise in the rate of Israeli abuses has already signaled the changes to come. In the Jordan Valley, for example, more land has been expropriated, more homes have been destroyed, more property damaged, and more olive trees uprooted, than has happened for some time. On June 8, a report noted that Israel has started implementing annexation plans by “sending electricity bills directly to municipal councils…and removing signs” that designated certain areas as Palestinian. A violent military campaign launched on June 1st “targeted water networks, confiscated equipment and destroyed and confiscated 15 vegetable stalls in Bardala in the northern Jordan Valley. It also destroyed 800 meters of water lines that supply water to citizens.”

…[P]olice notified several Bardala and Ain al-Baida inhabitants in the Jordan Valley on June 2nd to settle their legal situation as they would soon be under Israeli laws. Israeli authorities also removed banners they had set up at the entrances of some villages… or at the military Tayasir checkpoint that warned settlers not to enter because they were Palestinian areas. In a first of its kind incident, the Israeli Civil Administration delivered to some village councils in the Jordan Valley direct financial requests to increase the electric current feeding the village. [Ahmad Melhem; June 8, 2020]

Israeli journalist Gideon Levy documented the expulsion of a Bedouin family from its home behind the Greek Orthodox Monastery of Saint Gerasimos in the Jordan Valley. Abu Dahuq’s is not the first or only Bedouin family to suffer this fate. Residents of the now infamous Khan al-Ahmar community “have been living with the pervasive fear of demolition and expulsion for several years.” Its fate won enough media attention to become an issue in recent Israeli elections.

Abu Dahuq’s family lived relatively undisturbed for 17 years, Levy tells us. Then, at the beginning of June, Israeli troops demolished and confiscated all of Abu Dahuq’s possessions. “They took the water containers, his six coolers, the solar panels and the canvas that had covered the shacks. The rest was bulldozed. The heaps of ruins tell the whole story: Tin walls with insulation material in them, a crushed children’s bike, a torn painting, pipes rolling about, and so on.” Abu Dahuq was told to move to (Palestinian controlled) Area A from (Israeli controlled) Area C, but he claims there is no space there for him to live. His saga of arbitrary expulsion from territory Israel intends formally to annex would almost certainly have gone unnoticed without Levy’s article.

Why provoke a media and political relations’ storm by making public the controversial West Bank annexation plan when that process can be carried forward in a gradual, step by step manner, ‘in the dark’, far from the damning eye of international condemnation? Netanyahu could still, for whatever reasons, decide it is in his interest to create another political firestorm. It might, however, be more politically expedient to keep his audience guessing as facts on the ground roll forward like tank treads. Greater Israel has come a long way over the decades using this very technique. Like the proverbial frog in its pot on the stove, by the time the water is boiling it’ll be too late to hop out.

When God forges the destiny of a devout people, it is carried forth with zeal. Whether that god is a secular or religious deity, fervent believers will remove the obstacles impeding their progress even if they are people. They will be conveniently demoted from “human” to something like “merciless Indian savages” (US Declaration of Independence) those relics of the unsaved world who threatened to block the advance of civilization across the North American continent.

Palestinians may yet prove fortunate that their history is unfolding on such a public stage and under the often unblinking eyes of media and video surveillance. Native Americans had no such luck, a fact that cost them approximately one hundred million lives over a period of 400 years. The United States bloomed out of the bloody ground of genocide. Greater Israel has had to find more creative ways to eliminate a people without their collective physical death.

In 1845, calling for the annexation of Texas, a little known American columnist –John O’Sullivan—coined the phrase, “manifest destiny” giving voice to the subconscious shared belief that the white pioneers of America had a divine mission to colonize, civilize, and create a new world, “…to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federated self-government entrusted to us.”

Israel’s manifest destiny derives both from a biblical and modern belief that the land of Zion belongs to the Jews. In its current incarnation, such a destiny contains within itself the insidious notion of organic and exclusive nationhood; the idea that only those bound by blood and a historic, quasi-religious bond to the land of their alleged origin can ever be a part of this whole. Contemporary Zionism absorbed the toxic nationalist beliefs of 19th and 20th century Europe and has applied them mercilessly in its quest for political and territorial supremacy.

This has not stopped people such as outgoing Israeli Ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, from resorting to the Bible alone to justify Israel’s actions. According to him, “You cannot annex something that belongs to you” referring to the West Bank – or Judea and Samaria – bequeathed in the Bible by God to the Jewish People.

When Israel passed the Nation State Law of July 2018 it reinforced the defining principles of modern Zionism. These were not novel ideas; they were the codification of the national chauvinist beliefs at the core of its existence. Jews alone have the right to self-determination within the deliberately unspecified boundaries of the state, one of whose primary objectives is Jewish settlement of the land. Hebrew alone must be the official language. ‘Natural’, ‘religious’, and ‘historic’ qualifications promote Jewish status only and make expansion a national value.

The slated annexation of 30% of the West Bank will take place whether or not it is formally announced. It is taking place as I write. Equally so, it is neither the final nor the most serious step in the process of expansion that has defined Israel’s behavior since its creation.

On a sultry midsummer evening in August 1968 then Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan told a group of kibbutzniks gathered around him that it was Israel’s fate “to live in a permanent state of fighting against the Arabs.” His words reflected the times he was living in, the post-1967 euphoria and confidence of the young Jewish State that had, in six days, crushed the combined forces of Arab nationalism as they attacked from Syria, Jordan, and Egypt. The 3-year-old Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) had barely begun its struggle to liberate Palestine; the nascent Palestinian National Movement scarcely underway.

Israel’s advance across the region, territorially and politically, represents an extension of American manifest destiny and its complement within Zionism. Dayan outlined Israel’s path to his listeners in his famous speech, “We Are Fated”:

For the hundred years of the Return to Zion we are working for two things: the building of the land and the building of the people. That is a process of expansion, of more Jews and more settlement. That is a process that has not reached the end. …It is not your duty to reach the end. Your duty is to add your layer to expand the settlement to the best of your ability, during your lifetime… [and] not to say: this is the end, up to here, we have finished. (Uri Avnery)

The process of settling the land and creating a Jewish nation is one that must never cease. To determine the final borders of the state would be sacrilegious; a sin against Israel’s destiny; its will to expand. “Before [the Palestinians’] very eyes we are possessing the land and the villages where they and their ancestors have lived,” Dayan explained. “We are a generation of settlers, and without the settle helmet and the gun barrel, we shall not be able to plant a tree or build a house.”

The military conquest, piecemeal annexation, killing with impunity, dispossession by decree and expulsion under Israeli law that has been underway for nearly a century, is continuing before our eyes today. There is no end in sight.Join the debate on FacebookMore articles by:JENNIFER LOEWENSTEIN

Jennifer Loewenstein is a human rights activist and member of Amnesty International’s Young Leadership Group, The Arms Control Association, the Arizona Palestine Solidarity Alliance, the Tucson Samaritans, & Palestine Chronicle. She is an independent researcher and freelance journalist who has lived and worked in cities across the Middle East. She is the former Associate Director of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Associate Lecturer in Middle Eastern and Native American Studies. Jennifer currently lives and works in Tucson, AZ & can be reached at

وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية تكشف عن خريطة الضم التي اقترحتها “إسرائيل”

المصدر: الميادين نت

وسائل إعلام إٍسرائيلية تكشف عن خطة الضم التي اقترحتها
إعلام إسرائيلي: خريطة الضم الإسرائيلية تقتضي ضمّ 30% من المناطق

خريطة الضمّ التي اقترحتها “إسرائيل” على الإدارة الأميركية تقتضي ضمّ 30% من الأراضي الفلسطينية، وتتضمن حوالي 20 نقطة استيطانية كحزام واسع من المستوطنات المعزولة.

كشفت وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية عن خريطة الضمّ التي اقترحتها “إسرائيل” على الولايات المتحدة، مشيرةً إلى أنها تعديل لخطة الرئيس “الأميركي بفرض السيادة على نقاط استيطانية، مقابل تبادل مناطق مع الفلسطينيين”. 

وتشمل الخارطة الإسرائيلية تعديلات أدخلتها “إسرائيل” على الخطة الأميركية الأصلية المعروفة بـ”صفقة القرن”.

وذكرت قناة “كان” الإسرائيلية أن الفارق بينها وبين المقترحِ الأميركي، هو أن المستوطنات المعزولة أصبحت أحزمةً واسعةً جداً، تتضمن حوالي 20 نقطة استيطانية، لم تظهر في الخُطة السابقة.

وأشارت القناة إلى أن الحفاظ على الموقف الذي قدّمه الأميركيون، “سيقتضي ضمّ 30% من المناطق، وإعطاء 70% للفلسطينيين”.

وفي سبيل ذلك، اقترح رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيلية بنيامين نتنياهو، منح الفلسطينين “تعويضاً” عبارة عن “قطاع من الأراضي بالمنطقة المعروفة باسم صحراء يهودا بالضفة”.

كذلك نقلت القناة عن مصادر سياسية إسرائيلية أن نتنياهو يسعى لضم مستوطنتين “تنطويان على أهمية دينية”، هما بيت إيل (قرب رام الله وسط الضفة) و”شيلو” (بين رام الله ونابلس)، لافتة إلى أن فرض السيادة على تلك المناطق يمثل “أهمية للوبي الإنجيلي (الداعم لإسرائيل والرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب) في الولايات المتحدة”.

وكانت وكالة “أسوشيتد برس”، قد نشرت تقريراً قالت فيه إن “كبار مساعدي الأمن القومي للرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب لم يتمكنوا من التوصل إلى قرار بشأن ما إذا كان سيتم دعم خطة إسرائيلية لضم أجزاء كبيرة من الأراضي”.

وعارض الاتحاد الأوروبي خطة الضم، المزمع الإعلان عنها غداً الأربعاء، فيما حذرت المفوضية السامية لحقوق الإنسان”إسرائيل” من المضي قدماً في خططها لضم مساحة غير مشروعة من الأراضي الفلسطينية. 

PA Political Circus: Why Abbas Must Hand the Keys over to the PLO


June 24, 2020

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh in Ramallah. (Photo: via Facebook)

By Ramzy Baroud

The painful truth is that the Palestinian Authority of President Mahmoud Abbas has already ceased to exist as a political body that holds much sway or relevance, either to the Palestinian people or to Abbas’ former benefactors, namely the Israeli and the American governments.

So, when the Palestinian Authority Prime Minister, Mohammed Shtayyeh, announced on June 9, that the Palestinian leadership had submitted a ‘counter-proposal’ to the US’ Middle East peace plan, also known as the ‘Deal of the Century’, few seemed to care.

We know little about this ‘counter-proposal’, aside from the fact that it envisages a demilitarized Palestinian state within the pre-1967 borders. We also know that the Palestinian leadership is willing to accept land swaps and border adjustments, a provision that has surely been inserted to cater for Israel’s demographic and security needs.

It is almost certain that nothing will come out of Shtayyeh’s counter-proposal and no independent Palestinian state is expected to result from the seemingly historical offer. So, why did Ramallah opt for such a strategy only days before the July 1 deadline, when the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to launch its process of illegal annexation in the occupied West Bank and the Jordan Valley?

The main reason behind Shtayyeh’s announcement is that the Palestinian leadership is often accused by Israel, the US and their allies of supposedly rejecting previous ‘peace’ overtures.

Rightly, the Palestinian Authority rejected the ‘Deal of the Century’, because the latter represents the most jarring violation of international law yet. The ‘Deal’ denies Palestine’s territorial rights in occupied East Jerusalem, dismisses the right of return for Palestinian refugees altogether, and gives carte blanche to the Israeli government to colonize more Palestinian land.

In principle, Netanyahu also rejected the American proposal, though without pronouncing his rejection publicly. Indeed, the Israeli leader has already dismissed any prospects of Palestinian statehood and has decided to move forward with the unilateral annexation of nearly 30% of the West Bank without paying any heed to the fact that even Trump’s unfair ‘peace’ initiative called for mutual dialogue before any annexation takes place.

As soon as Washington’s plan was announced in January, followed by Israel’s insistence that annexation of Palestinian territories was imminent, the Palestinian Authority spun into a strange political mode, far more unpredictable and bizarre than ever before.

One after another, Palestinian Authority officials began making all sorts of contradictory remarks and declarations, notable amongst them Abbas’ decision on May 19 to cancel all agreements signed between Palestinians and Israel.

This was followed by another announcement, on June 8, this time by Hussein Al-Sheikh, a senior Palestinian Authority official and Abbas’ confidante, that if annexation takes place the Authority would cut off civil services to Palestinians so that Israel may assume its legal role as an Occupying Power as per international norms.

A third announcement was made the following day by Shtayyeh himself, who threatened that, if Israel claims sovereignty over parts of the West Bank, the Authority would retaliate by declaring statehood within the pre-1967 borders.

The Palestinian counter-proposal was declared soon after this hotchpotch of announcements, most likely to offset the state of confusion that is marring the Palestinian body politic. It is the Palestinian leadership’s way of appearing pro-active, positive, and stately.

The Palestinian initiative also aims at sending a message to European countries that, despite Abbas’ cancellation of agreements with Israel, the Palestinian Authority is still committed to the political parameters set by the Oslo Accords as early as September 1993.

What Abbas and Shtayyeh are ultimately hoping to achieve is a repeat of an earlier episode that followed the admission of Palestine as a non-state member of the United Nations General Assembly in 2011. Salam Fayyad, who served as the Authority Prime Minister at the time, also waved the card of the unilateral declaration of statehood to force Israel to freeze the construction of illegal Jewish settlements.

Eventually, the Palestinian Authority was co-opted by then-US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to return to another round of useless negotiations with Israel, which won the Authority another ten years, during which time it received generous international funds while selling Palestinians false hope for an imaginary state.

Sadly, this is the current strategy of the Palestinian leadership: a combination of threats, counter-proposals and such, in the hope that Washington and Tel Aviv will agree to return to a by-gone era.

Of course, the Palestinian people, occupied, besieged, and oppressed are the least relevant factor in the Palestinian Authority’s calculations, but this should come as no surprise. The Palestinian leadership has operated for many years without a semblance of democracy, and the Palestinian people neither respect their government nor their so-called President. They have made their feelings known, repeatedly, in many opinion polls in the past.

In the last few months, the Authority has used every trick in the book to demonstrate its relevance and its seriousness in the face of the dual-threat of Trump’s ‘Deal of the Century’ and Netanyahu’s annexation of Palestinian lands. Yet, the most significant and absolutely pressing step, that of uniting all Palestinians, people and factions, behind a single political body and a single political document, is yet to be taken.

Considering all of this, it is no exaggeration to argue that Abbas’ Authority is gasping its last breath, especially if its traditional European allies fail to extend a desperately needed lifeline. The guarded positions adopted by EU countries have, thus far, signaled that no European country is capable or even willing to fill the gap left open by Washington’s betrayal of the Palestinian Authority and of the ‘peace process’.

Until the Authority hands over the keys to the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) so that the more democratically representative Palestinian body can start a process of national reconciliation, Netanyahu will, tragically, remain the only relevant party, determining the fate of Palestine and her people.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press, Atlanta). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University (IZU). His website is

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