IOF cry: We are before popular Palestinian Intifada – Israeli media

29 Nov 2022

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen English 

Israeli media reports on the dangerous security situation for the Israeli occupation that has been ongoing for months in the occupied West Bank.

Palestinians during confrontations in the occupied West Bank, occupied Palestine

The recent period in the occupied West Bank saw an escalation in the security situation, which became “dangerous”, Israeli media said on Tuesday, stressing that the current situation is reminiscent of the situation ahead of the Second Palestinian Intifada.

An Israeli Channel 12 correspondent said that “since the latest operation in Gaza, there have been IOF soldiers stationed in the area,” noting that military sponsorship prevents the size of these forces is revealed or reported on by the media.

“It is prohibited for us to talk about the size of the deployed forces, but we confirm that they are heavily deployed, and the military is starting to complain about how difficult the situation has become.”

Military affairs commentator Amir Bar Shalom confirmed the report, saying that the situation was very reminiscent of a “dangerous phenomenon: the Second Intifada.”

“In light of the recent wave of attacks, there have been reports that senior officials in the security and military establishments attended today a closed discussion in the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Security Committee, whereby they warned clearly about the coming months. Is this true?” the anchor asked.

“That is true. There was a discussion today within the temporary Foreign Affairs and Security Committee of the Knesset, which was attended by senior officials in the security and military establishments, as well as representatives of the Israeli army and the Shin Bet,” the political affairs commentator responded.

“The attendees spoke pessimistically regarding everything related to the continuation of the wave of Palestinian [operations],” he added.

According to the political commentator, the officials warned before the Knesset that an increase was expected in terms of Palestinian operations and an escalation in terms of the operations’ quality. The first sign of this was the twin operation that took place in occupied Al-Quds last week, he added.

The explosion came after a long period of increased oppression of the Palestinian people at the hand of the Israeli occupation, which has been on a usual yet increased rampage, which has seen “Tel Aviv’s” forces brutally murdering Palestinians left and right.

Former chief of the Israeli occupation forces’ military intelligence directorate Major General Tamir Hayman said Thursday that there were clear signed pointing to the outbreak of a Third Palestinian Intifada in light of the latest round of escalation from the people of occupied Palestine.

There are “clear signs that cannot be ignored indicating that there is an increased probability that a third Palestinian Intifada with unprecedented characteristics will occur,” Hayman stressed.

“The Palestinian arena is becoming more fomented than the majority of the public imagines,” the Israeli military official said, stressing that the occupation must “deal with the terrorist operations that took place in Al-Quds, such as kidnapping the body of Tiran Fero, as a sign that there will be an [Intifada] eventually.”

Palestinian freedom fighters managed on Wednesday dawn to seize the body of an illegal Israeli settler after he was killed in a traffic accident near the American University in the city of Jenin, north of the occupied West Bank.

Palestine: The Return of the Specter of the Second Intifada

New Era of “Israel’s” War Crimes Accountability

November 29, 2022 

Source: Al Mayadeen English

By Ruqiya Anwar 

Notably, ongoing violence and crimes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including limited access to health care, education, and livelihood activities, affect socioeconomic conditions.

Notably, ongoing violence and crimes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including limited access to health care, education, and livelihood activities, affect socioeconomic conditions. Plans to change the demographic mix, character, and status of the holy city of Jerusalem “were also mentioned. The resolution queries the court on how these Israeli policies and activities” impact the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal ramifications that arise for all states and the United Nations from this position. The Palestinian UN envoy, Riyad Mansour, recommended mobilizing “all elements of the international law-based order, including international justice”.

Significantly, the first report to the General Assembly from the United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including “East Jerusalem and Israel”, was published earlier. It affirms that there are compelling reasons to believe that the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory is now illegal under international law due to its permanence and the Israeli Government’s de facto annexation policies. Furthermore, the Commission has concluded that “Israel’s” continued use of force to occupy Palestinian territory creates international obligations and keeps “Israel” responsible for past atrocities on Palestinian civil and political rights.

The ICJ addresses international conflicts between nations or offers legal advice on problems that the UN Security Council or General Assembly refers to it. An ICJ legal opinion typically takes at least a year to obtain. “Israel’s” separation wall and settlements in the occupied West Bank were found illegal by the International Court of Justice in a 2004 legal ruling. Israelis fear that the ICJ would support the Palestinian position that the occupation equates to annexation, which would undermine efforts by governments, businesses, and civil society organizations to boycott, divest and sanction “Israel”. To prevent the Palestinians from enacting the resolution, the Israeli Government has recently begun an all-out offensive.

In this scenario, International support for the special committee’s mandate is required to spread the message that the Israeli occupation is the root cause of all Middle Eastern problems and to inspire global action to end the suffering. It should call attention to the violent eviction and transfer of Palestinian families, the trespassing and intimidation of Palestinians by Israeli settlers, and the efforts to hasten al-Quds’s Judaization at the expense of the city’s Christian and Muslim Palestinian inhabitants.

The Israeli Government’s policies have severely and in many ways affected many facets of Palestinian life, including women’s access to clean, inexpensive water, negatively influencing the whole Palestinian agriculture industry. Moreover, the erosion of economic, social, and cultural rights causes a great deal of “silent harm” and psychological distress, some of which may not be immediately obvious. Nevertheless, the effects of these incapacitating processes, both now and in the future, are devastating.

Furthermore, “Israel” cannot continue to promote its narrative that it has done nothing wrong while also pursuing annexationist policies and denying the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination; it is now abundantly evident. Essentially, international law stands on the side of the Palestinians, and all they needed was the ultimate political environment for the world to applaud such a courageous act.

The situation on the ground has gotten worse in the occupied territories. Palestinian human rights have consistently been violated by “Israel”, which has continued its policy of repression. Human rights organizations worldwide agree that the ongoing Israeli occupation has established apartheid-like conditions.

The Palestinian diplomats’ ultimate goal was for the United Nations Security Council to vote to recognize Palestine as a full member state without any veto interference from the United States. Recognizing Palestine as a full UN member state, even while it is occupied, would signify that the international community is committed to the two-state solution.

Additionally, the rules of conduct for nations under temporary occupation are specified in international humanitarian law. However, because this is a 55-year-old occupation, it is not a temporary one. Therefore, the highest court in the world must rule that it is an occupation that leads to illegal annexation — a decision that will have global ramifications. In demanding such a legal requirement, the Palestinians astounded the Israelis and their allies.

Most importantly, the repeated statements before the United Nations have not stopped severe breaches of Palestinian rights. While nations continue to express outrage and resolutions are passed, nothing appears to change. No amount of occupation by the occupying power of Palestinian territory will ever lead to peace.

The Palestinian people’s intrinsic rights, such as the right to self-determination and the right of return, have been violated blatantly by “Israel” in violation of its commitments under international law. Bringing an end to this miserable situation was the international community’s responsibility. Although the international community has repeatedly stated that Palestinians have a right to freedom, security, and prosperity, Israel has persisted in denying it.

This appears unlikely given the inherent bias towards Israel and vested interests of the international community, the United States and Europe, in particular. Until there is a fundamental shift in the balance of power, the status quo of a constant conflict punctuated by periodic escalation and carnage will stay, as there is no indication that international political will is present or will emerge.

Now, the UN has adopted a Palestinian resolution calling for the ICJ to weigh in on “Israel’s” protracted occupation quickly. Nevertheless, there is hope because the UN has called “International Justice” for a legal advisory opinion on the nature of the Israeli occupation. But will the UN follow through and actually hold “Israel” accountable? 


Fourth Committee Hears Support for Referring Question of Palestine to International Court of Justice for Advisory Opinion | UN Press

Report-COI-OPT-14Sept2022-EN.pdf (

OHCHR | The United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in Israel

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

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Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (Weekly Update 17 – 23 November 2022)

 November 24, 2022

Violation of right to life and bodily integrity:

3 Palestinians, including a civilian and a child, were killed, and 16 others, including 3 children, were wounded, and dozens of others suffocated in IOF attacks in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

On 21 November 2022, Mahmoud Al-Sa’di (17) was killed and 4 others were wounded by IOF after the latter’s incursion into al-Hadaf neighborhood adjacent to Jenin refugee camp. Details available in PCHR’s press release.

On 22 November 2022, a member of the Palestinian armed groups was killed, and 6 civilians were wounded by IOF fire during the latter’s incursion into Nablus to secure the settlers incursions into Joseph’s Tomb. The next evening, 23 November 2022, Mohammad Hishab Abu Kishk (23) succumbed to a bullet injury in the abdomen in a stone-throwing against IOF on ‘Amman Street.

Meanwhile, those injured were victims of excessive use of force that accompanied IOF incursions into cities and villages and suppression of peaceful protests organized by Palestinian civilians, and they were as follows:

On 18 November 2022, 3 Palestinians, including a child, were wounded with rubber bullets during IOF’s suppression of Kafr Qaddoum weekly peaceful protest, north of Qalqilya. In the evening, a child was injured with a rubber bullet in the arm during clashes with IOF near Checkpoint (300), north of Bethlehem. A child was also wounded with a live bullet in the foot during clashes with IOF at the entrance to Al-Arroub refugee camp, north of Hebron.

On 19 November 2022, A Palestinian was wounded with a live bullet during clashes with IOF after the latter moved into Tulkarm, raided shops, and confiscated surveillance camera recordings.

On 20 November 2022, IOF beat up and kicked two sisters namely Raghad (13) and Dina Mustafa ‘Abyat (14) before detaining them for some time when they were in an agricultural land adjacent to the “Abi HaNahal” settlement established on Kisan village lands, east of Bethlehem.

In the Gaza Strip, 9 IOF shootings were reported on fishing boats off the Gaza shores  to the west, mostly in the northern Gaza Strip, and 2 other shootings were reported on agricultural lands in the eastern Gaza Strip.

So far in 2022, IOF attacks killed 169 Palestinians, including 113 civilians: 35 children, 8 women, 2 Palestinians killed by Israeli settlers and the rest were activists; 18 of them were assassinated in IOF’s attacks in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Moreover, 5 Palestinian detainees, including a woman, died in the Israeli prisons.

Land razing, demolitions, and notices

IOF demolished 3 houses, rendering 3 families of 16, including 3 women and 8 children, homeless, demolished 4 facilities, including a school, and removed a crescent and ceiling of a minaret in an old mosque in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

On 18 November 2022, IOF confiscated an agricultural tractor and stopped plowing a plot of land in Sha’ab al-Batem area, east of Yatta in Hebron, under the pretext of “closed military zone”.

On 20 November 2022, IOF forced a Palestinian to self-demolish his under-construction house in Ras Al-‘Amoud neighborhood in East Jerusalem upon an Israeli municipal decision, under the pretext of unlicensed construction, noting that the house is a 2-stoery floor built of bricks and pellets.

On 21 November 2022, IOF demolished a 2-storey house with an area of 250 sqms in Duma village, southeast of Nablus under the pretext of unlicensed construction in Area C, rendering 3 families of 16, including 3 women and 8 families, homeless. Also, IOF demolished a 40-sqm poultry farm in the same area. Meanwhile, IOF demolished a 2-story country house of 50 sqms and levelled a 1200-sqm agricultural land, including a 250-cup water container in southern Duma under the pretext of unlicensed construction in Area C. On the same day, IOF demolished a barrack used as a warehouse for agricultural tools in Nabi Elias village, east of Qalqilya under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

On 22 November 2022, the Israeli municipality crews and the Israeli Antiquities Authority removed the ceiling and crescent of a minaret in the Jerusalem Qal’ah Mosque in Bab Al-Khaleel area, East Jerusalem under the pretext of carrying out restoration works in the area and turning it into a Judaized Museum. On the same day, the occupation forces handed notices to stop construction works in 8 houses in Qarawat Bani Hassan, west of Salfit, under the pretext of not having a license.

On 23 November 2022, IOF demolished Al-Sumoud and Al-Tahadi School in Khirbet Safa Al-Fawqa, south of Hebron after confiscating students’ desks and seats. The 120-sqm school was built of bricks and tinplate and housed 4 classrooms, 2 administration rooms and a health unit. 22 students studied at this school coming from the mentioned area, noting that the school was established 3 months ago. On 17 November 2022, IOF handed a military order holding number (1797) to demolish the school within 96 hours.

Since the beginning of 2022, Israeli occupation forces made 134 families homeless, a total of 783 persons, including 154 women and 354 children. This was the outcome of IOF demolition of 150 houses and many residential and agricultural tents. IOF also demolished 102 other civilian objects, leveled vacant areas of land, and delivered hundreds of notices of demolition, cease-construction, and evacuation.


Settlers carried out 10 attacks, causing bruises to Palestinian civilians and damage to homes and vehicles in the West Bank. Details are as follows:

On 17 November 2022, settlers threw stones at Palestinian vehicles traveling on Street 55 between Nablus and Qalqilya. Also, settlers, protected by IOF, closed the entrance to Al-Tuwana village, south of Hebron, after organizing a march at the village entrance and chanting racist slogans calling for the death and expulsion of Arabs from the village.

On 18 November 2022, a child sustained bruises and fractures after settlers assaulted a house in the ‘Arab al-Maleihat Compound on the main road between Jericho and Ramallah. On the same day, settlers moved into the Qurna area in Yasuf village, east of Salfit, established tents on the Palestinian lands and threw stones at the Palestinian vehicles traveling near the entrance to Kafl Haris village, north of Salfit. In the evening, settlers from “Kiryat Arba” settlement attacked a house and punctured the tires of two vehicles in Al-Mohawel area, east of Hebron.

On 19 November 2022, a Palestinian was injured in the eye after settlers threw stones at him during a march they organized in Tel Rumeida in Hebron, under the pretext of celebrating the “Sarah Shabbat”. During the march, settlers, protected by IOF, attacked a house, removed the barbed-wire fence, forced shops to close on the old and new Al-Shalala Streets, attacked them with stones, assaulted vegetable stalls, broke the glass of a mosque door, and assaulted vehicles. Settlers also threw stones at the Palestinian vehicles traveling in northern Qalqilya.

On 20 November 2022, a child sustained bruises when he fell off his bicycle after settlers chased him and threw stones at him, east of Hebron.

On 21 November 2022, settlers slashed the tires of 4 cars, wrote racist slogans on two houses, and set fire to olive trees in Ramin village, south of Tulkarm.

Since the beginning of the year, settlers conducted at least 247 attacks. In two of the attacks, 2 Palestinians were killed.

IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians:

IOF carried out 176 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids and searches of civilian houses and facilities and establishment of checkpoints. During those incursions, 49 Palestinians were arrested, including 7 children. In the Gaza Strip, on 17 November 2022, IOF arrested a Palestinian from Deir al-Balah camp when he was on his way back from work via Beit Hanon “Erez” crossing.

So far in 2022, IOF conducted 7924 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, during which 4442 Palestinians were arrested, including 439 children and 45 women. IOF also conducted 34 limited incursions into eastern Gaza Strip and arrested 99 Palestinians, including 58 fishermen, 32 infiltrators, and 9 travelers via Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

Israeli collective punishment and closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

The Israeli occupation maintains its illegal and inhuman 15-year closure on the Gaza Strip. Details available in PCHR’s monthly-update of the Gaza crossings.

In the West Bank, IOF continue to impose restrictions on the freedom of movement. On top of its 108 permanent checkpoints, IOF established 89 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, and arrested 2 Palestinians at those checkpoints.

On 17 November 2022, IOF closed with sand berms Al-Zarzour intersection connecting several neighborhoods in Hebron with.

During this week, IOF closed several times the checkpoints and entrances to villages in East Jerusalem and Bethlehem for long hours before reopening them after obstructing the citizens’ movement.

So far in 2022, IOF established 4089 temporary military checkpoints and arrested 185 Palestinians at those checkpoints.

الأميركيون والضفة المحتلة (2 / 4): الأمن أولاً… ودائماً

الجمعة 25 نوفمبر 2022

عبد الرحمن نصار

في نظر الإسرائيليين، لا تضمن السلطة الفلسطينية الأمن للإسرائيليين على المدى البعيد، حتى لو خففت أعباء الاحتلال المباشرة، خصوصاً أن نماذج العمل الأميركي في كل من أفغانستان والعراق مُنيت بإخفاق ذريع.

مرّت سنوات طويلة على “النفضة” الأميركية للسلطة الفلسطينية ووضع محمود عباس على رأسها. أمّن ذلك سنوات من الهدوء الممتاز لـ”إسرائيل” في الضفة منذ نهاية 2007 وبداية 2008 حتى 2014، لكن كانت النار تشتعل في غزة، والحروب تتوالى، والجمر تحت الرماد في الضفة، إلى أن جاء عام 2015 وكشفت العورات. 

عاد الهدوء قليلاً في 2018 قبل أن ينقلب المشهد في 2021 وينفجر في 2022. كثيرون ألقوا اللوم على توقف دعم الأميركيين السخيّ للسلطة في 2011، لكنَّ آخرين، ومنهم “إسرائيل”، ألقوا اللوم على الأخيرة، لأنها غرقت في الفساد وصناعة الثروات وتحصيل الامتيازات والتهت عن “واجباتها”.

اقرأ أيضاً: الأميركيون والضفة المحتلة (1 / 4): الاحتلال في وجه آخر

في ملخّص عن الحلقة الأولى، بدا أنَّ المشروع الأميركي لتطوير قطاع الأمن الفلسطيني اصطدم بجملة معوقات إسرائيلية وأميركية داخلية، وهو ما عرقل إكماله، وجعل وكالات الأمن الأميركية تُضطر إلى الصرف عليه عبر زواريب التفافية وضمن خانات التمويل السري. 

أما النظرة الإسرائيلية، فهي أنَّ السلطة، وإن خففت أعباء الاحتلال المباشرة، فإنها لا تضمن الأمن للإسرائيليين على المدى البعيد، وخصوصاً أن نماذج العمل الأميركي في كل من أفغانستان والعراق وبلاد أخرى مُنيت بإخفاق ذريع تعرف “إسرائيل” أن عواقبه ستكون وخيمة عليها، الأمر الذي خلق اختلافاً بين “تل أبيب” وواشنطن يتصاعد حتى اليوم، في وقت تصرّ الأخيرة على نظريتها، وعلى دعم السلطة وقطاع الأمن تحديداً.

صحيح أنَّ الأمن الفلسطيني كان يتضخّم، لكن التوظيف من أجل الراتب صار الأساس، فتحوّل “الفلسطيني الجديد” الذي حلم به الجنرال كيث دايتون إلى موظف، بل عاد بعض هؤلاء إلى جادة الصواب، ونفذوا عمليات ضد الإسرائيليين (2015-2018)، أو فعلوا ذلك وزادوا عليه بالمشاركة في دعمها وتغطيتها (2021-الآن). مع ذلك، بقيت بعض الأجهزة فعالة في مهمتها الأساسية، وخصوصاً الاستخبارات و”الأمن الوقائي”. 

ربما كان للإسرائيليين حق الاعتراض على السلوك الأميركي في تدريب السلطة والصرف عليها، إذ إنَّ هذا كله لم يبنِ الفلسطيني الَّذي يحلم به الأميركيون، والذي سبق أن تمناه الإسرائيليون الخارجون من صدمة الانتفاضة الثانية التي أوقعت فيهم خسائر كبيرة.

التدريب والنتائج

استعرضت الحلقة الأولى الدور المفصّل لمكتب التنسيق الأميركي ومسؤوليه وموظفيه وموازناته وأهدافه المعلنة، لكن هذه الحلقة ستبحث في أمور أخرى، منها ما كان يُدرس للجنود والضباط. وإلى جانب “المنهاج الأميركي المطور والمكثف” ضمن 24 دورة متخصّصة، عمل على تدريب الأمن الفلسطيني مدربو الأمن العام الأردني باللغة العربية، مع مساعدة رجال أمن أميركيين في المركز الأردني الدولي لتدريب الشرطة خارج العاصمة عمان، الذي بُني عام 2003 بصفته مركزاً أميركياً لتدريب الشرطة العراقية.

هذا المركز كان قد استقبل حتى نهاية 2010 أربع كتائب من قوات الأمن الوطني وكتيبة واحدة من الحرس الرئاسي مجموعها 2500 فرد، بواقع 19 أسبوعاً من التدريب لكل كتيبة. أما السبب في اختياره – وفقاً للفتنانت جنرال كيث دايتون- فكان “بسيطاً جداً”، إذ “أراد الفلسطينيون التدرب في المنطقة، لكنهم أرادوا الابتعاد عن العشائر والعائلة والتأثيرات السياسية… يثق الإسرائيليون بالأردنيين، ويثق الأردنيون بهم، وهم حريصون على المساعدة”. وإلى جانب تدريب الجنود، هناك دورات القيادة العليا، التي بدأت بستة وثلاثين من الضباط (رائد، مقدم، عقيد)، والتي أجراها متعاقدون أميركيون عام 2010، ثم جاءت دورات القيادة المتوسطة المستوى.

في عام 2018 ومطلع عام 2019، انتقل تدريب القوات من الأردن إلى مدربين داخليين في قوى الأمن الفلسطينية في معهد التدريب المركزي (هيئة التدريب العسكري لقوى الأمن) وكلية الحرس الرئاسي في أريحا بتمويل أميركي لهذه الإنشاءات الجديدة.

وكان التدريب الأساسي يتضمن مزيجاً من الفصول الدراسية والتمارين العملية التي تركز على “الاقتحام والسيطرة على الحشود، والعمليات الخاصة، والدوريات، وإنقاذ الرهائن، ونقاط التفتيش”، وهي على خلاف الدورات المتخصّصة التي تشمل اللغات الأجنبية والعلاقات العامة والتغذية والسلامة والإسعافات. كذلك، خُصص حرس الرئاسة بدورات مثل تطوير القيادة على المستويين المتوسط والعالي، ومهارات التحقيق، وقدرات الاستجابة للأزمات.

اللافت أنّ “إسرائيل” اعترضت على بناء مقار جديدة في محافظات الضفة كافة، وخصوصاً في المناطق المصنفة “ب”، ولم تسمح بتوفير مساحات كافية، الأمر الذي أكَّده دايتون لاحقاً بقوله: “نحن لا نقدم أي شيء للفلسطينيين ما لم يُنسق كلياً مع إسرائيل وتوافق عليه… أحياناً، تدفعني هذه العملية إلى الجنون. كان لديّ الكثير من الشعر عندما بدأت”. هذا الحديث كان قبل أن يرى نتاج ما زرعه في الضفة بعد 12 عاماً.

قبيل ذلك، قال دايتون في 2009 إن رد السلطة خلال الحرب الإسرائيلية في تلك السنة “حال دون اندلاع انتفاضة ثالثة (في الضفة) جراء استخدام نهج محسوب ومنضبط مع الاضطرابات الشعبية، وعن طريق إبعاد المتظاهرين عن الإسرائيليين… فاق احتمال النظام احتمالات الفوضى”. 

مع ذلك، كانت هناك مخاوف من أنَّ المكاسب التي تحقّقت من تدريب قوات الأمن قد لا تكون مستدامة بسبب “نقص القدرات في الشرطة المدنية وقطاع العدالة”، فضلاً عن أن التجنيد يجري ضمن اعتبار سياسي هو الانتماء حصراً إلى “فتح”، ثم جاء الغضب من دايتون بسبب إحراجه السلطة في أكثر من موقف، وادعائه أن الفضل في تحسن الوضع في الضفة يعود إليه، وهو ما أظهر رام الله خادمة للاحتلال في النظرة الشعبية.

إلى جانب ذلك، لم يكن الإسرائيليون يسهلون كل شيء. يعبّر العقيد الأميركي المتقاعد فيليب ج. ديرمر، وهو مستشار دايتون آنذاك، عن الانزعاج من السياسات التقييدية التي تمنع الموظفين الأميركيين من التجوال في الضفة لرؤية الوضع مباشرة، مضيفاً: “الاجتماعات الرسمية القليلة لا تسمح لنا بفهم السياق أو تطوير فهم قابل للحياة وللمضي قدماً”. 

وفي الوقت نفسه، لاحظ المسؤولون الأميركيون أن الحصول على موافقة إسرائيلية على شحن المعدات وتسليمها يحتاج إلى فترة طويلة، وقد لا تصل الشحنات في الوقت المناسب، وكذلك الحال مع صيانة المعدات والمنشآت، وذلك ضمن مسارين: تأخير الموافقة، والتأخر في التسليم.

أيضاً، حدد ديرمر مبكراً 5 مجالات مثيرة للقلق: “أولاً يشكّك الفلسطينيون في كون الإجراءات دائمة وفعالة في نهاية المطاف، وهم غاضبون من أن الولايات المتحدة تنسب الفضل إليها وتتحدث عن البرنامج علناً، كما أن مهمة USSC غير محددة، والنتيجة المرجوة غير واضحة، فيما لا تحظى جهودنا بدعم إستراتيجي من جهات أميركية داخلية ودولية أخرى. وأخيراً، لا توجد وثيقة إستراتيجية تحدد أدوار اللاعبين الأميركيين والدوليين ومسؤولياتهم وكيف يمكن العمل ضمن رؤية مشتركة”.

في المقابل، رأت السلطة أنَّ ما جرى من دعم فقد مصداقيته بسبب سياسة العلاقات العامة والترويج، وأن المكتب لم ينجح في توصيل احتياجات قطاع الأمن في السلطة إلى المانحين الدوليين، لكنَّها لم تنكر أن ما فعله دايتون كان نقطة تحول. 

أما الإسرائيليون، فرأوا أن البرنامج، رغم معاييره الصارمة، يمثل تهديداً لأنه سيخلق أعداء مستقبليين ربما يكررون ما فعلته أجهزة الأمن في عهد عرفات. لهذا، أنشأوا نظاماً صارماً للتنسيق الأمني وصل إلى مراحل بات فيها التواصل مع الضباط يجري مباشرة دون الرتب العليا مع حصولهم على جداول دوام قوات الأمن الفلسطينية، فضلاً عن منع غير الموثوق بهم من حمل السلاح خارج المقار الرسمية، لكن هذه الإجراءات وغيرها تخضع للتعديل بين حين وآخر.

هذا الاستشراف الإسرائيلي وجد اعترافاً حديثاً في الأوراق الأميركية (تقرير خدمة أبحاث الكونغرس المشار إليه في الحلقة الأولى) التي جاء فيها: “من غير الواضح مدى فعالية الولايات المتحدة عبر المساعدة والتدريب والتنسيق في تشجيع أفراد قوات الأمن الفلسطينية على الحفاظ على التزامهم المهني بحفظ النظام ووقف المتشددين في بيئة محفوفة بالمخاطر بشكل متزايد، وخصوصاً إذا كانت الضغوط السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية تجذبهم في اتجاه مختلف”، والسبب أن “بعض الموظفين استهدفوا القوات الإسرائيلية أو المستوطنين مباشرة، ما يثير تساؤلات عن قدرة السلطة على السيطرة على تصرفات الأفراد”.

يربط التقرير الجديد بين هذا التفلت والمشكلة المالية للسلطة من دون النظر في العوامل الأخرى، إذ يقول: “منذ أواخر 2021، لم يتلقّ العسكريون (إلى جانب غيرهم من موظفي الخدمة المدنية) سوى 80% من رواتبهم العادية بسبب الصعوبات المالية التي تواجهها السلطة، ويقال إن الأخيرة تناقش خيارات مختلفة لخفض نفقات كشوف المرتبات”، مشيراً إلى إحاطة هاتفية في أيلول/سبتمبر الماضي، قالت فيها مساعدة وزير الخارجية لشؤون الشرق الأدنى، باربرا ليف، إن المسؤولين الأميركيين يسعون إلى ضمان أن يكون “التعاون الأمني بين إسرائيل والسلطة قوياً ومستمراً، مع التشجيع على تحسين الظروف الاقتصادية في الضفة وغزة، لأن ذلك يمكن أن يساعد على تحسين الظروف الأمنية ويحافظ عليها”.

واللافت هو الإشارة الأميركية إلى أنَّ الأمن الفلسطيني صار عرضة لانتقادات المسؤولين الإسرائيليين والأميركيين ووصفهم بأنهم ضعفاء أو غير قادرين على الحفاظ على النظام أو متعاطفون مع قضايا المتشددين، وباتوا عرضة لانتقادات شعبية كبيرة، الأمر الذي يدفع السلطة إلى الإفراج عن المحتجزين بسبب “غياب أدلة دامغة على خطط أو انتماءات إرهابية خطرة”. 

بعد ذلك، أرفقت نصيحة تقول إنَّ الموافقة على وقف القتال تعطي فرصة “لبعض المتشددين إذا حافظوا على التزامهم بسيادة القانون للانضمام في نهاية المطاف إلى قوات الأمن نفسها”، وهو ما فعلته السلطة أخيراً بعرضها ضم 60 مقاتلاً من “عرين الأسود”. مع ذلك، أشار التقرير إلى أن “التحديات المتزايدة التي تواجه عمليات قوات الأمن الفلسطينية في هذه البيئة يمكن أن تدفع بعض المسؤولين والمشرعين (الأميركيين) إلى تقييم مستوى المساعدات الأميركية والدولية وطبيعتها”.

قبل فوات الأوان!

اليوم، مع تصاعد العمل المقاوم في الضفة مجدداً (راجع: كتائب المقاومة في الضفة: عندما يستفيق “الأسد النائم”)، تزايد الحديث الإسرائيلي عن “موت السلطة” واليوم الذي يلي عباس، بل راحت معاهد بحثية إسرائيلية تتحدث عن “إعادة تأهيل دورها قبل فوات الأوان”.

مثلاً، جاء في الملخص والتوصيات المدرجة في دراسة حديثة نشرها أوريت بارلوف وأودي ديكل في “معهد أبحاث الأمن القومي”، في 18/9/2022، أن “على إسرائيل تعزيز الشركاء وتسخيرهم لتحركات إعادة الإعمار على وجه التحديد تجاه السلطة في أراضيها في الضفة، وذلك في جزء من مبادرة من طبقتين”.

الطبقة الأولى، وفق المعهد، هي نقل كامل السيطرة على كامل منطقة شمالي الضفة إلى السلطة في مقابل التزامها منع العمليات وإحباط البنى التحتية للمقاومة إلى جانب إرساء القانون والنظام، وتكون هذه المنطقة فلسطينية متجانسة دون مستوطنات إسرائيلية (على عكس ما يطالب به إيتمار بن غفير وبتسلئيل سموترتيش)، ليكون فيها مستوى منخفض من الاحتكاك بين الفلسطينيين والمستوطنين، لكن هذا المطلب مشروط بنقل السيطرة إلى السلطة تدريجياً مع وضع معالم طريق لدراسة كفاءة سيطرة السلطة وأجهزتها الأمنية. وهنا، “من المهم دمج الأردن، وكذلك المنسق الأمني ​​الأميركي USSC في تحديد المعالم، مع تضمين عملية النقل رفع مستوى كفاءة الأجهزة الأمنية إلى جانب مراقبة امتثالها للمعايير المتفق عليها”.

يَرِدُ هنا بوضوح ذكر دور المنسق – موضوع قضيتنا – بوصفه مرجعاً في الحلول والوصفات الاستعمارية، فضلاً عن ذكره كعمود أساسي في ضبط الأجهزة الأمنية الفلسطينية ومراقبة عملها وفق المعايير مع دور الأردن الشريك في هذا الملف منذ تأسيسه (2005) ثم انطلاقته (2007). 

أما الطبقة الثانية، وفق وصف المعهد، فهي التركيز على تجنيد الموارد لإعادة إعمار الضواحي الفلسطينية (المخيمات والقرى والبلدات) التي يخرج منها المقاومون، وذلك بتسخير الأردن ودول الخليج، وخصوصاً الإمارات، للاستثمار في بناء مراكز تدريب وتشغيل للشباب الفلسطينيين، وكذلك إنشاء كليات مهنية وتكنولوجية برعاية السلطة وضمن إطارها، والهدف هو محاولة إبعاد هؤلاء الشباب عن طريق المقاومة والثورة وتعزيز مكانة السلطة.

بينما كان هذا العصف الذهني جارياً، والتوصيات تُرفع تباعاً، كانت السلطة تواجه أزمتها على خطين: الإسرائيلي والأميركي. في المستوى الأول، لا تزال السلطة تتلقى التعليمات والطلبات الإسرائيلية، فتنفذ جزءاً كبيراً منها، وتؤجل البقية، إما للعجز وإما لحاجة في نفس يعقوب. أما في المستوى الثاني، فتراجعت العلاقة كثيراً عما كانت عليه في بداية عهد جو بايدن والتواصل الحثيث عبر المبعوث الأميركي من أصل فلسطيني هادي عمرو.

أخيراً، في بداية تشرين الأول/أكتوبر الماضي، اضطر أمين سر “اللجنة التنفيذية في منظمة التحرير” حسين الشيخ، ورئيس الاستخبارات ماجد فرج، ورئيس الاستخبارات العسكرية زكريا مصلح، إلى السفر إلى الولايات المتحدة ليلتقوا مسؤولين من الخارجية الأميركية والأمن القومي ووكالة الاستخبارات المركزية.

آنذاك، عبّر الأميركيون بوضوح عن قلقهم من تدهور الوضع الأمني في الضفة، فيما تبع الزيارة تقرير لموقع Intelligence Online الاستخباراتي الفرنسي في التاسع عشر من الشهر نفسه، قال إنَّ فرج يفقد سيطرته في الضفة مع زيادة العمليات ضد الاحتلال والدعم الشعبي لكتائب المقاومة ومجموعاتها.

إذاً، لا يخفى عن الأميركيين ومن معهم من “الناتو” أن السلطة، رئيساً وحكومةً وأجهزةً أمنية، تعيش أزمة بالغة في العمق ومتشعبة، بل تكاد تتحول إلى أزمة وجود. فما إن حاولت السلطة الخروج من هذه الأزمة بعد حرب 2021 التي رفعت أرصدة “حماس” و”الجهاد الإسلامي” وباقي فصائل المقاومة، حتى عادت إليها مع تفاقم المواجهات مع الاحتلال وتصاعد المقاومة في الضفة، وخصوصاً بعد عملية التحرر من سجن “جلبوع”، فصارت غير قادرة على التأثير المباشر في الجمهور، وحتى عجزت عن ممارسة دورها (وكيل أمني) كما كانت سابقاً، وخصوصاً عندما دخلت البيئة الفتحاوية في العمل المسلح، وتحديداً شمالي الضفة.

لكن ذلك لم يمنع رام الله من استمرارها في التنسيق الأمني مع الاحتلال بدفع وإشراف أميركي للحفاظ على أمرين أساسيين: الأول الوجود، والآخر ترسيخ الوجود بالدعم المادي واللوجستي الأميركي الذي يقوم في الدرجة الأولى على علاقة وطيدة مع واشنطن، وعلى نحو أدقّ بين الأجهزة الفلسطينية والوكالات الأمنية الأميركية.

فلسفة دعم الأمن

منذ التعطّل الفعلي للمسار السياسي أواخر عهد باراك أوباما، أضحت العلاقة بين السلطة والولايات المتحدة أمنية في أساسها قبل أن تكون سياسية. هذا الجزء من العلاقة تحديداً لم ينقطع نهائياً بين الطرفين على الرغم من تبدّل الإدارات، والسبب في الدرجة الأولى هو الرغبة الإسرائيلية-الأميركية في الحفاظ على التوازن في الضفة، ثم جاء جو بايدن (كان نائب أوباما) وقدم “تعويضات” بالمشروعات الاقتصادية والأمنية من دون رؤية سياسية أو حتى حل كامل لمشكلة الموازنة لدى رام الله، فلم تضغط واشنطن على “تل أبيب” لحلحلة الأزمة المالية نهائياً، بل هي تشاركهم التصور في وجوب وقف مساعدة عائلات الشهداء والأسرى والجرحى، كما أنها لم تضغط – أو لا تملك القدرة على الضغط – على الدول العربية لرفد خزينة السلطة.

وعلى الرغم من إعلان الولايات المتحدة استئناف تمويل السلطة بطرق شبه مباشرة وأخرى غير مباشرة، لا تزال هذه المساعدات “متواضعة” لأنها مقيدة قانونياً، وسبق أن طالب رئيس الوزراء الفلسطيني، محمد اشتية، خلال لقائه وفد ممثلي مجلس النواب الأميركي في رام الله نهاية 2/2022 بتعديل بعض القوانين التي تمنع وصول المساعدات إلى الخزينة الفلسطينية مباشرة، حتى إنَّ دعم قوات الأمن (قُدّم في 1/2022 بين 40 و45 مليون دولار) كان جزءاً من استئناف التمويل قيد البحث، ما يعني أنَّ هذا الأمر مرهون بأداء هذه الأجهزة وتعزيز تنسيقها مع الإسرائيليين، بل إعطاء المزيد من النفوذ للمنسق الأمني ​​الأميركي الذي صار واضحاً أنه أدى دوراً كبيراً خلال المراحل الماضية من التوتر.

في النتيجة، يمكن القول إنَّ وظيفة السلطة، من وجهة نظر أميركية-إسرائيلية، تحولت إلى وظيفة أمنية واقتصادية بحتة، بدليل استمرار الدعم الأميركي للقطاع الأمني منذ بداية العلاقة بـ”منظمة التحرير” ومأسسة الأمن، وحتى في أسوأ مراحل التواصل بين الفلسطينيين والأميركيين. 

بالعودة إلى عام 2000، حين بدأت الولايات المتحدة و”إسرائيل” الضغط على ياسر عرفات لإصلاح القطاع الأمني في إطار رؤيتهما، ركَّز الإصلاح على “مأسسة الأمن” واحتكار الأجهزة الأمنية له فقط، مع محاربة ما كان يطلق عليه “الفلتان” بعد انخراط جزء من تلك الأجهزة في الانتفاضة الثانية.

لو عدنا إلى أصول العلاقة مع “منظمة التحرير”، فسيبرز الشق الأمني في سبعينيات القرن الماضي، حين كانت تقوم على تبادل منافع وخدمات، كإجلاء رهائن أميركيين من غربي بيروت خلال الاشتباكات في الحرب الأهلية. مع مرور الوقت، تطورت العلاقة الأمنية إلى علاقة سياسية، وهذا هو مربط الفرس، فتنوعت فصولها وفق توجه الإدارات المتعاقبة ومصالحها. وفي عهد دونالد ترامب أيضاً، حين قُطعت العلاقة السياسية أواخر 2018، ولم يعد لفلسطين أي تمثيل دبلوماسي في الولايات المتحدة، بقي التمويل الأمني مستمراً. 

وفق ما نقلت صحيفة “القدس” المحلية في تلك السنة، أبلغت واشنطن السلطة بفحوى قرارها الذي يتضمن وقف المساعدات، ما عدا تلك المخصصة للأمن، ومقدارها 100 مليون دولار سنوياً من أصل 370 مليوناً هي مجمل المساعدات (يضاف إليها 25 مليوناً مخصّصة للمستشفيات شرقي القدس)، لأن “هذه الأموال تمسّ الأمن القومي الأميركي، وتُعدّ حساسة لشؤون التعاون الأمني الفلسطيني-الإسرائيلي”.

في هذه النقطة، يقول نائب رئيس جهاز الاستخبارات العامّة الأسبق ومدير المركز الفلسطينيّ للبحوث والدراسات الإستراتيجيّة، محمّد المصريّ، إنّ المساعدات الأميركية للأجهزة الأمنيّة أقل من 100 مليون سنويّاً وتبلغ 60 مليوناً، وتُقدّم على هيئة تدريب الأجهزة الأمنيّة وتأهيلها وتوفير الأسلحة والآليّات. 

وسبق أن قال رئيس الوزراء اشتية في 2018 – عندما كان عضواً في “اللجنة المركزية لحركة فتح” – إن حجم المساعدات الأميركية الذي دُفع سنوياً لفلسطين يبلغ نحو 500 مليون فقط، ما يؤكّد أن لا أحد يعرف بالضبط كم تدفع واشنطن لرام الله، على الأقل منذ 2011 فصاعداً.

الغريب أن السلطة قالت عام 2019، وفق تقارير نشرها موقع “المونتير” الأميركي، إن الحكومة، “بتوجيهات من الرئيس محمود عبّاس، بعثت رسالة إلى الخارجيّة الأميركيّة طلبت فيها إنهاء التمويل الأميركيّ للأجهزة الأمنيّة”. وقال كبير المفاوضين الفلسطينيين آنذاك، الراحل صائب عريقات، إنّ هذا الطلب جاء لتجنّب دعاوى قضائيّة قد ترفع في المحاكم الأميركيّة بموجب قانون أقرّه الكونغرس لمكافحة الإرهاب (أتكا)، وينصّ على أنّ أيّ حكومة تتلقّى تمويلاً ستكون خاضعة لقوانين مكافحة الإرهاب الأميركيّة.

وكانت الفكرة أنَّ رام الله تحاول ألا يُخلق استثناء في القانون الأميركيّ يجري بموجبه تقديم مساعدات للأجهزة الأمنيّة فقط، مع أن من الصعب، وفق قانونيين وحقوقيين، إدخال تعديلات مستقبلية على القانون بعدما دخل حيّز التنفيذ.

ثمة أمر لافت لا بدَّ من الإشارة إليه: حين حاول ترامب أن يربط تقديم المساعدات المالية إلى الفلسطينيين بعودتهم إلى المفاوضات، أرسل المنسّق الأمنيّ ​​الأميركيّ بين “إسرائيل” والسلطة اللفتنانت جنرال إريك وينت (2017-2019) لإقناع أعضاء الكونغرس بتعديل القانون، لكن “إسرائيل” نفسها بذلت جهداً لإبقاء الدعم المقدّم للأمن الفلسطينيّ خشية تأثر التنسيق، فطلبت من الولايات المتحدة الإبقاء على تلك المساعدات، وهذا مثال يوضح فلسفة دعم الأمن أولاً ودائماً.

حصة الأسد

أياً تكن عناصر التفكير الأميركية والإسرائيلية، فلدى السلطة أساساً أولوية عالية في دعم الأمن والأجهزة المعنية. وحتى في سنوات أزمتها القاسية، بلغت حصة الأمن الفلسطيني في موازنة الحكومة عام 2018 نحو 21% من الموازنة التي بلغت 5.8 مليارات دولار، وفق “الائتلاف من أجل النزاهة والشفافية” (أمان). 

وطبقاً لـ”الفريق الأهلي لدعم شفافية الموازنة”، كان إجمالي نفقات السلطة عام 2021 نحو 16 مليار شيكل، استناداً إلى التقرير الصّادر عن وزارة المالية في كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2021. وقد استحوذ قطاع الأمن على حصّة الأسد بنحو 22% من مجمل النفقات (3.52 مليار شيكل للأمن، أي قرابة مليار دولار آنذاك). وكان ما خُصص لقطاع الأمن من الموازنة العامة في مطلع 2021 هو 944 مليون دولار، أي ما نسبته 20% من الموازنة العامة، ما يعني أن الإنفاق خلال 2021 على قطاع الأمن فاق ما تم تخصيصه. 

توزّعت نفقات وزارة الداخلية والأمن الوطني على الرواتب والأجور والمساهمات الاجتماعية (المبالغ التي تحوِّلها الحكومة إلى صندوق التقاعد)، وهذه مجتمعة تشكّل بين 85-88% من نفقات الوزارة (الباقي للموازنات). ويُعد قطاع الأمن عرضة للتضخم والمحسوبية، فعدد العاملين فيه تضخَّم من 76,884 في 2016 ليصل إلى نحو 66 ألفاً في 2017، بينهم 200 لواء و410 عمداء و2592 عقيداً، وذلك بمعدل 0.9 جندي تقريباً لكلِّ ضابط مقارنةً بـ4.2 في “الجيش” الإسرائيلي و4.7 في الجيش الأميركي. 

لكن منذ تنفيذ سياسة التقاعد المبكر الاختياري والقسري (2018-2019)، تقلَّص الإجمالي إلى 65,829 في 2018، ثم صار 53 ألفاً في 2021، نصفهم تقريباً في الضفة وحدها (6% منهم نساء)، قبل أن يضاف إليهم 1500 بداية هذا العام. وقد سجلت الإحصاءات فارقاً كبيراً في الراتب بين الرتب. مثلاً، راتب اللواء الواحد الشهري يعادل رواتب 6 جنود، والراتب الشهري للعميد يعادل رواتب 5 جنود.

في موازنة 2022 الحبلى بالتوتر والأحداث، ومع عجز بـ558 مليون دولار مطلع السنة، واصلت رام الله تخصيص الإنفاق الأكبر من موازنتها على الأمن، وفق ما أعلن “الفريق الأهلي لدعم شفافية الموازنة العامة”، إذ قال في تقرير عن الموازنة العامة لعام 2022، صدر في 24/8/2022، إنَّ الإنفاق على الأمن بلغ 23% (86% منها للرواتب والأجور) في مقابل 20% للحماية الاجتماعية (وزارة التنمية الاجتماعية، ومخصصات الأسرى والشهداء والجرحى، ووزارة المرأة، والمخيمات الصيفية)، و20% للتعليم، و14% للصحة. 

إنفاق السلطة الفلسطينية على قطاع الأمن (2010 – 2022)

من الواضح أن مجمل هذه الأموال، ولا سيما المخصصة للأمن، من مصادر أميركية، مع الالتفات إلى أن الكمّ الأكبر يصبّ في جيب جهاز “الأمن الوقائي” تحديداً، إذ يتلقى منذ نشأته تدريباً وإنفاقاً من وكالة الاستخبارات الأميركية، فضلاً عن الدعم اللوجستي والفني والعسكري، أو عن طريق الدعم بالمعدات، بما يخدم الأجندة الأميركية في فلسطين ضمن موازنات غير مصرح بها على نحو دقيق. 

هذا لا يعني طبعاً أن بقية الأجهزة، وخصوصاً الاستخبارات، لا تتلقى تمويلاً جيداً، لكن التركيز أكثر على هذين الجهازين، بعدما كان “الأمن الوطني” والشرطة هما الأهم بسبب “تمرد” عناصرهما خلال أحداث الانتفاضة الثانية. وفي ما يتعلق بـ”حرس الرئاسة”، لا أرقام واضحة، لكن ذُكر في الملفات الأميركية أنه تلقى حصة وزانة بين 2007 إلى 2010.

تحسينات بايدن

في أيار/مايو 2021، تحدث الأميركيون تقريباً عن 610 ملايين دولار للفلسطينيين، وفق بيان صادر عن الخارجية الأميركية. وفي 7/2022، تكلم الأميركيون على 316 مليوناً أخرى للصحة والغذاء والنمو الاقتصادي وتعزيز السلام والتكنولوجيا، فيما قالت “الوكالة الأميركية للتنمية الدولية” (USAID) إنها خططت في ظل إدارة بايدن-هاريس (في انتظار موافقة الكونغرس) لبرمجة ما لا يقل عن 500 مليون بين 2021 و2024 كدعم للشعب الفلسطيني. وقد صرفت منها 150 مليوناً في 2021 و2022.

يلاحظ في تصريح لوزير الخارجية، أنتوني بلينكن، خلال لقاء مع محمود عباس في 3/2022، أنه يذكر قضية دعم الأمن عرَضاً من دون توضيح الأرقام الخاصة بها، علماً أن رقم 40-45 مليوناً المخصص للأمن كشفت عنه الصحافة الإسرائيلية تحديداً. أما بلينكن، فقال: “هذا الدعم هو أكثر من مجرد دعم اقتصادي، فنحن نركز على النهوض بالحقوق المدنية والإنسانية الفلسطينية، وكذلك دعم المجتمع المدني”.

هكذا تقريباً وُزع مبلغ نصف مليار منذ بداية 2021 إلى زيارة بايدن في 2022: 417 مليون دولار من المساعدات الإنسانية للاجئين، و75 مليوناً من الدعم عبر USAID، و20.5 مليوناً مساعدات لمحاربة فيروس كوفيد-19 والتعافي لغزة، إلى جانب المبلغ المخصص لأجهزة الأمن. وستتحدث الحلقات المقبلة عن هذه الملفات تباعاً.

مع ذلك، تبقى أرقام دعم الأجهزة الأمنية سراً لا يتحدث عنه الثلاثة، رام الله وواشنطن و”تل أبيب”، لكن المؤشرات الملحوظة تشي بما يتراوح بين 40 إلى 70 مليون دولار سنوياً بعد 2011.

المستقبل للأمن أيضاً… ولكن

في المجمل العام، يتأكّد أن العلاقة بين الولايات المتحدة والسلطة لم تنقطع أمنياً، لكنها تتفاوت وفق تغير الإدارات. في إدارة بايدن، يظهر أنّ التوجه الأميركي يميل إلى التهدئة والتخفيف من حدة التوترات في فلسطين والمنطقة عام. لذلك، يأتي دعم الأمن الفلسطيني أولويةً. وهنا، لا تشكل السلطة حجر عثرة بقدر ما تمثله “إسرائيل” باشتراطاتها.

رغم ما توحي به “تل أبيب” في الإعلام عن رغبتها في إطاحة السلطة، فإنها وواشنطن حريصتان على بقائها إلى الحد الذي يضبط الإيقاع داخل الضفة ويسهل المهمات عبر التنسيق الأمني. لذلك، تتحكّم “تل أبيب” في قوة رام الله وأجهزتها، فيما تواصل واشنطن مساعدتها في ضبط هذه الأجهزة وتوليفها بما يخدم مصلحتهما، مع التلويح أحياناً بعصا خفض الموازنات أو الرتب حين لا يأخذ الإسرائيلي بالتوصيات.

من المهمّ النّظر إلى الجزء الذي خصّصه “معهد الأمن القومي الإسرائيلي” في تقريره لعام 2022 حول السلطة. جاء في التقرير تحت عنوان “توجهات إسرائيل نحو السلطة الفلسطينية” أنَّ الأولى ترى وضع السلطة ضعيفاً، لكنه باقٍ مع أنها تمر بظروف من فقدان الاستقرار، فقد كان من المفترض أن تجري الانتخابات الفلسطينية في أيار/مايو 2021 لإنهاء الانقسام، وأيضاً لطمأنة الإدارة الأميركية الجديدة والأوروبيين إلى تلبية مطالبهم بتجديد الشرعيات الفلسطينية، ولكن بسبب توقعات عباس خسارة “فتح” ألغى الانتخابات بدعوى أن “إسرائيل” ترفض إجراءها في القدس، ثم أدى مقتل الناشط الفلسطيني نزار بنات على يد الأجهزة الأمنية إلى تظاهرات واحتجاجات بين الشباب الذين يرون السلطة وكيلاً عن الاحتلال.

في النتيجة، يشرح المعهد أنّ “إسرائيل” تسعى لاستقرار السلطة بالمساعدات الاقتصادية والتنسيق الأمني الذي تراه ضماناً للبقاء؛ فخلال السنوات الأخيرة، تراجع حجم المساعدات الخارجية لرام الله، وصار اعتمادها أكثر على الأموال التي تجبيها “إسرائيل” من المقاصة، لكن الأخيرة ترى أن الفساد المستشري في السلطة، وضعف النظام القضائي، إضافة إلى التنافس على خلافة عباس، سوف يخلق ضعضعة أمنية واقتصادية. لذلك، سوف تتعاون مع مصر والأردن والولايات المتحدة وبعض الدول العربية لمساندة السلطة بسبب المصلحة الحيوية في بقائها واستمرار العلاقة القائمة على الاتفاقات، بما فيها الترتيبات الاقتصادية والأمنية.

بعد هذا الاستعراض، يوصي تقرير المعهد بالعمل في 4 مجالات:

1.    ترتيبات انتقالية (3-5 سنوات) من دون اتفاقية مكتوبة، يجري العمل خلالها على تقوية السلطة كشريك شرعي لـ”إسرائيل”، بمساعدتها على بناء هياكلها وأجهزتها حتى تستطيع أن تحكم، وتمكين الأجهزة الأمنية من العمل في مناطق “ب” وأيضاً “ج”، وإنشاء رصيف مخصص للسلطة في ميناء أسدود مع مسار للقطارات إلى المعابر (ترقوميا وإيرز)، والمبادرة برزمة من المشاريع بالتعاون مع الدول العربية في الطاقة والبيئة والمياه والمناخ، ومن الممكن إعادة النظر في بروتوكول باريس الاقتصادي.

2.    مباشرة العمل بخطة الانفصال عن الفلسطينيين من دون اتفاق، عبر وقف البناء خارج المستوطنات والكتل الإستراتيجية وتوسيع مناطق نفوذ السلطة حتى تسيطر على 90% من الفلسطينيين.

3.    الحفاظ على مفاتيح الأمن بأيدي “الجيش” من حدود الضفة حتى نهر الأردن، وتطوير التعاون مع الأجهزة الأمنية لمحاربة الإرهاب.

4.    تعمل “إسرائيل” على تشجيع دول الخليج على مساعدة السلطة وإمكانية دمجها في المشاريع الإقليمية.

انطلاقاً مما سبق، يمكننا توقع أن الدعم الأميركي للأجهزة الأمنية سيتواصل بصرف النظر عن الواقع السياسي، وخصوصاً أن التوجه الإسرائيلي لا يزال يتصرف بهذا المضمون رغم الاختلاف في بعض التفاصيل. وربما تُصرف دفعات إضافية لتلك الأجهزة، لكن ذلك مرهون بأدائها في موجة التصعيد الحالية، مع بقاء الأرقام مبهمة في هذا الجانب، ومن دون تفاصيل عن طبيعة هذا الدعم وشروطه والأجهزة المستفيدة أكثر منه. 

في المقابل، ستسعى السلطة لتنشيط التنسيق الأمني بأعلى مستوياته من دون إعلان التفاصيل، مع أنَّ نتائجه ستكون ظاهرة للجمهور الفلسطيني والمقاومين تحديداً، وما جرى مع “عرين الأسود” أخيراً ليس إلا جزءاً بسيطاً من المهمة الكبيرة.

في مسار آخر مختلف، ربما تعني عودة بنيامين نتنياهو إلى الحكم، واحتمال عودة ترامب أيضاً إلى الرئاسة، انقلاباً في الرؤية أو تغييراً في الإستراتيجيات. لذلك، سارع الأميركيون إلى التحذير هذا الشهر من سيناريو يجري فيه تغيير أحد أطراف “الصهيونية الدينية” وزيراً للأمن (سيكون هو المسؤول مباشرة عن التنسيق مع USSC)، وكذلك عبر السفير الأميركي توم نيدس الذي خاطب نتنياهو بالقول: “تعيين وزير الدفاع يجب أن يكون بحذر وبمراعاة، وبطريقة تراعي العلاقة الحميمة بين إسرائيل والولايات المتحدة”، محذراً من تكرار الحديث عن “ضم الضفة”، لأنّنا “سنحارب أي محاولة لذلك”، ليس حباً بالفلسطينيين، إنما كي لا تحترق الطبخة الأميركية الموقد تحتها النار منذ عقود، ويعود اللفتنانت جنرال ومن معه إلى بيوتهم خالي الوفاض بعدما صرفوا المليارات… وربما يبتعثون إلى مكان آخر في الكرة الأرضية يمارسون فيه لعبة شبيهة.

Third Palestinian intifada is coming: Israeli media

24 Nov 2022 

Source: Israeli Media

By Al Mayadeen English 

Israeli media says the Palestinian public is growing more outraged with the occupation’s practices, which indicates that a third intifada is looming on the horizon for “Tel Aviv”.

Israeli media talks about a Third Palestinian Intifada

    There are clear signs pointing to the outbreak of a third Palestinian Intifada, former chief of the Israeli occupation forces’ military intelligence directorate Major General Tamir Hayman said on Thursday in light of the latest round of escalation from the people of occupied Palestine.

    There are “clear signs that cannot be ignored indicating that there is an increased probability that a third Palestinian Intifada with unprecedented characteristics will occur,” Hayman stressed.

    “The Palestinian arena is becoming more fomented than the majority of the public imagines,” the Israeli military official said, stressing that the occupation must “deal with the terrorist operations that took place in Al-Quds, such as kidnapping the body of Tiran Fero, as a sign that there will be an [Intifada] eventually.”

    Palestinian freedom fighters managed on Wednesday dawn to seize the body of an illegal Israeli settler after he was killed in a traffic accident near the American University in the city of Jenin, north of the occupied West Bank.

    The Occupation Army Radio reported that Resistance fighters managed to snatch the body of “Israeli” Tiran Fero (18 years old), who was killed in a car accident, adding that he arrived at the Jenin hospital by mistake.

    According to the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth, the Resistance fighters captured the body after they stopped an ambulance belonging to the Palestinian Red Crescent that was on its way to deliver it to the occupation, while the Resistance refuses to hand it over.

    On the same day, Israeli media reported that there was an explosion at a bus station in Al-Quds, which injured around a dozen people.

    Israeli media reported that Knesset member Itamar Ben-Gvir went to the explosion site in Al-Quds. 

    Israeli media also reported that there is a fear of other explosives in other areas of occupied Al-Quds.

    The explosion came after a long period of increased oppression of the Palestinian people at the hand of the Israeli occupation, which has been on a usual yet increased rampage, which has seen “Tel Aviv’s” forces brutally murdering Palestinians left and right.

    A Palestinian child, 16-year-old Ahmad Amjad Shehadeh, was martyred yesterday morning after he succumbed to his wounds from a bullet the IOF fired straight to his heart when they entered the city of Nablus. 

    Palestinian media also confirmed the injury of six other Palestinian men with live bullets and tens of others by suffocation as a result of the IOF storming Nablus.

    Back on November 9, Mahdi Hashash, 17, succumbed to serious wounds he sustained in his stomach after being shot by Israeli occupation forces, as per the Palestinian Red Crescent.

    The IOF, accompanied by Israeli settlers, both in large numbers, stormed Al-Quds and Amman Streets in the vicinity of Qaber Youssef (Joseph’s Tomb), east of Nablus. The IOF shot live ammunition at the Palestinians and heavily deployed tear gas and stun grenades.

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    Settler Pogroms Against Palestinians Will Become the Norm Under New Israeli Government

    Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° 

    Miko Peled
    Saturday, November 19, 2022, was according to Jewish tradition Shabat Chayei Sarah – the Shabbos, or Saturday commemorating the death and burial of the biblical matriarch Sarah. In the biblical story, her husband Abraham purchased her burial plot in the ancient city of Al-Khalil. According to Rabbi Yaakov Shapiro, the “commemoration” events that Al-Khalil has been subjected to over the last few decades have nothing to do with Jewish tradition, only, “Zionist Embellishments.”

    Al-Khalil, or Hebron in Hebrew, is the largest city in the West Bank, with close to a quarter of a million residents. The Old City part of Al-Khalil, also known as H-2, is a beautiful place, with narrow alleyways and architecture that bears witness to the centuries of grandeur it enjoys, the fourth-holiest city in Islamic tradition. Around 25,000 Palestinians and close to 800 Jewish settlers live in the old city. The settlers are vile, racist and violent to a point where 800 of them are able to terrorize thousands of their Palestinian neighbors.

    Besides that, there is a massive military presence in the Old City of Al-Khalil. This military presence includes at least one full combat brigade which monitors the more than five hundred checkpoints and movement barriers that exist within one square kilometer or approximately 0.4 square miles of the city. The military is there to assist the settlers, not protect the Palestinian civilians who they are constantly terrorizing.


    The “settler” community is a deeply racist, anti-Palestinian movement that had appeared on the scene after the Israeli attack on its neighbors of 1967, and the consequent occupation of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. This conquest was marketed as an act of the almighty, and a movement of thousands of religious Zionist zealots began invading the West Bank. Al-Khalil was one of their first targets, and they were successful in establishing a city for themselves on the lands of Al-Khalil called Kiryat Arba.

    Today, this settler movement mobilizes its people to wherever they want in order to terrorize Palestinians. In May 2021, they sent hundreds of their members to the occupied city of El-Lyd where they rioted and terrorized Palestinian residents of the city. During the attack, they murdered Musa Hassuna, a 31-year-old truck driver, whose family I met. They also rioted and attacked Palestinians in Bi’r Saba in the Naqab and tried to invade local Palestinian Bedouin communities, but were pushed back.

    Last weekend, 30,000 settlers converged on the city of Al-Khalil where they, along with the Israeli military, proceeded to terrorize local Palestinians. Even as they invaded Palestinian homes, destroyed shops and attacked people in the streets, the Israeli army was ordering Palestinians to close their shops and leave the area, thus permitting the Israeli setters to riot without interruption.

    Anyone who has been to Al-Kalil and particularly to H-2 knows how small and crowded it is. To imagine thirty thousand racist thugs with a license to destroy anything in their path is a terrifying image. And yet there they were.


    The Israeli media described what happened in Al-Khalil as a pogrom. Pogroms were known as murderous riots perpetrated against Jews throughout Eastern Europe and usually resulted with entire communities destroyed and countless dead. This riot in Al-Khalil was by no means the first riot by the settler movement. It was, however, the first open riot since the Israeli elections. The election results gave the leaders of the settler movement unprecedented power, and it is expected that they will now be given influential cabinet and sub-cabinet positions, as well as control over important parliamentary committees and appropriation of government funds. This means more money and more licenses than ever before to build and to displace Palestinians.

    One portfolio they are demanding is a new government office titled, “The Negev, Galilee and the Periphery.” If they do receive this, it will mean control over areas within 1948 Palestine, where there are still large Palestinian communities.

    Their new-found power is also a sign for their base to continue and escalate their vigilantism on the ground, killing, destroying property and generally terrorizing Palestinians everywhere. Other areas where we see members of this movement rioting freely is in the northern West Bank around Za’atara Junction which leads to the cities of Nablus and Jenin.

    In that area surrounding Za’atara Junction are towns like the tiny and incredibly beautiful village of Yanoun and the larger town of Akraba, with close to twenty thousand people. All Palestinian communities in that area have seen settler violence and rioting, and they can expect to see a great deal more violence now that the elections have given them a boost. Similarly, the cities of Lyd, Ramle and Yafa as well as the Naqab are all in grave danger.


    The main point to be taken from the results of the Israeli elections is that the lives of Palestinian have never been in more danger than they are now. If one could assume that the reality for Palestinians will continue to be as it has, as one Israeli historian called it, a slow genocide, now it is clear this is not going to be the case. The Israeli politicians who are expected to be in the coalition – people like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich – want the Palestinians out or dead. They will act with greater authority to accomplish the full ethnic cleansing of Palestine, as well as the destruction of Al-Aqsa Mosque and the erection of a so-called Jewish temple in its place.

    They demand full control of the budgets and policymaking regarding Palestinians throughout the country. They want an easing of the rules of engagement vis-à-vis the Palestinians and the death penalty for all Palestinian political prisoners. They also call for what they term “stronger governance” over the Palestinian population – a code word for tighter control, more expulsions, home demolitions, arrests, torture and killing.

    Palestinians are provided no security, no safety and no protection by anyone. The Israeli authorities are certainly not going to provide security or protection for Palestinians who are terrorized by the army or by groups of Israeli Jewish vigilante gangs. The international community is unwilling to intervene, and the United Nations has no means of enforcing its resolutions regarding Israel.

    So who may Palestinians turn to as the violence against them increases? One particularly disturbing video posted on Twitter during the riots in Al-Khalil shows a young Palestinian man, Yousef Azza from Tel-Rumeida, in the Old city of Hebron running to get help. Settlers invaded his home and attacked his mother and sisters. He tried to approach the soldiers, and his fury and fear are evident as he fails to find help.

    Just as Yousef Azza tried in vain, so do Palestinians everywhere try in vain to seek help from Israeli authorities, the Israeli public, the international community and the various non-governmental organizations that operate in Palestine. However, there is no entity that is willing to step in to save Palestinians as they continue to be terrorized by Zionist gangs.

    Feature photo | A Jewish settler carries a weapon by the main entrance to the Palestinian city of Nablus in the northern West Bank, October 04, 2022. Ilia Yefimovich | DPA via AP Images

    Miko Peled is MintPress News contributing writer, published author and human rights activist born in Jerusalem. His latest books are”The General’s Son. Journey of an Israeli in Palestine,” and “Injustice, the Story of the Holy Land Foundation Five.”

    Palestine: The Story of the Lions’ Den

    Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°



    The Lions’ Den was relatively unknown outside of Nablus until a few months ago but today they have gained hero-like status across Palestine — for leading a revival of armed resistance against Israeli colonialism. This is their story.

    The streets of the Old City of Nablus are quieter than usual.

    The typically bustling streets, filled with the sights, smells, and sounds of one of the oldest markets in Palestine, are almost unrecognizable. Most shops and businesses are shuttered; those who are open are noticeably somber, a far cry from the usual animated calls of street vendors advertising their wares to crowds of shoppers passing by.

    “This is not common to Nablus,” Abu Ayyad, 72, told Mondoweiss as he sat inside his shop, packaging halkoum sweets — a Nabulsi version of Turkish Delight which he has been making and selling from his shop in the al-Yasmina neighborhood for over 60 years.

    Bullet holes riddle the old stone buildings and the rusting iron doors that line the streets. Some of the destruction dates back to the first and second Intifadas. But the newer cars parked along the cobblestone streets, covered in bullet holes and broken glass, remind passersby of the freshness of these wounds.

    “What’s happening now in Nablus reminds me of the level of destruction that happened in 2002 when the Israeli forces invaded Nablus,” Sameh Abdo, 52, a resident of the Old City told Mondoweiss as he passed through the narrow alleyways of the al-Yasmina quarter.

    “The destruction of the city, the homes, the buildings. We haven’t seen this type of devastation in years,” he said.

    Down the road, one man sits outside his shop, piled with old radios, speakers, and other odds and ends. He smokes his cigarette in silence, soaking in the words of the song blasting on one of the newer speakers in his collection. It’s an anthem dedicated to lions.

    There are little to no foreigners present, a new reality created by design, not by accident. The presence of anyone or anything unknown to the locals here is considered a potential threat, and understandably so.

    Over the past few months the residents of the Old City have grown increasingly wary and suspicious of any foreign presence in their streets. Too many times, undercover Israeli forces entered the city in disguise, after the blood of the young men who have made these streets their home.

    Such was the case on Monday, October 25, just after midnight. The streets were quiet, and in the cover of night, Israeli undercover special forces entered the boundaries of the city. Their targets were a group of young men, armed and ready in their hideout in the al-Yasmina quarter of the Old City, but seemingly unaware of the danger that lurked around the corner.

    They call themselves the “Lions’ Den”, Areen al-Usud in Arabic. A novel armed resistance group, relatively unknown outside of Nablus until a few months ago, the young fighters have gained hero-like status across Palestine.

    In the streets of Nablus’ Old City, however, the lions are more than just mythical heroes. They are the brothers, sons, and friends of the people here. They are people’s neighbors — neighbors who watched them grow up, once kids buying snacks from the shop down the road, and causing a ruckus with the other neighborhood kids.

    Now those cubs are lions, and they have taken it upon themselves to do something many believed to be impossible after decades under the boot of the Israeli occupation and its partners in the Palestinian Authority: reviving popular armed resistance.

    The origin story 

    The emergence of the Lions’ Den into the Palestinian public consciousness can be traced back to the summer, when a stoic, narrow-faced and handsome young man cut through a crowd of thousands of people in the middle of the city of Nablus — his rifle in his right hand, the casket of his friend on his left.

    As he marched through the crowd in the funeral procession for his fallen comrades, passersby saluted the young man. In a viral video, one man struggles to grab his hand, still wrapped tightly around his rifle, and kisses it. The young man’s face did not flinch.

    The young man was Ibrahim Nabulsi, just 18 years old at the time. Known locally as the “Lion of Nablus,” with a mysterious reputation as a fierce fighter who had managed to evade several arrest and assassination attempts by the Israelis, the young Nabulsi skyrocketed into popular fame and admiration after his showing at the funeral.

    At the time, Nabulsi and his comrades were part of a group who called themselves the Nablus Brigades, Katibet Nablus in Arabic, operating out of the Old City. They had been active for months, conducting shooting operations across the northern West Bank.

    Modeled after the Jenin Brigades to the north, the group was formed in early 2022, and was comprised primarily of young men formerly aligned with the Saraya Al-Quds (Al Quds Brigades), the armed wing of the Islamic Jihad movement.

    But many of the group’s members and leaders hailed from different political factions. Nabulsi had formerly aligned himself with the Fatah movement; others had origins with Hamas, and even the leftist Marxist-Leninist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).

    Like the Jenin Brigades, the Nablus Brigades were cross-factional, and while they had money coming in from various sources, they did not officially align themselves with one political party. They were fighting in the name of Palestine, and no one else.

    The Israeli government’s first major operation targeting the Nablus Brigades happened in February, when Israeli special forces raided Nablus and ambushed a vehicle, showering it with bullets and extra-judicially assassinating three Palestinian resistance fighters which Israel claimed were wanted.

    The three were Ashraf Mubaslat, Adham Mabrouka and Mohammad Dakhil. There was a fourth passenger — some reports said he was injured and arrested by the army, others said he managed to escape. Many speculated him to be Ibrahim al-Nabulsi.

    At the time, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade (the military wing of Fatah) claimed the three as its members. But they had recently broken off from Fatah, carrying out a number of shooting operations across Nablus in another name. Israeli defense officials were describing them as a “renegade” cell.

    Around the same time, Israel’s military apparatus launched Operation Break the Wave, an open-ended massive operation across the occupied West Bank to “thwart terrorism activities,” and growing armed resistance in Jenin and Nablus.

    In April, Israeli army chief of staff, Aviv Kochavi, warned: “Our mission is simple—we need to stop terrorism and to restore safety and a sense of security. We will do whatever it takes, whatever is necessary, for however long and wherever needed, until both safety and the sense of security are restored.”

    Yet despite the increase of deadly Israeli military raids in Nablus and Jenin, the number of operations and armed resistance activities, whether through organized groups or independently, continued to rise. Rather than break the wave, Operation Break the Wave seemed only to be conjuring a tsunami.

    At the end of July, months after Operation Break the Wave began, the Israeli army launched a massive raid on the al-Yasmina neighborhood in the Old City of Nablus. It was the first time since 2002 that the army was conducting a raid in the area, targeting who they said were Palestinians suspected of carrying out a shooting operation targeting Israeli soldiers and settlers as they raided Joseph’s Tomb a month before.

    During the raid, resistance fighters fired heavily at Israeli forces, as they barricaded themselves inside the home of Mohammad al-Azizi, who is widely known to be the founder of the Lions’ Den. Israeli forces surrounded the home, bombarding it with explosives and gunfire, overpowering the fighters inside.

    After a three-hour shootout, Mohammad al-Azizi, 25, and Aboud Suboh, 28, were killed in the raid, as they reportedly provided cover for their fellow comrades to escape. Israeli media reported that one of the primary targets of the raid, Ibrahim al-Nabulsi, had evaded capture once again.

    While both al-Azizi and Suboh were claimed as members of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, locally they were known to be some of the earliest members of the Nablus Brigades. It was at their funeral on July 24 that Nabulsi, donning a flak jacket and his rifle, paid tribute to his fallen comrades, further propelling his status as an icon in the city.

    Across the West Bank, Palestinians circulated videos and photos of Nabulsi at the funeral. Suddenly, the Lion of Nablus and the group he fought with were becoming household names outside the bounds of their city.

    It was only two weeks later that Nabulsi would meet the same fate as his fellow fighters. During a raid on the Old City on August 9, Nabulsi was killed while fighting the Israeli army. Two other members of the brigades who were fighting alongside Nabulsi were killed during the raid: Islam Sbuh, 32, and Hussein Jamal Taha, 16.

    In a voice message shared widely on Palestinian social media, purportedly recorded by Nabulsi and sent to his comrades shortly before he was killed, a calm and collected Nabulsi can be heard saying:

    “I love you so much. If I am martyred, guys, I love my mother. Take care of the homeland after I’m gone, and my final will to you, on your honor: don’t let go of the rifle — on your honor. I’m surrounded, and I am going towards my martyrdom.”

    In his death, the Lion of Nablus was solidified as an icon, and the group he fought with became firmly implanted in the public consciousness. Following the killing of al-Nabulsi, the Den of Lions, now void of its founder and first fighters, began appealing to the public for protection.

    Lions’ Den official Telegram account photo (Photo: Telegram account of Areen al-Usud)

    Two weeks after the killing of Nabulsi, a new Telegram channel was created alongside a photo of Mohammad al-Azizi and Aboud Suboh holding up their rifles. Overlaid on top of the photograph was a new logo, reminiscent of the symbols used to represent the Fatah and Islamic Jihad armed wings. But this new symbol, showing the Dome of the Rock sitting underneath two crossed rifles, alongside an icon of an armed fighter in the middle of a map of Palestine, did not belong to any of the established political factions.

    Plastered across a black banner was the name of the group in Arabic, underneath it a short line of text that read: “The official representative channel of the Lions’ Den.”

    Gaining popularity

    On September 2, in a memorial for al-Azizi and Suboh, the Lions’ Den made their first official appearance as a group in the Old City, drawing crowds of thousands. A militant from the group, clad in black military gear from head to toe, face covered in a black balaclava and sporting a black bucket hat, stood on the stage facing the throngs of people. Flanked by fighters with upraised weapons on either side, he read out the charter of the Lions’ Den.

    “We salute those who have walked in the footsteps of al-Yasser and Yassin and Abu Ali Mustafa and Shikaki,” he said, referring, respectively, to the Fatah founder and late President, Yasser Arafat, the Hamas founder, Shaikh Ahmad Yassin, and the PFLP former Secretary General, Abu Ali Mustafa. “We have come here today, 40 days after the death of the Den’s lions, and in light of the burning revolution of our people in Jerusalem, in Gaza, in Jeningrad [Arafat’s Second Intifada-era stylization of Jenin after Stalingrad]…we have come to tell you that the spark began in the Old City [of Nablus] when our leader Abu Ammar formed the first cells of the revolution in the al-Yasmina neighborhood [during the Second Intifada].”


    The charter went on to preach a message of independent resistance, free of the shackles of the old political factions. They vowed to continue to conduct operations across the West Bank targeting Israeli army positions and settlers. They addressed the PA security forces, who have a thorny history with armed groups in the Old City of Nablus, emphasizing that the group’s focus was confronting the Israeli occupation, not the PA.

    In the following weeks, the group announced that it had conducted dozens of operations targeting Israeli army and settler positions across the West Bank, primarily in the Nablus area. On October 11, the den claimed responsibility for a shooting operation that left one Israeli soldier dead near the illegal Shave Shomron settlement in the Nablus district.

    As the group stepped up their operations, the popularity of the Lions’ Den continued to soar. Over the course of two months, the group amassed hundreds of thousands of followers on platforms like Telegram, with their official channel boasting over 230,000 followers — more than any other Palestinian political faction. On TikTok, montages of the group’s fallen fighters cut together to the tune of the Lions’ Den anthem flooded fan accounts dedicated to the group.

    While social media can often feel disconnected from the real world, the popularity of the Lions’ Den online was even more tangible in the streets than it is online.

    In the alleyways of the al-Yasmina neighborhood, just one day after the October 25 raid that killed three members of the group, including senior fighter Wadee al-Hawah, young Palestinians from outside the city crowd the alleyways.

    Some young folks eagerly ask shopkeepers where the home of the “hero martyr” Wadee al-Hawah is. A man points up to a crumbling facade of an old stone second-floor home. The youth ask if they can go up to the house, but they’re stopped by a group of stoic young men blocking the entrance at the door. So they pull out their phones instead, joining crowds of passersby taking photos of the home where the Lions’ Den leader was killed.

    A few steps down the road, a woman salutes to a memorial for the slain fighter Tamer al-Kilani, who was assassinated on October 23 in the same spot where photos of him now lay, adorned with Palestinian flags. Another young mother tells her son to stand in front of the memorial to take a photo.

    “Salute him, dear,” she says, as the young boy raises his right hand to his forehead.

    Back down the road, outside the old radio repair shop, Jamal Hamou, 57, turns up the speakers blasting the Lions’ Den anthem. When asked what he thought of the group, he beat his fist to his chest, over his heart, a wide grin spreading across his face.


    “The Lions’ Den, to the people of the Old City and outside of it, means everything to us,” he said. “These are our sons, our brothers, our boys. They have done something that so many before them tried and failed to do. They represent trustworthiness and honor, and they have made us proud, may God protect them, and bless those who have passed.”

    Around the corner from Hamou’s shop, the famous Al-Aqsa Sweets, known across Palestine for its Nablus knafeh, is riddled with bullet holes. Usually packed to the brim with hungry customers, the shop is relatively empty. No one is in the mood for sweets, one of the owners tells Mondoweiss.

    “I have worked here since I was five years old. I have lived here my whole life, I was here during the first and second Intifadas,” Basil al-Shantir, whose family owns the shop, told Mondoweiss. “What is happening right now is different. During the intifadas there was much more destruction on a larger scale, but what is happening now is not insignificant,” he said.

    “The Lions’ Den is barely a few months old, but they have taken over the public consciousness in a way that is unprecedented.”

    Poster at memorial for Wadee al-Hawah, Mashaal Baghdadi, Hamdi Qaim, Ali Antar, and Hamdi Sharaf (Photo: Akram Al-Waara/Mondoweiss)

    Israel threatened

    A few kilometers outside of the Old City, the day after the deadly raid on the Old City, thousands of Palestinians gathered at the memorial for the “moons of Nablus,” the five Palestinians who were killed.

    It was a typical scene for a martyr’s memorial, held for three days after someone is killed by the occupation. Posters of Wadee al-Hawah, Mashaal Baghdadi, Hamdi Qaim, Ali Antar, and Hamdi Sharaf lined the entrance and walls of the local community center where the wake was being held. Family members of the deceased lined up at the door, greeting mourners who had come to pay their respects.

    But this memorial was different in one small, but distinguishable regard. It was largely devoid of any symbols marking the political affiliation of the martyrs, a typical feature at the funerals of Palestinian martyrs.

    Inside, Mazen Dunbuk, 40, a spokesperson for the Fatah movement in Nablus’ Old City, sat down for lunch, customarily served in honor of the martyrs.

    “Young people are thirsty for resistance, for armed resistance, and for a change of the status quo of the past 20 years. And this is what Israel is scared of.”

    Mazen Dunbuk

    “The funeral of the five martyrs was one of the biggest seen in Palestine in years,” he said. “This is a sign to the [Israeli] occupation, and to the Palestinian leaders, that the public support for these young men is huge,” Dunbuk told Mondoweiss.

    Aware of the reputation his political party holds, as the majority part of the increasingly unpopular PA government, Dunbuk said matter-of-factly: “We know that people are tired of the different political factions, they want a united resistance. Nothing is more evident of that than the popularity of the Lions’ Den,” he said.

    “Young people are thirsty for resistance, for armed resistance, and for a change of the status quo of the past 20 years,” he said. “And this is what Israel is scared of.”

    The threat that the group poses to Israel was evident in the military apparatus’ focus on destroying the group at all costs. In the wake of the October 11 operation that killed one Israeli soldier, the army enforced a more than two-week closure of the entire Nablus district, affecting the lives of more than 400,000 Palestinians.

    In the span of just a few days in the last week of October, the army conducted several raids and operations targeting members of the Lions’ Den and their areas of operation. In addition to the targeted assassinations of Tamer al-Kilani and Wadee al-Hawah, several members of the group or those affiliated with them were arrested, including the brother of Ibrahim al-Nabulsi.

    The return of Israel’s use of targeted assassinations against resistance members evoked more memories of the first and second intifada, indicating to locals that the army was ramping up its operations to quash the group.

    But while the army has snuffed out the lives of several of the Lions’ Den’s leaders and senior members, what it has so far failed to do is squash the influence that the group has wielded over Palestinians, primarily young people, across the West Bank who have been inspired by their messages of independent resistance, unaffiliated with the political parties of yesterday.

    And for Israel, that is where the group’s most dangerous aspect lies.

    In terms of actual casualties, the Lions’ Den itself has not claimed a significant number of deaths or injuries of Israeli settlers or soldiers. Most of its operations targeting Israeli positions across the West Bank have resulted in some injuries, though not always.

    Yet the group’s influence has inspired more “lone-wolf” operations across the West Bank that have proved destructive for Israel. In the nine days since the Israeli military assault on Nablus that killed al-Hawah, at least six operations were carried out across the West Bank by individual Palestinians not officially affiliated with the Lions’ Den or other armed groups.

    In the operations, which targeted both settlers and Israeli military positions, several soldiers were wounded, and even one settler was killed. And most notably, Udai al-Tamimi, a young man from Shu’fat refugee camp, killed an Israeli soldier stationed at the Shu’fat military checkpoint in a drive-by lone wolf shooting, and the massive manhunt that ensued lasted for ten days and put the entire camp under siege, before Tamimi himself came out of hiding and attacked and injured Israeli guards stationed outside the illegal settlement of Ma’ale Adumim — notably far away from where the manhunt’s efforts were focused — before he was shot and killed by the guards.

    Separate from the armed operations seemingly inspired by the group, the Lions’ Den has forgone the traditional model of hosting dressed-up press conferences or issuing curated public statements that are filtered through standard media outlets and rendered into soundbites, carving out instead a mode of communication with the broader Palestinian community, using public platforms like Telegram to speak directly to Palestinians, always signing off “your brothers in the Lions’ Den.”

    On October 16, almost a week after Israel closed off the city of Nablus, the Lions’ Den appealed to Palestinians for a night of disruption, inviting people from across the West Bank to shout from their rooftops and make noise in the streets in response to reports in the Israeli media about army promises to “finish off” the armed group “from the root.”

    “To all citizens, to our fathers, mothers, siblings, and children,” the statement read. “Come out tonight on the rooftops at exactly 12:30 a.m. Let us hear your cheers of Allahu Akbar [God is Great]. We want the last sound we hear to be your voices,” the group wrote.

    And Palestinians responded to the call: from Nablus, and extending to Ramallah, Tulkarem, Hebron, and Jerusalem.

    On October 12, one day before leaders of rival Palestinian factions met in Algiers for reconciliation talks and promises of presidential and parliamentary elections — which have failed to materialize for over a decade — the Lions’ Den called on all Palestinians to strike in solidarity with the then-besieged Shu’fat Refugee Camp. Despite the fact that no official factions, which usually declare strikes, were involved, Palestinians in Jerusalem and the West Bank remarkably heeded the call, and observed a strike that day.

    On the same day, the Lions’ Den released a statement, reaffirming that the group did not belong to any political party, and had “turned its back on all disputes and rivalries.


    “The fact that they are independent is drawing more youth in, and Israel knows that the danger of the group lies in their political independence,” Basel al-Shantir told Mondoweiss outside his knafeh shop in the Old City. “Because when you do not belong to an official party, you cannot be pressured or blackmailed into bad deals and watered-down agreements.”

    Back at the memorial for the five martyrs killed on the 25th, a young man sits solemnly in the corner of a quiet room. He identifies himself as a member of the Lions’ Den.

    “Wadee and the others have done something, they’ve created something that the Palestinian political factions have been unsuccessful in doing for decades,” the young man, who requested anonymity, told Mondoweiss.

    “They brought people together, to create one united resistance, without political factions,” the young man continued. “Entire nations have tried to do this and failed.”

    When asked why he and other young men were inspired to take up arms, he said: “we are under occupation, and this occupation is killing us everyday. Wadee and the others woke up every day to news of more martyrs, more settler attacks, and more of our homeland being stolen.”

    “When we fight we are demanding our dignity, something our own government has failed to do for 30 years.”

    The role of the PA 

    On the night of October 26, shortly after the first day of the memorial for the five martyrs in Nablus came to a close, news broke that four members of the Lions’ Den had turned themselves over the Palestinian Authority Security Forces (PASF).

    One of the men, Mahmoud al-Bana, a top commander in the Lions’ Den who was injured in the raid the night before, wrote a statement on Facebook, addressing the Palestinian people about his decision to hand himself into the PA.

    “My comrades were martyred by my side, and I was wounded with them several times, and my martyrdom was declared more than once,” al-Bana wrote. “By God’s power and kindness, I am alive today.”

    “Today, after consulting with my brothers in the struggle, myself and my comrades-in-arms, it was agreed with our brothers in the [Palestinian] security services to surrender ourselves in order to protect us from this brutal occupier,” he said.

    As controversy erupted across Palestinian social media over the fighters’ decision to turn themselves in, the Lions’ Den released an official statement, saying that “whoever surrenders himself, this is their decision and choice.”

    In another statement the next day, the group said that those who believed the Lions’ Den was disbanding were “living under an illusion.”

    But the impact of the fighters’ decisions to hand themselves over to the PA could not be denied, as the streets and the internet buzzed with talk of the future of the Lions’ Den. Would the group survive the next inevitable Israeli attack? Or would there even be a Lions’ Den to fight by that point?

    One certainty remained clear: the Israeli government were not the only ones that wanted the Lions’ Den off the streets, and out of the Palestinian public consciousness for good.

    In late September, as the Lions’ Den continued to gain popularity in the West Bank and steadily upped their operations, PA security forces raided the city of Nablus in order to arrest two Lions’ Den fighters who were wanted by Israel, Musaab Shtayyeh, 30, and Ameed Tbeileh, 21.

    One Palestinian, 55-year-old Firas Yaish, was killed, while several others were injured. The raid sparked fierce confrontations and widespread backlash, as Palestinians criticized the PA’s ongoing security coordination with Israel, and what they viewed as their own government’s attempts to quash Palestinian resistance to the Israeli occupation.

    “For us it’s the battleground, and for them the diplomacy,” a young 20-year-old fighter told Mondoweiss on the evening of September 20, as PA forces clashed with local youth in the city the day after the arrest of Shtayyeh and Tbeileh.

    After the September 19 raid and the subsequent public backlash, the PA stayed relatively silent on the subject of the Lions’ Den, opting instead for a policy of quiet neutralization, working behind the scenes to offer fighters of the Lions’ Den amnesty in the ranks of the PASF in exchange for putting down their weapons, and agreeing to serve time in PA prisons.

    Similar to the deals struck with former fighters with the armed wing of Fatah after the Second Intifada, the PA was offering these young men safety — safety from the inevitable: imprisonment, or more likely, death, at the hands of the Israelis. And as the Israeli military upped its attacks on the group through targeted assassinations and large-scale raids, the PA’s proposition became even more appealing.

    On October 31, a week after al-Bana and three others handed themselves over to the PA, another senior fighter in the Lions’ Den, Mohammad Tabanja, reportedly followed suit. A source within the PA told Mondoweiss that at least a dozen members of the Lions’ Den had already turned themselves over to the PASF. Mondoweiss could not independently confirm that number.

    Three days later, in the heart of the Old City, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh held a press conference, surrounded by dozens of journalists and foreign diplomats — a sight the Old City had not witnessed in months.

    Shtayyeh’s statements largely addressed Israel’s ongoing occupation of the Palestinian territory, criticizing the “collective punishment” policies imposed on the Palestinian people. While Shtayyeh made no mention of the Lions’ Den or of armed resistance, a second message was clear from his appearance in the Old City: the PA had restored “order” and control to the city, at least on the surface.


    As the future of the Lions’ Den hangs in the balance, so does the trajectory of the current Palestinian mobilization. The current moment is defined largely by such groups and the influence they wield, inspiring others to take up arms against the occupation. So it is without a doubt that the future of the group will affect the outcome of the current moment, as well as whether the wave of armed resistance we are witnessing will continue to swell, or slowly subside and fade into the distance.

    On November 1, the same day the most right-wing, extremist government in Israeli history was elected into power, the Lions’ Den released their most recent statement.

    “The most important thing is to you, and everyone who believes that our fire has subsided: a volcano is brewing.

    For those who call for peace, look at their elections and you will see their choices.

    As for the resistance fighters from the Lions’ Den, or from the blessed factions, or our lone wolves — strike them everywhere. What kind of life is this, that we live in peace with those who abuse our blood and the blood of our children, men, and sisters?

    Your brothers, the Lions’ Den.”

    Mariam Barghouti is the Senior Palestine Correspondent for Mondoweiss.

    Yumna Patel is the Palestine News Director for Mondoweiss.

    ‘Israeli’ Shin Bet Worried About Palestinian Authority’s Fate as Resistance Groups Emerge

    November 19, 2022

    By Staff, Agencies

    ‘Israeli’ Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar warned about the danger of an imminent collapse of the Palestinian Authority and the consequent rise of the Palestinian resistance operations in the occupied West Bank during a meeting with Zionist prime minister-designate Benjamin Netanyahu last week, Walla! News reported.

    The Zionist spy agency, among several others, are worried that the ‘security’ of settlers in the West Bank would deteriorate in the backdrop of the establishment of Netanyahu’s emerging government.

    The bodies point to the growth of Palestinian resistance groups such as the “Lions’ Den,” which are composed of young people who are not organized with any old resistance groups, who do not remember the second intifada and its consequences, and who have easy access to weapons and targets in the West Bank.

    The Tel Aviv regime fears that this phenomenon, together with the disintegration of the Palestinian Authority and its loss of control over large parts of the West Bank, creates a concern for a significant security deterioration in the West Bank, the likes of which has not been seen in about two decades.

    Video| Palestinian Fighters Heroically Confront Israeli Raid in Nablus

    November 19, 2022

    Fighters of Nablus Battalion in the Palestinian city of Nbalus (photo from September 2022).

    Palestinian resistance fighters heroically confronted an Israeli raid in Nablus Old City early on Saturday.

    Palestinian media reported that Israeli occupation forces raided the Old City of Nablus at dawn on Saturday, sparking fierce clashes with Palestinian resistance fighters.

    Several gunshots and explosions were heard in the Old City, Palestinian media reported, quoting residents and local

    According to the sources, occupation forces arrested two Palestinians and then released them “after getting sure they were not the wanted suspects.”

    A Palestinian was injured by Israeli fire during the clashes which lasted for more than an hour, the sources added, noting that occupation military sent reinforcement to the area of the raid.

    Al-Quds Bridages’ Nablus Battalion announced its fighters repelled the Israeli raid “with gunshots and explosive devices which directly targeted the occupation forces.”

    Source: Palestinian media (Translated and edited by Al-Manar English Website)

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    Israel’s Relentless War against the Children of Palestine

    November 17, 2022

    The funeral of 5-year-old Alaa Qaddum, killed by an Israeli airstrike in besieged Gaza. (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

    By Ilan Pappe

    “Mankind owes to the child the best it has to give.” Preamble, UN Declaration of the Rights of the Child (1959)

    More than half of the population living in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are below 18; in fact, one can confidently say that half of the people of the occupied West Bank and besieged Gaza Strip are children. Anyone who wages a war against these two territories, through house demolition, arrests without trial, shoot-to-kill policy, and humiliation, is waging war against children.

    At times, whole military brigades of the Israeli army, accompanied by elite units, border police, and police chase a boy and, in most cases, kill him or at best arrest him.

    If there is anything that changed in the last few years in what finally the United Nations was willing to call the colonization of Palestine, it is the intensification of the Israeli shoot-to-kill policy. And although so many of us understand that the new Israeli government will not change the policies the previous governments pursued, one can expect further brutalization in the war against the children of Palestine.

    As I write this column, the news has reached us of the murder by Israeli soldiers of Fulla Rasmi Abd al-Aziz al-Musalamah. She was on her way to celebrating her 16th birthday. She was with others in a car near Beitunia, when the soldiers, without any reason, opened fire on the car and killed her. Needless to say, the Israeli newspaper reporting the “incident” blamed the driver and did not even bother to mention her name.

    The killing of children is not a new aspect of Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. By April 1948, the military leadership of the Zionist forces began to strategize more clearly its policy towards any population that would be left in the villages they occupied during the 1948 ethnic cleansing. One of its clear guidelines was to either kill or send to a prison camp, at the discretion of the commander on the spot, “men at a fighting age”. The command clearly defines what is meant by men: anyone above the age of ten.

    Very much like any destructive Israeli policy since the massive expulsion and killings of 1948, a new method of incremental piecemeal action and policy became the norm. It is a very deceptive policy as whomever you want to alert is faced with a killing of one or two persons every now and then, and the dots are not easily connected to produce a damming indictment. This was true in the early 1950s, but of course, since then, the numbers are massive and this incremental killing is far more visible.

    In November 1950, the Israeli army shot dead three children, ages 8, 10 and 12, from the village of Yalo, while in 1952, the Israeli commando murdered 4 children, ranging from ages 6 to 14, in Beit Jalla. A year later, among the five shepherds the Israeli killed in February 1953, one was a 13-year-old boy from al-Burg.

    The incremental infanticide at times is replaced by a more intensive killing of children. During the First Intifada, according to the association of Israeli and Palestinian physicians for human rights, every two weeks, a child under six was shot in the head by the Israeli army.

    During the Second Intifada, 600 Palestinian children were killed. Among them, are the 12-year-old Muhammad al-Dura, the 14-year-old Fairs Odeh, and the 11-year-old Khalil al-Mughrabi. Five thousand children were wounded. In 2007, the Israeli air force killed 8 children of the Shehadeh family in Gaza.

    In the first wave of attack on Gaza in 2008, more than 300 children died, and another 30 in 2012. And the highest death recorded in 2014, with more than 550 children. Put differently, since 2000, 2,250 Palestinian children were killed by the Israeli army and security forces. This is equivalent to the killing of nearly 45,000 children in Britain by a military or police force since 2000.

    Why is it so important to record these grim and horrifying data and define clearly its legal and moral significance? For a few reasons. First, the fact that only here, in an alternative media outlet, you will be aware of these atrocities, is an indication of the hypocrisy of the Western media and political elite when it comes to Palestine, compared to the compassion shown towards children in the Ukraine or Iran.

    Secondly, these figures accentuate the existential threat Zionism and Israel still pose to the Palestinian people and their future. It is not only land that Israel covets; it is intent on continuing the destruction of the people themselves.

    But most important than all is the infuriating exemption of Palestine from the international discussion of the mass killing in general and that of children in particular. Take for example the international definition of mass killing. It is defined as:

    “The deliberate actions of armed groups, including but not limited to state security forces…that result in the death of at least 1000 non-combatant civilians targeted as part of a specific group over a period of one year or less.”

    In the First and Second Intifada, in 2009 and in 2014, the number of Palestinians killed by Israel exceeded by far one thousand. Nowhere in the UN or another human organization recording mass killings worldwide, do the Palestinians appear as a case study.

    The game is not of numbers of course, but much more about the ideology that facilitates such mass killing; a kind of inhumanity only possible if the humans you target are dehumanized. An ideology that leads in many cases to genocidal policies. The definition of genocide according to article 2 of the UN charter on Genocide includes mass killing, bodily and mental harm, and physical desertion as indicators of such policies.

    The report of the special representative of the Secretary-General in October 2009 and updated in November 2013, lists six grave violations of international human right law regarding children’s rights in armed conflict. There is no armed conflict in Palestine and yet, three of these grave violations occur daily in the colonized West Bank and occasionally, in massive numbers, in besieged Gaza Strip.

    Killing and maiming of children, attacks against schools and hospitals, and denial of humanitarian access. Some of the Israeli policies enacted during the siege on Gaza, in terms of denial of food, energy, and above all medical help, create a criterion by itself that should have been added to this document.

    In August this year, UN Human Rights Chief, Michelle Bachelet, expressed alarm at the high number of Palestinians, including children, killed and injured in the occupied Palestinian territory since the beginning of 2022. She was referring to the killing of 37 children from the beginning of the year until that August and was particularly horrified by the killing of 19 children in one week. She stated:

    “Inflicting hurt on any child during the course of conflict is deeply disturbing, and the killing and maiming of so many children this year is unconscionable.”

    As a father myself, I would have used a stronger word than “unconscionable”. But I will be content with it if the Israeli mass killing of Palestinian children will not be denied anymore or marginalized and will appear as an urgent topic in the venues where the international community discusses the gravest violations of human rights in our time, and act upon it.

    – Ilan Pappé is a professor at the University of Exeter. He was formerly a senior lecturer in political science at the University of Haifa. He is the author of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, The Modern Middle East, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, and Ten Myths about Israel. Pappé is described as one of Israel’s ‘New Historians’ who, since the release of pertinent British and Israeli government documents in the early 1980s, have been rewriting the history of Israel’s creation in 1948. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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    Israeli Human Rights Violations in Palestine (Weekly Update 10 – 16 November 2022)

     November 17, 2022

    Violation of right to life and bodily integrity:

    A Palestinian girl was killed and six Palestinians, including a child and an international solidarity activist, were wounded, while dozens of others suffocated in Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) attacks in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

    On 14 November 2022, IOF killed Fulla Rasmi ‘Abdul al-‘Aziz Masalmah (16) and wounded Anas Suliman Hassounah (26) with a live bullet in his left shoulder and then arrested him. This incident occurred after IOF opened fire at a Hyundai cat with a yellow registration plate driven by Hassounah with the girl sitting next to him in the Schools neighborhood in central Beitunia village, west of Ramallah, where IOF patrolled the area. IOF claimed that the car mentioned above tried to run over Israeli soldiers and the driver did not obey the soldiers’ orders to stop, so they opened fire at the car, wounding the girl in her back with a live bullet that settled in her chest. There was no eyewitness in the area at the time of the incident, as it took place at dawn, but footages published on social medica showed IOF opening fire at the vehicle from behind.

    Meanwhile, those injured were victims of excessive use of force that accompanied IOF incursions into cities and villages, or suppression of peaceful protests organized by Palestinian civilians, and they were as follows:

    On 11 November 2022, three Palestinians and an international solidarity activist were shot with rubber-coated metal bullets during IOF’s suppression of Kafr Qaddoum weekly protest in northern Qalqilya.

    On the same day, dozens of Palestinians suffocated due to teargas inhalation and sustained wounds by stun grenade shrapnel during clashes with IOF near Bab al-Zawiyia area in Hebron.

    On 14 November 2022, three Palestinians, including 2 children, sustained fractures and bruises when IOF attacked Palestinians, who were harvesting olive trees in their agricultural land in Dura in Hebron. Also, IOF fired teargas canisters and stun grenades at the Palestinians after the latter uprooted olive seedlings planted by a settler in their land.

    On14 November 2022, a 14-year-old child was shot with a bullet in his right leg during clashes with IOF, who established a temporary military checkpoint at the northern entrance to Teqoa village, east of Bethlehem.

    In the Gaza Strip, 3 shootings were reported on agricultural lands in the eastern Gaza Strip, and 5 shootings were reported on fishing boats off the western Gaza shore, mostly in northern Gaza Strip.

    So far in 2022, IOF attacks killed 165 Palestinians, including 111 civilians: 34 children, 8 women, 2 Palestinians killed by Israeli settlers and the rest were activists; 17 of them were assassinated. Also, hundreds of Palestinians, including women and children, were wounded in IOF’s attacks in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Moreover, 5 Palestinian detainees, including a woman, died in the Israeli prisons.

    Land razing, demolitions, and notices

    IOF demolished two agricultural houses, forced a Palestinian to self-demolish his house, and confiscated agricultural equipment and a generator in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

    On 11 November 2022, IOF forced a Palestinian to self-demolish his 70-sqm house sheltering a family of 4 persons, including a woman and 2 children, in Beit Safafa village in occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

    On 13 November 2022, IOF demolished two agricultural dwellings built of tin plates and steel and solar panels, displacing two families of 9 persons, including 2 women and 5 children, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

    On the same day, Israeli Administration and Organization officers, under IOF’s protection, confiscated tin plates, steel pillars and a generator belonging to a Palestinian, who intended to build a tinplated barrack for his livestock in Yatta city in Hebron. 

    Since the beginning of 2022, Israeli occupation forces made 131 families homeless, a total of 767 persons, including 151 women and 343 children. This was the outcome of IOF demolition of 147 houses and many residential and agricultural tents. IOF also demolished 93 other civilian economic objects, leveled vacant areas of land, and delivered dozens of notices of demolition, cease-construction, and evacuation.

    Settler-attacks on Palestinian civilians and their properties:

    Israeli settlers conducted 4 attacks on Palestinians’ vehicles in different areas in the West Bank. Details are as follows:

    On 14 November 2022, Israeli settlers moved into Haris village in Salfit, north of the West Bank, and burned four vehicles belonging to the villagers.

    On 15 November 2022, Israeli settlers attacked and set fire to a vehicle belonging to a Palestinian who was in his way back from ‘Attil village in northern Tulkarm to Nablus.

    On the same day, Israeli settlers intercepted a bus for a women’s trip in Hebron and prevented it from moving for few hours, enticing fear among the passengers.

    On 16 November 2022, Israeli settlers threw stones at four vehicles near Ramin village, east of Tulkarm, breaking their windows. On the same day, Israeli settlers damaged a vehicle belonging to a Palestinian doctor near Jit village in Qalqilya.

    Since the beginning of the year, settlers conducted at least 236 attacks. In two of the attacks, 2 Palestinians were killed.

    IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians:

    IOF carried out 35 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids and searches of civilian houses and facilities and establishment of checkpoints. During those incursions, 62 Palestinians were arrested.

    So far in 2022, IOF conducted 7,748 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, during which 4,393 Palestinians were arrested, including 421 children and 43 women. IOF also conducted 33 limited incursions into eastern Gaza Strip and arrested 95 Palestinians, including 58 fishermen, 32 infiltrators, and 5 travelers via Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

    Israeli collective punishment and closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

    Meanwhile, IOF maintain its illegal and inhuman 15-year closure on the Gaza Strip. Details available in PCHR’s monthly-update in the Gaza crossings.

    On 11 November 2022, IOF closed the entrances to Beit Ummar village in Hebron following clashes erupted between IOF and Palestinians, where IOF used live bullets and stun grenades.

    So far in 2022, IOF established at least 4000 temporary military checkpoints and arrested 183 Palestinians at those checkpoints

    Tel Aviv Detects High Motivation among Palestinian Youths to Attack Zionists: 30 Israelis Dead in 2022 So Far

     November 16, 2022

    Martyr Mahmoud Souf

    The Zionist media outlets reported that the occupation army raised alert for 72 hours in the West Bank in anticipation of more attacks just as Salfit operation.

    The Palestinian young man, Mahmoud Souf, killed three Israelis and wounded three others, before being martyred in a major stabbing and car-ramming attack in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday.

    The failure of the Zionist occupation forces and the armed settlers to deal with the Palestinian martyr intensified the Israeli concerns.

    The Israeli military expert Ron Ben Yishai analyzed the character of the attacker, indicating that he was moved by an emotional climax.

    Yishai added that the attacker seized the available opportunity to attack an Israeli guard, highlighting his audacious act of attacking more Zionists instead of escaping the scene.

    Alon Bin David, a Zionist military expert, underlined the power displayed by the attacker, who moved in one of the most armed areas in the entity, adding that this operation sparks the imagination of many people.

    The young Palestinian generation is displaying drastic changes that are behind the surging operations in the occupied West Bank, according to the Zionist analysts.

    Former Israeli military intelligence chief Tmair Hayman said that Salfit operation comes in part of a broader phenomenon in presence of a young generation providing the infrastructure of such attacks.

    The Arab affairs expert Zvi Yehezkeli reflected a pessimistic attitude towards the Palestinian attacks, adding that 30 Zionists have been claimed by such operations in 2022 so far.

    Source: Al-Manar English Website

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    NOVEMBER 16TH, 2022


    By Ramzy Baroud

    At a recent Istanbul conference that brought many Palestinian scholars and activists together to discuss the search for a common narrative on Palestine, a Palestinian member of the audience declared at the end of a brief, but fiery intervention, ‘we are not red Indians’.

    The reference was a relatively old one. It was attributed to former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat during an interview in his office in Ramallah where he was forcefully confined and surrounded, two years earlier, by the Israeli military that had re-invaded the populous Palestinian city. In the interview, the head of the PLO and president of the Palestinian Authority (PA) said that, despite Israel’s attempt at eradicating the Palestinian people, they remain steadfast. Israel had “failed to wipe us out,” Arafat said, adding, “we are not red Indians.”

    Though Arafat’s intention was not to degrade or insult Native American communities, the statement, often taken out of context, hardly reflects the deep solidarity between Palestinians and national liberation struggles, including indigenous struggles around the world. Ironically, Arafat, more than any Palestinian leader, has forged ties with numerous communities in the Global South and in fact all over the world. A generation of activists had linked Arafat to their initial awareness, then involvement in Palestine solidarity movements.

    What surprised me is that the comment on Palestinians not being ‘red Indians’ in Istanbul was quoted repeatedly and, occasionally, solicited applause from the audience, which only stopped when the convener of the conference, a well-regarded Palestinian professor, declared frustratingly, “they are neither ‘red’ nor Indian.” Indeed, they are not. Actually, they are the natural allies of the Palestinian people, like numerous indigenous communities, who have actively supported the Palestinian struggle for freedom.

    The seemingly simple incident or poor choice of words, however, represents a much greater challenge facing Palestinians as they attempt to reanimate a new discourse on Palestinian liberation that is no longer hostage to the self-serving language of the PA elites in Ramallah.

    For several years, a new generation of Palestinians has been fighting on two different fronts: against Israel’s military occupation and apartheid, on the one hand, and PA repression on the other. For this generation to succeed in reclaiming the struggle for justice, they must also reclaim a unifying discourse, not only to reconnect their own fragmented communities throughout historic Palestine, but also re-establish solidarity lines of communication across the globe.

    I say ‘re-establish’, because Palestine was a common denominator among many national and indigenous struggles in the Global South. This was not a random outcome. Throughout the 1950s, 60s and 70s, fierce wars of liberation were fought across continents, leading in most cases to the defeat of traditional colonial powers and, in some cases like Cuba, Vietnam and Algeria, to true decolonization. With Palestine being a compounded case of western imperialism and Zionist settler colonialism, the Palestinian cause was embraced by numerous national struggles. It was, and remains, a most raw example of western supported ethnic cleansing, genocide, apartheid, hypocrisy but also inspiring indigenous resistance.

    PLO factions, intellectuals and activists were known and respected worldwide as ambassadors to the Palestinian cause. Three years following his assassination by the Israeli Mossad in a Beirut car bombing, Palestinian novelist Ghassan Kanafani was awarded posthumously the Annual Lotus Prize for Literature by the Union of Asian and African Writers as a delineation of the common struggle between peoples of both continents. Not only has Palestine served as a physical connection between Asia and Africa, it has also served as an intellectual and solidarity connection.

    Arab countries, which also fought their own painful but heroic national liberation wars, played a major role in the centrality of Palestine in the political discourses of African and Asian countries. Many non-Arab countries supported collective Arab causes, especially Palestine, at the United Nations, pushed for the isolation of Israel, backed Arab boycotts and even hosted PLO offices and fighters. When Arab governments began changing their political priorities, these nations, sadly but unsurprisingly, followed suit.

    The massive geopolitical changes after the Cold War, in favor of the US-led Western camp, profoundly and negatively impacted Palestine’s relations with the Arab and the rest of the world. It also divided the Palestinians, localizing the Palestinian struggle in a process that seemed to be determined mostly by Israel alone. Gaza was placed under a permanent siege, the West Bank was splintered by numerous illegal Jewish settlements and military checkpoints, Jerusalem was swallowed whole and Palestinians in Israel became victims of a police state that defined itself primarily on racial grounds.

    Abandoned by the world and their own leadership, oppressed by Israel and bewildered by remarkable events beyond their control, some Palestinians turned against one another. This was the age of factionalism. However, Palestinian factionalism is bigger than Fatah and Hamas, Ramallah and Gaza. Equally dangerous to the self-serving politics are the numerous provisional discourses that it espoused, neither governed by any collective strategy or an inclusive national narrative.

    When the PLO was ousted from Lebanon following the Israeli invasion and deadly war, the nature of the Palestinian struggle transformed. Headquartered in Tunisia, the PLO was no longer able to present itself as a leader of a liberation movement in any practical sense. The Oslo Accords of 1993 resulted from this political exile and subsequent marginalization. It also accentuated an existing trend where an actual war of liberation turned into a corporate form of liberation, hunger for funds, false status and, worse, a negotiated surrender.

    This much is now familiar and acknowledged by many Palestinians. Less discussed, however, is that nearly forty years of this process left Palestinians with a different political discourse than that which existed for decades prior to Oslo.

    Undoubtedly, Palestinians are aware of the need for a new liberated language. This is not an easy task, nor is it a randomly generated process. The indoctrination that resulted from the Oslo culture, the factional language, the provincial political discourse of various Palestinian communities, left Palestinians with limited tools through which to express the priorities of the new era. Unity is not a political document. Neither is international solidarity. It is a process that is shaped by a language which should be spoken collectively, relentlessly and boldly. In this new language, Palestinians are Native Americans, not in their supposed propensity to be ‘wiped out’, but in their pride, resilience and continued quest for equality and justice.

    Three Israelis dead, three injured in West Bank stabbing operation

    As a far-right government headed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is set to be formed soon, oppression and violence against Palestinians are likely to increase significantly

    November 15 2022

    (Photo Credit: AP)

    ByNews Desk

    Local sources reported that a Palestinian stabbing operation on 15 November left three Israelis dead and three injured near the Ariel settlement in the occupied West Bank.

    According to the Israeli military, the attacker stabbed a security guard near the Ariel Industrial Park, stabbed three more at a nearby petrol station, and made off in a vehicle before crashing into several other cars on the Route 5 Highway.

    Upon getting out of the car, the Palestinian man stabbed another person and reportedly stole a second vehicle, which he crashed, exited, and was then shot dead by occupation forces while attempting to flee.

    Of the three Israelis killed, two succumbed to stab wounds, while the third was killed after being rammed by the stolen vehicle. The Palestinian Health Ministry later confirmed the Palestinian’s death, identifying him as 18-year-old Muhammad Souf.

    A video circulating on social media shows one of the Israelis being stabbed at the petrol station. Another shows the attacker running down the highway before collapsing after being struck down by Israeli bullets.

    This latest attack comes as part of a recent string of Palestinian resistance operations in the occupied West Bank, the last of which occurred on the evening of 29 October in the Kiryat Arba settlement of the West Bank city of Hebron.

    It also represents a significant increase in resistance activity across the West Bank recently, resulting from constant Israeli violence and oppression of Palestinians.

    As the newly reelected Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, is forming what many have said will be Israel’s most far-right government in history, resistance operations will likely continue and intensify, especially in light of the extreme policies of certain potential ministers such as Itamar Ben Gvir.

    “عملية معقدة” في مستوطنة “أريئيل” توقع قتيلين وعدداً من الإصابات

    نوفمبر 15 2022

    المصدر: وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية

    وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية تتحدّث عن “عملية طعن معقدة تمّت في ساحتين مختلفتين” في مستوطنة “أريئيل”، وتفيد بمقتل مستوطنين وإصابة نحو 8.

    “عملية معقدة” في مستوطنة “أريئيل” توقع عدداً من الإصابات

    أفادت وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية، اليوم الثلاثاء، بمقتل مستوطنين وإصابة 8 آخرين في عـملية طعن ودهس في المنطقة الصناعية في مستوطنة “أريئيل” في الضفة الغربية. 

    ولفت الإعلام الإسرائيلي إلى إصابة “8 مستوطنين في عملية الطعن في أريئيل؛ 2 في حال حرجة، و3 في حال خطرة، و3 إصابتهم طفيفة”. 

    وفي تفاصيل العملية، أفاد الإعلام الإسرائيلي بأنّ “منفذ العملية طعن مستوطناً عند مدخل المنطقة الصناعية في مستوطنة أريئيل، ثم طعن 3 إسرائيليين في محطة للوقود قرب المستوطنة. بعد ذلك، انتقل بواسطة سيارة أخذها من أحد المستوطنين، وسار بعكس السير، ما أدّى إلى حادث سير بين عدد من السيارات”. 

    وأشار الإعلام الإسرائيلي إلى أنّ “عملية الطعن حصلت في وقت كانت حال التأهب في صفوف قوات الأمن الإسرائيلية في ذروتها”، لافتاً إلى أنّها “عملية معقدة، إذ تمت في ساحتين مختلفتين، ولم يكن هناك إنذار مسبق”. 

    وأفاد مراسل الميادين بأنّ قوات الاحتلال أطلقت النار على منفذ العملية، ما أدى إلى استشهاده. 

    وفي السياق نفسه، قال الناطق باسم حركة “حماس” عبد اللطيف القانوع إنّ “عملية الطعن البطولية في مستوطنة ما يسمى أريئيل تبرهن قدرة شعبنا على استمرار ثورته ودفاعه عن المسجد الأقصى من الاقتحامات اليومية”. 

    وأضاف القانوع: “العدوان المتواصل على شعبنا واقتحام الأقصى اليومي سيُقابل بتوسيع ضربات المقاومة وتمددها لردع الاحتلال ووقفه عند حده”.

    بدوره، قال الناطق باسم حركة الجهاد الإسلامي، طارق عز الدين، إنّ “هذه العملية الفدائية داخل مغتصبة أريئيل تؤكّد مرة أخرى هشاشة هذا الاحتلال المجرم وتحطم منظومته الأمنية والعسكرية التي تفتك بأبناء الشعب الفلسطيني كل يوم”.  

    وتابع عز الدين: “هذه العملية البطولية اليوم هي رد شعبنا على مواقف وتهديدات قادة اليمين الصهيوني الذين يتبجحون بفوزهم في انتخاباتهم المزعومة”. 

    الجبهة الديمقراطية لتحرير فلسطين، من جهتها، شدّدت عقب حدوث العملية على أنّ “المقاومة بكل أشكالها مستمرة وستتصاعد، ولن يستطيع الاحتلال إخماد نارها المشتعلة في كل مكان”.

    وأشادت الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين بعملية الطعن البطوليّة في مستوطنة “أرائيل”، مشيرةً إلى أنّها “رسالة جديدة تؤكّد إصرار الشعب الفلسطيني على استمرار مقاومته الاحتلال حتى دحره ونيل حقوقه الوطنيّة”. 

    أمّا حركة المجاهدين الفلسطينية، فأشارت إلى أنّ “هذه العملية البطولية تؤكّد صواب نهج مواجهة هذا المحتل المجرم حتى كنسه عن كل الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة واسترداد كل الحقوق الوطنية المسلوبة”.

    في سياق آخر، شنّت قوات الاحتلال، اليوم الثلاثاء، حملة اعتقالات واسعة في صفوف المواطنين في مناطق متفرقة من الضفة الغربية والقدس المحتلة، فيما داهمت قوات الاحتلال منزل الأسير يونس هيلان من قلقيلية.

    وتزعم سلطات الاحتلال قيام الأسير هيلان بقتل مستوطن طعناً قبل شهر في بلدة الفندق قضاء قلقيلية.

    مواضيع متعلقة

    Palestinian Kills 3 Israelis, Injures 3 Others in Heroic Operation in West Bank

     November 15, 2022

    Israeli security and rescue personnel at the scene of a stabbing attack in Salfit (Tuesday, November 15, 2022).

    A Palestinian killed three Israelis and wounded three others, before being martyred in a major stabbing and car-ramming attack in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday.

    Israeli media, citing occupation military, said the Palestinian stabbed a security guard in the Palestinian town of Salfit, near the entrance to the so-called Ariel Industrial Park.

    The Palestinian attacker then stabbed three people at and adjacent to a nearby gas station, before he fled in an apparently stolen vehicle.

    Shortly afterward, the attacker crashed the vehicle into other cars on the Route 5 highway, before getting out and stabbing another person, according to Israeli medics.

    Palestinian crashed the vehicle he stole into other cars in West Bank (Tuesday, Nov. 15, 2022).

    He then stole another vehicle and drove it against traffic, crashing into more cars, before he got out and was shot dead by soldiers and armed civilians.

    Israeli ambulance service Magen David Adom (MDA) said the occupation security guard was seriously hurt, the Times of Israeli reported, adding that security officials were probing how the Palestinian attacker “managed to flee after stabbing the guard at the first scene, and why he was not shot by another guard.”

    Two Israeli men in their 40s who were stabbed at and near the gas station were killed, and another man in his 40s was seriously hurt, Israeli media reported.

    Another settler in his 50s was killed after being rammed by the Palestinian attacker, and another 35-year-old was stabbed and seriously hurt, according to MDA.

    Palestinian Authority Health Ministry identified the Palestinian martyr as 18-year-old Mohammad Souf, from the nearby town of Hares.

    The Times of Israel quoted a defense source as saying that Souf “did not have any prior security offenses.”

    Palestinian media reported that Israeli occupation troops entered Hares following the attack and searched the area for a suspect who allegedly aided Souf.

    Source: Israeli and Palestinian media (translated and edited by Al-Manar English Website)

    From Balfour to Lions’ Den: A contribution to defining Palestinian Nakba

    11 Nov, 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen English

    Makram Khoury-Machool 

    The Palestinian Nakba began exactly 105 years ago with the release of a letter from then-British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to the leader of the Zionist movement in what became infamously called the Balfour Declaration.

    The project to establish the Zionist entity was and still is based on a long-term joint program between the Zionist movement and some colonial powers, primarily Britain and the US

    As someone who grew up and was raised in the city of Yafa after the occupation of eastern Palestine in the 1967 war – known as the Naksa – in the house of his late grandfather and under the auspices of a great educational figure such as my grandmother, known as Madame Khoury, who’s slogan “I’d rather die in my house in Yafa than become a refugee” became a mantra that engraved in our minds the effect of attachment to the land… and as someone who listened and read the successive enthusiastic political articles of his father, the political writer Naim Youssef Machool, about the Nakba, the land, agriculture and steadfastness, as well as the articles, plays, interviews, and lectures of his mother, writer and novelist Antoinette Adeeb El-Khoury, I thought that based on this extensive personal experience, I should support and base my claim, listed below, on journalistic observations from the 80s and 90s in Palestine in particular and on two decades of academic research on the Palestinian issue in Britain in particular, and present a contribution to an expanded project whose main idea I will briefly list below.

    We say that it is widely accepted that the Nakba of the Palestinians took place chronologically under the British mandate between the partition plan and Resolution of 29/11/1947 and the 1949 armistice with Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, although there was no agreement within the framework of an armistice or the like with the Palestinian people; whether those who were expelled from it or those who remained in their homeland.

    Accordingly, the struggle involving the Palestinian people remains open: Zionist domination of Palestine and Palestinian resistance against the occupation.

    This article, part of which was presented at the University of Freiburg in Germany in 2011 and the Bandung Conference in 2015 and 2022, argues that although the most catastrophic period of the Palestinian Nakba (lit. catastrophe) reached its peak between 1947 and 1949, the Nakba was neither the beginning nor the end of the Palestinian people’s catastrophe.

    This article claims that the Nakba of the Palestinian people began exactly 105 years ago with the release of a letter from then-British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to the leader of the Rothschild Zionist movement in what became infamously known as the Balfour Declaration issued on 2/11/1917, which followed the occupation of Palestine by Britain that was involved in WWI, especially the occupation of Al-Quds by General Allenby in December 1917.

    It also argues that the Nakba includes everything that has happened since then until now, but certainly, this catastrophe reached its peak between 1947 and 1949 – which witnessed the forced expulsion of half of the Palestinian people from their homeland and the destruction of the majority of Palestine’s cultural, commercial, and social structure – and is continuing deliberately according to a plan that has not stopped until achieving liberation and independence.

    Apart from emotional slogans, the project to establish the Zionist entity was and still is based on a long-term joint program between the Zionist movement and some colonial powers, primarily Britain and the US. In addition, this article claims and warns that an attempt to implement a new chapter of the Nakba of the Palestinian people is very possible, including the expulsion of additional Palestinians from West and East Palestine because the goal is to seize Palestine as a whole and the Palestinian people are seen as an obstacle that must be eliminated to achieve this goal.

    Since the peak of the Nakba between 1947 and 1949, Palestinians, whom I defined as the survivors of the Nakba – meaning those who were able to remain in their homeland and who were intended to be loggers and waterers, as per the Israeli occupation administration, for the ruling Zionist class and its Jewish Arab servants who were brought in from the Arab countries to colonize Palestine – consisted a “security problem” not only in Al-Jaleel, the Triangle Area, and Al-Naqab, but also in the Palestinian coastal cities, such as Akka in the north and Yafa in the south.

    When late historian Dr. Constantin Zureik published the book The Meaning of the Nakba in 1948, a few months after the catastrophe and the peak of the Nakba, his description of the catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people was accurate – due to what he witnessed personally and through his professional academic tools – being coupled with a resounding catastrophic psychological trauma.

    However, examining what has happened to the Palestinian people, during the past 105 years, requires a new definition or at least an updated definition of the Nakba that has prevailed so far. What happened since 1917 onward shows the numerous and ongoing chapters of the Nakba of the Palestinian people since the Balfour Declaration till now, including the decision to partition Palestine in 1947 and the occupation of the second part of Palestine in 1967, the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987, the Oslo Accords and their offshoots between 1993 and 1994 and the second Palestinian Intifada that began in Al-Quds in 2000, as well as the killing of the first official Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in 2004, the repeated wars on the Gaza Strip, and the ongoing aggression against the occupied West Bank and Al-Quds, in addition to a set of racist laws against the Palestinian people in western Palestine, specifically the so-called “National Law” of 2018, the continuous killing of the Palestinian people in occupied East Palestine and the arrest of more than a million Palestinian since the Naksa, including women, children and elderly, the expanding settlement that hasn’t stopped and the confiscation of lands, the so-called “Deal of the Century” and Netanyahu and Trump’s annexation scheme, which I called in a previous article the “third armed robbery,” and the economic and “military” occupation siege on the Gaza Strip by air, sea and land, 

    On December 16, 2016, exactly on the 99th anniversary of the issuance of the Balfour Letter, we launched the Palestine Initiative 100 to re-engage with the beginning of this catastrophe. We were determined to renew encouragement to open the Balfour file since the beginning of the Palestinian people’s Nakba in 1917 and held a publicity evening in London, the capital of the British Empire that issued the Balfour Letter to the Zionist movement. As part of holding Britain to its historical, legal, and moral responsibilities, we demanded three types of steps: apology, compensation, and correction. We believe that canceling any of these steps would be naive, incomplete, or deceptive.

    The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

    Israeli Human Rights Violations in Occupied Palestine (Weekly Update 03 – 09 November 2022)

    10.11. 2022

    Violation of right to life and bodily integrity:

    5 Palestinians, including a child, were killed, and 14 others, including 2 children and a foreign solidarity activist, were wounded, and dozens of others suffocated in IOF attacks in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Details are as follows:

    On 03 November 2022, Dawoud Rayan was shot dead by IOF after their incursion into Beit Duqqu village, in East Jerusalem. Details available in PCHR’s press release.

    On the same day, 2 Palestinians, including a child and a member of the Palestinian Resistance, were killed, and 3 others were wounded by IOF’s fire during the latter’s incursion into Jenin refugee camp, northern West Bank. Details available in PCHR’s press release.

    On 05 November 2022, Mosa’b Nafal was killed and another was injured before his arrest after IOF directly opened fire at them near Sinjil village, east of Ramallah. Details available in PCHR’s press release.

    On 09 November 2022, Rafat ‘Ali ‘Issa (29) was killed after IOF opened fire at him. ‘Issa was shit with 2 bullets in the highs, leaving him to bleed for about 2 hours while he was trying to cross the Annexation Wall near the town of ‘Anin in Jenin where he was heading to his work in Israel, noting that IOF handed his corpse to the Palestinian ambulance and was transferred to Al-Razi Hospital in Jenin.

    Meanwhile, those injured were victims of excessive use of force that accompanied IOF incursions into cities and villages and suppression of peaceful protests organized by Palestinian civilians, and they were as follows:

    On 04 November 2022, 3 Palestinians and a foreign solidarity activist were injured with metal bullets during the IOF’s suppression of Kafr Qaddoum weekly protest in north of Qalqilya. In addition, a Palestinian was wounded with a metal bullet during clashes with IOF after the latter’s incursion into the town of ‘Azzoun, east of Qalqilya. On the same day, 2 civilian facilities and agricultural land were damage as a result of IOF warplanes that fired around 16 missiles at a resistance site, adjacent to agricultural lands in Maghazi refugee camp, central Gaza Strip.

    On 05 November 2022, a Palestinian sustained a live bullet wound, and dozens suffocated and bruised during confrontations with IOF near the Annexation Wall adjacent to al-Quds University in the town of Abu Dis in East Jerusalem, following a solidarity stand by the students inside the campus. IOF attacks caused 40 trees and greenhouses in the area to burn. On the same day, 2 Palestinians were wounded by IOF’s bullets during clashes at the northern entrance to Al-Bireh city.

    On 09 November 2022, 2 children were shot by IOF during crashes after that latter obstructed a funeral, east of Beit Umar in Hebron.

    In the Gaza Strip, 8 IOF shootings were reported on fishing boats off the Gaza shores (Western Gaza shores) mostly in northern Gaza Strip, and 10 other shootings were reported on agricultural lands in eastern Gaza Strip.

    So far in 2022, IOF attacks killed 164 Palestinians, including 110 civilians: 33 children, 8 women, 2 Palestinians killed by Israeli settler and the rest were activists; 18 of them were assassinated in IOF’s attacks in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Moreover, 5 Palestinian prisoners, including a woman, died in the Israeli jails.

    Land razing, demolitions, and notices

    IOF demolished 5 houses, most of them were under construction, and 4 agricultural facilities and rooms, and confiscated property in the West Bank. Details are as follows:

    On 03 November 2022, IOF demolished an agricultural room of bricks, tin and slate, a concrete wall and a 230-sqm water well, a bathroom of bricks and tin, and a 90-sqm tin house, and confiscated 2 iron containers, one was used as an office and the other as a store, south of Hebron, under the pretext of unlicensed construction in Area C.

    On 06 November 2022, IOF forced a citizen to self-demolish his under-construction house in ‘Anata in occupied East Jerusalem upon the Israeli municipality decision, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

    On 07 November 2022, IOF demolished using bulldozers, a bakery of 3 shops with an area of 110 square meters in Shu’fat neighborhood, in East Jerusalem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction. IOF also demolished a 200-square-meter under-construction house, and a fence nearby, in East of Jericho. On the same day, IOF demolished 2-storey 200-sqm house in the village of Qibya in Ramallah, under the pretext that it was in Area C, rendering a family of 6, including 2 women, homeless.

    On 09 November 2022, IOF dismantled an insulated tin room, notified to stop working on the concrete floor on which the room was built, and confiscated an iron container used for storing equipment, south of Hebron.

    On 09 November 2022, IOF demolished an under-construction house of about 230 square meters in Beit Hanin in East Jerusalem, under the pretext of unlicensed construction.

    Since the beginning of 2022, Israeli occupation forces made 128 families homeless, a total of 754 persons, including 148 women and 339 children. This was the outcome of IOF demolition of `44 houses and many residential tents. IOF also demolished 93 other civilian objects, leveled vacant areas of land and delivered dozens of notices of demolition, cease-construction, and evacuation.


    5 Palestinian were injured and bruised, and agricultural lands and properties were also damaged in 8 attacks carried out by settlers in the West Bank. Details as follows:

    On 03 November 2022, a Palestinian, his wife and 3 of their children were injured and bruised as a result of an attack by settlers from Asfar settlement in Hebron, while the Family were harvesting olives in Al-Majalis area.

    On 05 November 2022, settlers attacked citizens who were harvesting olives in the town of Kafr al-Deik, west of Salfit, and seized an olive-harvesting machine and a bag containing personal documents. Settlers, protected by IOF, gathered at the western entrance to Hares village in Salfit, and threw stones at the passing vehicles.

    On 06 November 2022, settlers from Adora settlement in Hebron destroyed the irrigation system of crops in ‘Ein Fara’ area, nearby the settlement. Also, settlers attacked agricultural land in Kafr Qaddoum village in Qalqilya and cut down several olive trees. On the same day, settlers stole about 19 bags of olives from agricultural land in the town of Kafr al-Deik, west of Salfit.

    On 07 November 2022, settlers cut down 116 olive trees in east of Turmusa’ya in Ramallah

    On 09 November 2022, settlers vandalized plastic water tanks used to irrigate olive grove, south of Yatta in Hebron.

    Since the beginning of the year, settlers conducted at least 232 attacks. In two of the attacks, 2 Palestinians were killed.

    IOF incursions and arrests of Palestinian civilians:

    IOF carried out 190 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem. Those incursions included raids and searches of civilian houses and facilities and establishment of checkpoints. During those incursions, 81 Palestinians were arrested, including 11 children, and 2 women. In the Gaza Strip, on 06 November 2022, IOF arrested a citizen from Rafah at Beit Hanon “Erez” crossing. On 09 November 2022, IOF penetrated a limited distance east of Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip.

    So far in 2022, IOF conducted 7713 incursions into the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, during which 4331 Palestinians were arrested, including 432 children and 45 women. IOF also conducted 34 limited incursions into eastern Gaza Strip and arrested 97 Palestinians, including 58 fishermen, 32 infiltrators, and 7 travelers via Beit Hanoun “Erez” Crossing.

    Israeli collective punishment and closure policy and restrictions on freedom of movement:

    The Israeli occupation maintains its illegal and inhuman 15-year closure on the Gaza Strip. Details available in PCHR’s monthly-update in the Gaza crossings.

    In the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, IOF continues to impose restrictions on the freedom of movement. On top of its 108 permanent checkpoints, IOF established 95 temporary military checkpoints in the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem, and arrested 4 Palestinians at those checkpoints.

    On 05 November 2022, IOF closed the entrance to the villages of Janba and Al-Markaz in Masafafer Yatta city in Hebron, with cement blocks and sand berms.

    During this week, IOF closed Qalanda and Al-Za’eem checkpoints several times and reopened them later, tightening their procedures at Jerusalem checkpoints.

    So far in 2022, IOF established 3961 temporary military checkpoints and arrested 181 Palestinians at those checkpoints

    The Lions’ Den Fighters Went Through a Legendary Battle as ‘Israeli’ Forces Stormed ‘Joseph Tomb’ – Statemen

     November 10, 2022

    By Al-Ahed News

    The Lions’ Den Palestinian resistance group affirmed that its fighters, in coordination with the Balata Battalion and the al-Farouq Group, have been involved in a legendary battle against the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces after they stormed the ‘Joseph Tomb’ region in Nablus, northern occupied West Bank.

    “The occupation forces’ raid of the Joseph Tomb costed them as much efforts and equipment as the enemy needs to invade any Arab state, including sniper units, Special Forces, Mistaarvim, and highly fortified motorized troops to transport the Zionist rightwing leaders to take a photo at the tomb and show the enemy as the strong side in front of its people,” a statement issued by the group read.

    The true goal behind the raid, however, the statement explained that is to tell the rightwing leaders themselves to stop pressuring the military leaders, and to convince the settlers not to pressure them regarding the prayers issue, citing that they have entered and left under fire.

    The statement further hailed martyr Mahdi Hashash who was martyred during Wednesday’s confrontations, assuring the Palestinian people that the Lions’ Den would only disappear when they witness the settlers entering the area safely without being showered by the bullets of the resistance.

    One Palestinian Martyred, Dozens Wounded in Nablus

    November 9, 2022

    Source: Palestiian media

    Palestinian youth Mahdi Hashash was martyred and more than 55 young men were wounded by Israeli occupation forces’ live fire during a predawn military raid in Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus city.

    Mahdi Hashash, 17, succumbed to serious wounds he sustained in his stomach after being shot by Israeli occupation forces, as per the Palestinian Red Crescent.

    The IOF, accompanied by Israeli settlers, both in large numbers, stormed Al-Quds and Amman Streets in the vicinity of Qaber Youssef east of Nablus.

    The IOF shot live ammunition at the Palestinians and heavily deployed tear gas and stun grenades, leading to the martyrdom of 17-year-old Mahdi Hashash.

    “Israel’s” execution of Palestinians is neither new nor shocking. However, Israeli forces have significantly escalated the killing and repression of Palestinians in recent days.

    Although the IOF’s shoot-to-kill policy has frequently resulted in the killing of Palestinians without justification, the new instructions made pulling the trigger easier for the soldiers, shielding them from any accountability.

    Since the beginning of 2022, the Israeli occupation has killed 100 Palestinians in the West Bank alone, according to the United Nations.

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    18-year-old Palestinian shot dead by IOF north Ramallah

    Nov 06 2022

    Source: Al Mayadeen Net + Agencies

    By Al Mayadeen English 

    Israeli occupation forces shoot dead a Palestinian youth in an execution-style murder and seriously wound another near the town of Sinjil, north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank.

    18-year-old Palestinian martyr Musab Mohammad Mahmoud Nafal

    A Palestinian youth was martyred and another was critically injured, Saturday evening, after the Israeli occupation forces opened fire on them near the town of Sinjil, north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank.

    The Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reported that the occupation forces “targeted two Palestinians with gunfire in an ambush near the village of Sinjil, north of Ramallah.”

    On its part, the Palestinian Ministry of Health stated that “the Palestinian youth, Musab Mohammad Mahmoud Nafal, 18, succumbed to the wounds he sustained after being shot at near Sinjil.”

    Dozens of Palestinians took part in the mourning procession of martyr Musab Nafal on his way from Ramallah Hospital to the Palestine Medical Complex in the city after he was pronounced dead. Slogans calling for pursuing resistance against the occupation and taking revenge for its crimes against the Palestinians echoed across the city.

    Last Thursday, the Palestinian Ministry of Health announced the martyrdom of 4 Palestinians and the wounding of several others by none other than the Israeli occupation forces, in Jenin and its camp. Among the martyrs was a leader of Al-Quds Brigades in the West Bank and a leader of Jenin Brigade Farouk Jamil Salameh.

    Dozens of Palestinians took part in the mourning procession of martyr Musab Nafal on his way from Ramallah Hospital to the Palestine Medical Complex in the city after he was pronounced dead. Slogans calling for pursuing resistance against the occupation and taking revenge for its crimes against the Palestinians echoed across the city.

    Last Thursday, the Palestinian Ministry of Health announced the martyrdom of 4 Palestinians and the wounding of several others by none other than the Israeli occupation forces, in Jenin and its camp. Among the martyrs was a leader of Al-Quds Brigades in the West Bank and a leader of Jenin Brigade Farouk Jamil Salameh.

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