Hamas-Fatah meeting in China included talks for temporary government

April 30, 2024

Source: Al Mayadeen

A staff member checks the alignment of Chinese, and Palestinian flags before the start of a joint press conference in Beijing, on April 13, 2017. (AP)

By Al Mayadeen English

Palestinian sources told Al Mayadeen that the meeting between Hamas and Fatah in China included talks about the importance of reaching a unified stance among Palestinian factions regarding the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

Palestinian sources revealed to Al Mayadeen Tuesday the outcomes of the meeting held between the two Palestinian factions, Hamas and Fatah, in the Chinese capital Beijing.

The sources confirmed that the two factions agreed on the importance of unifying the Palestinian position regarding the Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, emphasizing the importance of a ceasefire and the complete withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the Strip.

In this context, the factions further agreed on “coordinating joint national efforts to deliver urgent aid and relief to the sector and to arrange with the relevant parties in Gaza,” and forming a joint bilateral committee in Cairo for coordination and follow-up.

According to the sources, the meeting emphasized coordinating positions and efforts in the West Bank and al-Quds to confront settler attacks on villages and towns, as well as Israeli occupation assaults on the Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The outcomes of the meeting also stressed the priority of the detainees’ issue and the necessity to preserve their rights and support them during this difficult phase, where they are subjected to the worst forms of abuse and harm inside Israeli occupation prisons.

A unified Palestinian front was on the agenda

On another note, the sources reported from the meeting that Hamas and Fatah affirmed the necessity of unity and ending the division, “within the framework of the Palestine Liberation Organization by joining all Palestinian forces and factions within it and its institutions, based on previous agreements in this regard.”

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The parties also highlighted the importance of forming a non-factional national unity government during or after the genocidal war, tasked with its technical and administrative duties in relief efforts, alleviating the effects of aggression, and rebuilding Gaza.

This government will also work on unifying Palestinian institutions and preparing for general elections, “to strip Israel and America of the pretext of division.”

The sources confirmed that the meeting included an agreement to strengthen Palestinian unity with the assistance of China, which “will contribute to ending the occupation and establishing the Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and al-Quds according to international resolutions.”

The sources informed Al Mayadeen that the outcomes of the meeting constitute the agenda for the next meeting in Beijing on June 14, 2024.

On their part, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that both sides “expressed political willingness to achieve reconciliation through dialogue,” adding that they reached an agreement on ideas for future dialogue, and “they will continue the dialogue to achieve Palestinian unity as soon as possible.”

The Ministry affirmed that Hamas and Fatah expressed their great appreciation for China’s support for the Palestinian people.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry announced that Beijing hosted talks between Hamas and Fatah at its invitation to conduct “deep and frank dialogue to enhance Palestinian reconciliation.” Furthermore, the Ministry affirmed that Hamas and Fatah expressed deep appreciation for China’s support for the Palestinian people.

It also announced that Beijing hosted talks between Hamas and Fatah at its invitation to conduct a “deep and candid dialogue to enhance Palestinian reconciliation.”

Read more: Israeli proposal meagre, no decision to be reached, PIJ official says

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War on Gaza

Leader Barghouti urges a broad national conference to end division

September 11, 2023

Source: Agencies

Palestinian Resistance leader Marwan Barghouti was seen with his cuffed hands raised above his head flashing a peace sign during his trial in 2003 (AFP)

By Al Mayadeen English

Detained Palestinian Resistance Commander Marwan Barghouti sends a letter from the isolation department of the “Ofer” Prison.

Detained Palestinian Resistance Commander, Marwan Barghouti, sent a message from the collective isolation section of the “Ofer” prison, on the second anniversary of Operation Freedom Tunnel, in which he began by saluting the “six heroes of Operation Freedom Tunnel, who are detained in solitary isolation, who had marked the start of a new era of resilience, survival and Resistance.”

In his letter, Barghouti reaffirmed that “today we meet on the anniversary of the remembrance of the six heroes of Operation Freedom Tunnel who marked a new era in the history of resilience, survival, and Resistance of Palestinian people who have been enduring for more than a hundred years of struggle and resistance.”

“This heroic Operation cheered the entire world, and gained the respect and appreciation of Palestinians and free Arabs across the world,” Barghouti said reaffirming that “this heroism was a shock to the Israeli occupation, reigniting the cause of [Palestinian] prisoners and their freedom.”

Moreover, Barghouti said the operation had “reaffirmed the will of prisoners, who have not been broken by the long years of pain and suffering, to attain freedom.”

Barghouti also noted, “that this anniversary [of the operation] coincides with the escalation of the fascist occupation government through its policy of marginalizing and isolating the Palestinian cause in preparation for its liquidation.”

The occupation government explained the leader, has sought to achieve its goal “by flooding the [West] Bank and Al-Quds with hundreds of thousands of settlers and perpetuating the policy of creeping annexation.”

In response to such actions, Barghouti stressed the importance of “addressing current challenges, the most important of which is [Israeli] settlement,” which according to the imprisoned leader “requires the rearranging the Palestinian house through a national conference for inclusive dialogue, setting a timetable for holding presidential and legislative elections, rebuilding and developing the Palestine Liberation Organization, and integrating the Hamas and [Palestinian] jihad movements into it, so that the Organization can truly reflect the unity of Palestinian representation.”

Exclusive: Prisoner Mahmoud Aridah warns of another Nakba

The parties to the disputes in Occupied Palestine must stay on heightened alert and be wary of the Israeli enemy’s schemes, Operation Freedom Tunnel hero, prisoner Mahmoud al-Arida said in a letter he sent to Al Mayadeen that was released last Wednesday.

The Palestinian prisoner said he “saluted our great people and our valiant resistance in Palestine, its victorious brigades, and the Axis of Resistance from Tehran to Baghdad, passing through the Levant (al-Sham) and the great city of Beirut.”

The letter was written on the occasion of the second anniversary of Operation Freedom Tunnel, which saw six Palestinian prisoners liberating themselves from behind Israeli bars.

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Al-Arida held the Palestinian factions responsible before history to avert another Nakba afflicting the Palestinian people.

“The Israeli occupation continues its settlement project and the Judaization of Al-Quds in order to build its alleged temple,” the Palestinian prisoner added in his letter.

“The Israeli enemy believes that the Palestinian status quo, coupled with the absence of an Arab and Islamic role, allows it to achieve its goals, primarily through killing, demolishing, land confiscation, and violations against the captive movement through constant pressure,” he wrote.

Read more: Exclusive: Mohammed al-Arida’s letter on Freedom Tunnel anniversary

The mastermind behind Operation Freedom Tunnel told the people of the Palestinian territories occupied in 1948 to be wary of the Israeli project that represents an existential threat to them, stressing that the occupation has the goal of forcefully and voluntarily displacing them, confiscating Palestinian territories, and putting restrictions on residential compounds so as to prevent them from expanding.

“The daily killings, which are seeing an uptick, are resulting in a victim in every home, and thus, the civil war becomes a matter of time, and it will only end after thousands of deaths, deportations, and displacement,” al-Arida underlined.

“In recent years, we have begun to witness internal migration to the refugee camps and cities of the West Bank. It is slow, but it will accelerate soon,” he explained.

“I tell the Palestinian youth: Wake up… stop the infighting. Reclaim your identity and memory. Turn to the churches and mosques. Break the barrier of fear of religiosity,” the Palestinian prisoner said.

Concluding his letter, the Operation Freedom Tunnel hero said: “Our message to our resistance in Gaza and Iraq (the descendants of Hussein): Our lives have dwindled away in prisons, but the enemy finds solace in us, gloating over our suffering, believing it has achieved its goals in the prisons.”

“We look to you to put an end to this humanitarian tragedy that has gone on far too long,” al-Arida added.

On the morning of September 6, 2021, six Palestinian prisoners broke out of the high-security Israeli Gilboa prison through a tunnel they dug, which led them outside the prison walls before they were arrested.

The Freedom Tunnel prisoners are Mahmoud al-Arida, Zakaria al-Zubaidi, Yaqoub Qadri, Mohammed al-Arida, Ayham Kamamji, and Munadel Nafi’at.

Mahmoud al-Arida and Yaqoub Qadri were re-arrested four days later, on September 10, 2021 in Al-Nasra. Zakaria al-Zubaidi and Mohammed al-Arida were re-arrested the next day, and Ayham Kamamji and Mundadel Nafi’at on Sunday the 19th, after the house they had barricaded themselves in, east of Jenin, was surrounded.

Read more: Prisoners will be at the forefront of upcoming battle says Resistance

‘Resistance and Unity’: DFLP Supporters Rally in Gaza (PHOTOS)

February 21, 2023

DFLP supporters take part in a rally to mark the 54th anniversary of the group’s founding. (Photo: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

By Palestine Chronicle Staff

Palestinian supporters of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine took part in a march marking the 54th anniversary of the group’s founding in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip.

DFLP is one of the main socialist movements in Palestine. Its origins go back to 1968, when it was split from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the other main socialist movement in Palestine. The DFLP was founded by Nayef Hawatmeh. 

Though the DFLP continues to have a political and military presence on the ground, it has become more marginal in terms of political influence and armed resistance in the West Bank and Gaza. 

In Gaza, however, the DFLP has recovered some of its resistance credentials following the Israeli siege and repeated wars on the besieged Strip. 

In the Gaza rally, hundreds of supporters and scores of fighters chanted pro-DFLP slogans, while carrying banners, with the main banner reading “Resistance, Unity and Investing in the Steadfastness or Our People Will Lead to Victory”.

(All Photos: Mahmoud Ajjour, The Palestine Chronicle)

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Ilan Pappe on the Socio-Political Formations behind Israel’s Neo-Zionist Government

January 6, 2023

A cabinet meeting of the new Israeli government. (Photo: Prime Minister of Israel’s TW Page)

– Ilan Pappé is a professor at the University of Exeter. He was formerly a senior lecturer in political science at the University of Haifa. He is the author of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, The Modern Middle East, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, and Ten Myths about Israel. Pappé is described as one of Israel’s ‘New Historians’ who, since the release of pertinent British and Israeli government documents in the early 1980s, have been rewriting the history of Israel’s creation in 1948. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

By Ilan Pappe

Two months after the election of the new government of Israel, the blurred picture is becoming more transparent, and it seems one can offer some more informed insights about its composition, personalities, and possible future policies and reaction to them.

It would not be an exaggeration to define Benjamin Netanyahu as the least extreme member of this government, which tells you about the personalities and policies of all the others.  

There are three major groups in the government, and I am not referring here to various political parties, but rather to socio-political formations.

Zionization of Ultra-Orthodox Jews

In the first group are the ultra-orthodox Jews, both the European and Arab Jews orthodoxies. What characterizes them is the process of Zionization they underwent since 1948. 

From a marginal role in politics, only for the sake of their communities, they belong now to the captains of this new state. From being moderate and adhering to sacred Jewish precepts that do not allow Jewish sovereignty in the Holy Land, they now emulate the Israeli secular right: supporting colonization in the West Bank, the siege on the Gaza Strip, employing racist discourse towards the Palestinians where they are, advocating harsh and aggressive policies and, at the same time, trying to take over the public space and Judaize it, according to their own strict version of Judaism.

The only exception is Neturei Karata, loyal to their long-term anti-Zionism and solidarity with the Palestinians.

National Religious Jews

In the second group are the national religious Jews, mostly living in colonies, on expropriated Palestinian land in the West Bank, and recently creating “learning centers” of settlers in the midst of mixed Arab-Jews towns in Israel.

They support both the criminal policies of the Israeli army and the actions by settler vigilantes that harass Palestinians, uprooting their orchards, shooting at them, and disputing their way of life. 

Their aim is to give both the army and these vigilantes a freer hand in oppressing the occupied West Bank, with the hope of pressuring more Palestinians to leave. This group is also the backbone of the Israeli secret service command and dominates the cadre of senior officers in the army. 

The two groups mentioned so far share the wish to impose stricter apartheid inside Israel against the 48 Arabs and, at the same time, begin a crusade against the LGBT community while demanding a more strict marginalization of women in the public space.

They also share a messianic vision and they believe they are now in a position to implement it. At the center of this vision is the Judaization of sacred sites that are now “still” Islamic or Christian. The most coveted site is Haram al-Sharif. 

The first precursor was the provocative visit by the Minister of National Security Itamar Ben Gvir to the Haram. The next step will come on Passover, with an attempt to fully invade the Haram with Jewish prayers and ministers. Similar actions will be taken in Nablus, Hebron, and Bethlehem. How far they will go is difficult to predict. 

Marginalization of Likud’s Secular Jews

The second group also has representatives in the major party of the government, the Likud. But most of the Likud members are part of a third socio-political group: the secular Jews who are also adhering to traditional Jewish practices. 

They try to distinguish themselves by claiming that economic and political liberalism is still an important pillar in the Likud’s political platform. Netanyahu used to be one of them but now seems to desert them when it comes to dividing the spoils, namely marginalizing them in the government. He needs the others more than his own party, to avoid trial and remain in power.

The Zionist Project

The prominent members of all these groups arrived with pre-prepared legislation initiatives and policies: all of them, without any exception, are meant to allow an extreme right-wing government to dispense of whatever has remained of the charade called the Israeli democracy.

The first initiative already began, sterilizing the judicial system in such a way that it could not, if it ever wished to, defend the rights of minorities in general or that of the Palestinians more specifically.

To be honest, all the previous Israeli governments were informed by this overall disregard for the civil and human rights of Palestinians. This is just a phase of making it more constitutional, more mainstream, and more apparent, without any attempt to hide the aim behind it: to have as much historical Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians in it as possible.

However, if this materializes in the future, it will take Israel further into its neo-Zionist destiny; namely, the truthful fulfillment and maturation of the Zionist project: a ruthless settler colonial project, built on apartheid, ethnic cleansing, occupation, colonization and genocidal policies. 

A project that, so far, escaped any significant rebuke from the Western world and one which is tolerated by the rest of the world, even if it is censured and rejected by many in the global civil society. So far, it is only due to Palestinian resistance and resilience that it failed to be triumphant.

End of ‘Fantasy Israel’

This new reality brings to the fore a series of questions, that one has to ask, even if at the moment we cannot answer them. 

Will the Arab and Muslim governments, which only recently joined the immunization of this travesty, realize that it is not too late to change course?

Will new governments of the Left, such as the one elected in Brazil, be able to lead the way for a change of attitude from above that would reflect democratically the one that is demanded from below?

And will Jewish communities be shocked enough to wake up from the “fantasy Israel” dream and realize the danger of present-day Israel, not only to Palestinians but to Jews and Judaism as well?

These are questions that are not easy to answer. What we can stress is, once more, a call for Palestinian unity so as to enhance the struggle against this government and the ideology it represents.  Such unity would become a compass for a powerful global front that is already there, thanks to the BDS movement, and is willing to continue its work of solidarity and enhance it further and wider: galvanizing governments, as well as societies, and bringing back Palestine to the center of global attention.

The three components of the new Israeli government did not always coexist easily; so there is also a possibility of an earlier political collapse since all in all we are talking about a group of incompetent politicians when it comes to running such an intricate economy as the Israeli one. Probably, they will not be able to arrest the high inflation, rise in prices, and swelling unemployment. 

However, even if this is going to happen, there isn’t an alternative fourth socio-political group that can lead Israel. So, a new government would be formed by another combination of the same forces, with the same intent and policies. 

We should treat this as a structural challenge, not a one-off, and prepare for a long struggle, based on even more enhanced international solidarity and tighter Palestinian unity. 

This rogue government, and what it represents, will not be there forever; we should do all we can to shorten the wait for its replacement with a much better alternative not only for the Palestinians but also for the Jews, and everyone else that resides in historical Palestine. 

The Lions’ Den: The West Bank Pulse, Promise of Liberating Palestine

October 25, 2022

By Mohammad Youssef

Palestine is at a crossroads. The recent Palestinian intifada in the occupied West Bank, coupled with the daring operations against the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces, by new groups, and more particularly by the new group called ‘The Lions’ Den’, which takes Nablus as a headquarter for its activities, gives a very important indicator about the future of the resistance and the future of Palestine as well.

After long years of subjugation and occupation, and as the ‘Israeli’ occupation has exhausted every possible method to end the Palestinian resistance especially on the West Bank, here comes a new Palestinian generation that ushers in a new era of struggle, thus bringing to end all the ‘Israeli’ hopes to control or to continue to have the upper hand in the course of the ongoing battle.

Martyr Uday Tamimi has become more of an Arab icon than a Palestinian one, his operation has ignited the soul of bravery and struggle against the ‘Israeli’ occupation all over the Arab world, especially among the youngsters.

Meanwhile, the assassination of Tamer Kilani in Nablus clearly reveals how much the ‘Israelis’ fear the recent mounting wave of resistance operations.

For years, the Tel Aviv regime has done everything possible to silence every and any kind of resistance in the West Bank; nonetheless, all its attempts, plots and measures were in vain.

The new Palestinian generation succeeded in creating new ways and innovating new methods of struggle.

The battle of awareness has been won by the Palestinians and all the ‘Israeli’ efforts to kill the Palestinian cause have failed.

The Palestinian Authority has scandalously failed to meet the basic needs of the West Bank population. This weak performance of the authority, along with the complete and continuous coordination with the ‘Israeli’ occupation, brought the whole situation into a dead-end. The new Palestinian generation has come to a full conviction that they have to handle their issues by themselves especially when it comes to security issues and self-defense.

The liberation of Palestine as a pledge, a promise, and a dream is now in a different place. New groups like ‘The Lions’ Den’ has made a major shift in the course of struggle in the West Bank.

The unification of fronts and the coordination of resistance groups will bring the Palestinian cause and the liberation further into a new stage.

This new stage will necessarily advance the resistance into a new progressive course that will bring Palestine into liberation.

Surely, ‘Israel’ is in dwindling retrogressive course while the resistance is in ascending order. This is going to bring new equation into the field, an equation of freedom, liberation and victory.

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Hamas, Islamic Jihad Urge Unity Against ‘Israel’

October 23, 2022

By Staff, Agencies

Leaders of Hamas and Islamic Jihad resistance movements highlighted the need to boost unity and escalate military confrontation with the ‘Israeli’ occupation regime amid a new wave of ‘Israeli’ aggression against Palestinians.

A meeting was held on Friday in the Lebanese capital of Beirut between a Hamas delegation led by Fathi Hammad, a member of the group’s political bureau, and an Islamic Jihad delegation led by Secretary General Ziad al-Nakhala.

The sides affirmed that the liberation of Palestinian lands at this stage requires efforts to unify the resistance forces, escalate the confrontation with the occupying forces, and force the regime to retreat from all Palestinian soil, Palestine Today reported.

They also stressed that al-Quds is the “eternal capital” of Palestine and will remain a symbol of unity for the Palestinian people. 

The meeting comes a few days after a historic visit between Hamas officials and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in Damascus.

A high-ranking Palestinian delegation met with Assad on Wednesday, in the first such visit in more than a decade as the two sides seek to revitalize their ties.

Deputy chief of the Hamas political bureau in the besieged Gaza Strip, Khalil al-Hayya, who headed the delegation, said the spirit of resistance was resurrected within the Arab world following their historic visit to Damascus.

“The relations with Syria will give strength to the Axis of Resistance and to all the believers in the resistance,” al-Hayya said.

The efforts to boost resistance come as the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces have recently been conducting overnight raids and killings in the northern occupied West Bank, mainly in the cities of Jenin and Nablus, where new groups of Palestinian resistance fighters have been formed.

Meanwhile, emboldened by the military forces, Zionists occupying the illegal settlements have also been involved in attacks against Palestinian people and neighborhoods.

On Thursday night, the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces shot dead 19-year-old Salah Braiki during a raid on the Jenin refugee camp north of the occupied West Bank.

Meanwhile, WAFA News Agency reported that a 15-year-old Palestinian teenager was in critical condition after the Zionist forces fired bullets at his abdomen in Qalqilia, West Bank, on Friday.

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 October 22, 2022

By Staff, Agencies

Leaders of Hamas and Islamic Jihad resistance movements highlighted the need to boost unity and escalate military confrontation with the ‘Israeli’ occupation regime amid a new wave of ‘Israeli’ aggression against Palestinians.

A meeting was held on Friday in the Lebanese capital of Beirut between a Hamas delegation led by Fathi Hammad, a member of the group’s political bureau, and an Islamic Jihad delegation led by Secretary General Ziad al-Nakhala.

The sides affirmed that the liberation of Palestinian lands at this stage requires efforts to unify the resistance forces, escalate the confrontation with the occupying forces, and force the regime to retreat from all Palestinian soil, Palestine Today reported.

They also stressed that al-Quds is the “eternal capital” of Palestine and will remain a symbol of unity for the Palestinian people. 

The meeting comes a few days after a historic visit between Hamas officials and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in Damascus.

A high-ranking Palestinian delegation met with Assad on Wednesday, in the first such visit in more than a decade as the two sides seek to revitalize their ties.

Deputy chief of the Hamas political bureau in the besieged Gaza Strip, Khalil al-Hayya, who headed the delegation, said the spirit of resistance was resurrected within the Arab world following their historic visit to Damascus.

“The relations with Syria will give strength to the Axis of Resistance and to all the believers in the resistance,” al-Hayya said.

The efforts to boost resistance come as the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces have recently been conducting overnight raids and killings in the northern occupied West Bank, mainly in the cities of Jenin and Nablus, where new groups of Palestinian resistance fighters have been formed.

Meanwhile, emboldened by the military forces, Zionists occupying the illegal settlements have also been involved in attacks against Palestinian people and neighborhoods.

On Thursday night, the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces shot dead 19-year-old Salah Braiki during a raid on the Jenin refugee camp north of the occupied West Bank.

Meanwhile, WAFA News Agency reported that a 15-year-old Palestinian teenager was in critical condition after the Zionist forces fired bullets at his abdomen in Qalqilia, West Bank, on Friday.

Hamas Says to Bolster Ties with Syria

 October 22, 2022

Hamas said on Saturday that the Palestinian resistance group will go ahead with developing ties with Syria.

“Bolstering relation with Syria come as part of consolidating our capabilities as a nation in a bid to confront the escalating Israeli aggression,” Hamas Spokesman Hazem Qassem said in remarks quoted by Palestinian media.

Qassem, meanwhile, denounced the Israeli attack which targeted Syrian capital, Damascus, on Friday.

“The Israeli strikes on Syria come as extension to killing and terror campaign against Palestinian people,” Qassem said.

“The escalation of the Israeli aggression in the region aimed at pressing vital powers in our nation in order to prevent them from supporting the Palestinian cause, the spokesman added.

A delegation comprising a number of Palestinian leaders and representatives of the resistance movements including Hamas visited Damascus on Wednesday.

Source: Agencies

Syria: Palestinian unity, basis of power against occupation

19 Oct 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

By Al Mayadeen English 

The Syrian presidency issued a statement following the meeting between President Bashar Al-Assad and the Palestinian factions today.

Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad hosting Palestinian delegation

The Syrian presidency announced that President Bashar Al-Assad received a delegation of leaders and representatives of the Palestinian forces and factions, and they discussed the outcomes of the reconciliation dialogues.

“Al-Assad considers the unity of the Palestinian ranks as the basis of the Palestinians’ strength in confronting the [Israeli] occupation and restoring rights, and that all attempts to eliminate the Palestinian cause in the Arab region and Palestine have not and will not succeed,” the Syrian presidency stated. 
 
“What is happening now in all the Palestinian territories proves that the new generations are still clinging to the resistance,” and that “despite the war that Syria is witnessing, the country has not changed its stances supporting the resistance in any way,” Al-Assad stressed during his meeting with the Palestinian delegation.

“The Palestinian delegation members assured President Al-Assad that Syria is an essential pillar, the bonding element of the resistance, the resistance’s popular base throughout history, and it is the fortress that is resorted to in times of distress.”

Palestinian factions from Syria: Resistance only way to restore rights

The Palestinian forces and factions affirmed on Wednesday after meeting with Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad in Damascus that resistance is the only way to restore rights.

In a statement following the meeting, the factions affirmed that Al-Assad stressed that the unity of the Palestinian ranks is the guarantee for restoring the rights of the Palestinian people.

The statement said the Syrian President reiterated Syria’s support for the Palestinian people in the face of Israeli aggression and stressed that resistance is the only way to liberate the land.

Hamas: Turning the page of the past moving forward in strengthening relations with Syria

On his part, the deputy leader of the Hamas movement in Gaza, Khalil Al-Hayya, said the meeting with Al-Assad was warm, adding that the Syrian President expressed his determination to provide all support from Syria to the Palestinian people and their Resistance.

Al-Hayya indicated that Hamas is restoring its relationship with Syria with the unanimity of the movement’s leadership and the conviction of the correctness of this path.

The top Hamas official added that “we are ending any individual action that was not approved by the Hamas leadership, and we agreed with President Al-Assad to turn the page.”

It is noteworthy that the recent visit comes after non-public negotiations between Hamas and the Syrian leadership, mediated by Lebanese Hezbollah, which discussed the disagreements that led the movement to leave Damascus in 2012.

On September 15, Hamas announced in a statement that it would restore its relations with Syria, which “has been supporting the Palestinian people and the Palestinian resistance factions for decades.”

Read more: Hamas stands with Syria in the face of Israeli aggression

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لقاء منفرد مع الأسد… ومشروع مكتب تمثيلي: «حماس» في ضيافة دمشق خلال أيام

السبت 15 تشرين الأول 2022

ثمّة ترتيبات لعقْد لقاء ثُنائي منفرد، بعيداً عن الإعلام، بين ممثّلي «حماس» والأسد (أرشيف ــ أ ف ب)

رجب المدهون  

غزة | بعد وقت قصير من إعلان حركة «حماس» قرارها العودة إلى سوريا، يصل وفد من الحركة، خلال الأيام المقبلة، إلى العاصمة دمشق، ضمن مجموعة وفود فصائلية فلسطينية ستلتقي الرئيس السوري، بشار الأسد، في ما سيمثّل خطوة أولى على طريق إنهاء خلاف عميق بين الجانبَين، أشعله موقف الحركة من الأزمة السورية. وبحسب ما علمته «الأخبار» من مصادر «حمساوية»، فقد تمّ إبلاغ الحركة بنيّة الأسد استقبال الفصائل الفلسطينية، وأن «حماس» مَدعوَّة إلى هذا اللقاء، وهو ما ردّت عليه الأخيرة بالإيجاب، مؤكدة أن مسؤول ملفّ العلاقات العربية والإسلامية لديها، خليل الحية، ووفداً قيادياً منها، سيكونان ضمن الجمْع المتوجّه إلى دمشق. ولم يحدَّد بعد موعد الاجتماع السوري – الفصائلي، علماً أن الفصائل طلبت تأخيره إلى حين انتهاء لقاءات المصالحة في العاصمة الجزائرية، فيما كشفت مصادر مطّلعة، لـ«الأخبار»، أن ثمّة ترتيبات لعقْد لقاء ثُنائي منفرد، بعيداً عن الإعلام، بين ممثّلي «حماس» والأسد على هامش الاجتماع الموسّع. وأوضحت المصادر أن اللقاء المُشار إليه سيناقش الإشكاليات التي اعترت العلاقة سابقاً، وطُرق تسويتها، وكيفية «قطْع الطريق على المتربّصين» بمسار إنهاء القطيعة بين الطرفَين، كما سيتناول التحدّيات المقبلة التي تُواجه سوريا والقضية الفلسطينية، وإمكانية إقامة مكتب تمثيل للحركة في العاصمة السورية خلال الفترة المقبلة، على رغم أن خطوة كتلك تعترضها عقبات عديدة، بعضها سوري داخلي، وبعضها الآخر مرتبط بـ«حماس» نفسها، التي يرأسها في الخارج خالد مشعل، والأخير لا يزال على موقف معادٍ للقيادة السورية، فيما الأخيرة تُحافظ، بدورها، على نظرة شديدة السلبية إليه. وعلى رغم ما تَقدّم، من المتوقّع أن تَدْفع هذه الزيارة قُدُماً بخطوات «إعادة المياه إلى مجاريها»، وسط دعم من أطراف محور المقاومة لذلك المسار بشكل كامل، ورعاية إيرانية لصيقة، وإشراف مباشر من الأمين العام لـ«حزب الله»، السيد حسن نصر الله.

تم إبلاغ الحركة بنية الأسد استقبال الفصائل، وأن «حماس» مَدعوة إلى هذا اللقاء

على خطّ موازٍ، وقّعت الفصائل الفلسطينية، في العاصمة الجزائر، اتّفاق مصالحة يقضي بإجراء انتخابات تشريعية ورئاسية في غضون عام، لكن من دون تحديد الآليات التي يُفترض من خلالها تجاوُز العقبات السابقة التي حالت دون انعقادها، وعلى رأسها تلك التي فرضها الاحتلال في مدينة القدس. وفي هذا الإطار، أكدت مصادر «حمساوية»، لـ«الأخبار»، أن الحركة وافقت على الورقة الجزائرية ووقّعت عليها، على رغم كونها «فضفاضة على نحوٍ يتيح لأطرافها التملّص منها مستقبلاً»، متهمّةً حركة «فتح» بأنها هي التي دفعت في اتّجاه إخراج الورقة بهذه الصورة. وبيّنت المصادر أن الفصائل طالبت بأن تُجرى الانتخابات خلال 6 أشهر، إلّا أن «فتح» أصرّت على أن يكون ذلك بعد عام من التوقيع، من دون تحديد جدول زمني للخطوات اللازمة، ومن دون تقديم رؤية أيضاً لكيفية إتمام الاستحقاق في القدس. وبذا، لم تختلف المبادرة الجزائرية عن المبادرات العربية السابقة التي طُرحت على مدار 16 عاماً من الانقسام؛ إذ دائماً ما غاب عنها جدول زمني للتنفيذ، إضافة إلى خلوّها من أيّ ضمانات.

ودعت الوثيقة الجزائرية إلى «اعتماد لغة الحوار والتشاور لحلّ الخلافات على الساحة الفلسطينية»، تمهيداً لـ«انضمام الكلّ الوطني إلى منظّمة التحرير الفلسطينية». كما دعت إلى «تفعيل آلية الأمناء العامين للفصائل الفلسطينية لمتابعة إنهاء الانقسام وتحقيق الوحدة الوطنية والشراكة السياسية الوطنية». ونصّت، أيضاً، على «تكريس مبدأ الشراكة السياسية بين مختلف القوى الوطنية، بما في ذلك عن طريق الانتخابات، وبما يسمح بمشاركة واسعة في الاستحقاقات الوطنية القادمة في الوطن والشتات، وانتخاب المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني في الداخل والخارج حيث ما أمكن، بنظام التمثيل النسبي الكامل وفق الصيغة المتَّفق عليها والقوانين المعتمَدة، بمشاركة جميع القوى، خلال مدّة أقصاها عام واحد من تاريخ توقيع الإعلان»، فيما أبدت الجزائر استعدادها لاحتضان انعقاد المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني الجديد. كذلك، طالبت الوثيقة بـ«الإسراع في إجراء انتخابات عامّة رئاسية وتشريعية في قطاع غزة والضفة الغربية، بما فيها القدس عاصمة الدولة الفلسطينية، وفق القوانين المعتمَدة في مدّة أقصاها عام»، مُشدّدة على «ضرورة تطوير دور منظّمة التحرير وتفعيل مؤسّساتها بمشاركة جميع الفصائل»، فضلاً عن «توحيد المؤسّسات الوطنية وتجنيد الطاقات والموارد المتاحة الضرورية لتنفيذ مشاريع إعادة الإعمار ودعم البنية التحتية والاجتماعية للشعب الفلسطيني، بما يدعم صموده في مواجهة الاحتلال»، مُعلِنةً، أخيراً، «تولّي فريق عمل جزائري عربي الإشراف والمتابعة لتنفيذ بنود هذا الاتفاق، بالتعاون مع الجانب الفلسطيني».

من ملف : اسرائيل: كوابيس سيف القدس

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Palestinian factions sign ‘Algeria declaration’ to end division

October 13 2022

(Photo Credit: Anadolu Agency)

The Algerian initiative was put forward as a result of the continuous aggression of Israeli forces against the Palestinians

ByNews Desk

The Palestinian factions signed the “Algerian Paper for Palestinian Reconciliation” on 13 October to strengthen the relationship among several Palestinian national parties in order to resist the confronting forces of the Israeli army.

The Algerian initiative was put forward as a result of the continuous aggression of Israeli forces against the Palestinians, specifically near Islamic and Christian sanctuaries in Jerusalem within the al-Aqsa area.

The document encourages unifying the Palestinian factions in light of these constant attacks and supports efforts aimed at restoring the rights of Palestinian nationals.

Throughout the year, far-right Jewish settlers stormed religious sites in the occupied West Bank, where a day prior, settlers began burning copies of the Quran in an attempt to provoke locals.

Israeli forces protected the settlers as they desecrated holy sites and several copies of the Quran, and prevented Palestinians from entering the squares surrounding the Ibrahimi Mosque.

On 11 October, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune hosted a meeting between delegates from the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Palestinian resistance movement Hamas to facilitate reconciliation talks between the factions.

Hostilities between the parties have been apparent since 2007, following Hamas’s consolidation of power in the Gaza Strip. Previous negotiations have repeatedly failed due to their differences to find a solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict.

The meeting between the parties lasts two days and will be led by members of Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ).

Despite peace talks between the factions, Fatah has been reluctant and has mostly rejected the Algerian Paper for Palestinian Reconciliation, whilst Hamas has been more accepting of the request.

Back in early September, Algeria officially invited Palestine to participate in the upcoming Arab summit that will take place on 1 November in Algiers.

The invitation was extended to the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, however, critics suspect Abbas is using the votes of Jerusalem residents to cling to power, given the growing discontent with his rule and the PA in general, due to their collaboration with the Israeli occupation.

Earlier in the year, an Israeli official revealed that PA forces carried out raids in the West Bank city of Jenin at the direct request of the Israeli military.

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CHOMSKY ON ISRAELI APARTHEID, CELEBRITY ACTIVISTS, BDS AND THE ONE-STATE SOLUTION

Chomsky believes that calling Israeli policies towards Palestinians “apartheid” is actually a “gift to Israel”, at least, if by apartheid one refers to the South-African style apartheid.

JULY 5TH, 2022

RAMZY BAROUD

This is, according to the Italian socialist Antonio Gramsci, the ‘interregnum’- the rare and seismic moment in history when great transitions occur, when empires collapse and others rise, and when new conflicts and struggles ensue.

The Gramscian ‘interregnum, however, is not a smooth transition, for these profound changes often embody a ‘crisis,’ which “consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born”.

“In this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear,” the anti-fascist intellectual wrote in his famous “Prison Notebooks”.

Even before the Russia-Ukraine war and the subsequent deepening of the Russia-NATO crisis, the world was clearly experiencing an interregnum of sorts – the Iraq war, the Afghanistan war, the global recession, the rising inequality, the destabilization of the Middle East, the ‘Arab Spring’, the refugee crisis, the new ‘scramble for Africa’, the US attempt at weakening China, the US’ own political instability, the war on democracy and decline of the American empire ..

Recent events, however, have finally given these earth-shattering changes greater clarity, with Russia making its move against NATO expansion, and with China and other rising economies – BRICS nations – refusing to toe the American line.

To reflect on all of these changes, and more, we spoke with the world’s ‘most cited’ and respected intellectual, MIT Professor Noam Chomsky.

The main objective of our interview was to examine the challenges and opportunities facing the Palestinian struggle during this ongoing ‘interregnum’. Chomsky shared with us his views about the war in Ukraine and its actual root causes.

The interview, however, largely focused on Palestine, Chomsky’s views of the language, the tactics and solutions affiliated with the Palestinian struggle and the Palestinian discourse. Below are some of Chomsky’s thoughts on these issues, taken from a longer conversation that can be viewed here.

CHOMSKY ON ISRAELI APARTHEID

Chomsky believes that calling Israeli policies towards Palestinians “apartheid” is actually a “gift to Israel”, at least, if by apartheid one refers to the South-African style apartheid.

“I have held for a long time that the Occupied Territories are much worse than South Africa. South Africa needed its black population, it relied on them,” Chomsky said, adding: “The black population was 85% of the population. It was the workforce; the country couldn’t function without that population and, as a result, they tried to make their situation more or less tolerable to the international community. (…) They were hoping for international recognition, which they didn’t get.”

So, if the Bantustans were, in Chomsky’s opinion, “more or less livable,” the same “is not true for the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories. Israel just wants to get rid of the people, doesn’t want them. And its policies for the last 50 years, with not much variation, have been just somehow making life unlivable, so you will go somewhere else.”

These repressive policies apply in the entirety of the Palestinian territory: “In Gaza, (they) just destroy them,” Chomsky said. “There’s over two million people now living in hideous conditions, barely survivable. International law organizations say that they are not likely to even be able to survive in a couple of years. (…) In the Occupied Territories, in the West Bank, atrocities (take place) every day.”

Chomsky also thinks that Israel, unlike South Africa, is not seeking the international community’s approval. “The brazenness of Israeli actions is pretty striking. They do what they want, knowing the United States will support them. Well, this is much worse than what happened in South Africa; it’s not an effort to somehow accommodate the Palestinian population as a suppressed workforce, it’s just to get rid of them.”

CHOMSKY ON THE NEW PALESTINIAN UNITY

The events of May 2021 and the popular unity among Palestinians are “a very positive change”, in Chomsky’s opinion. “For one thing, what has severely impeded the Palestinian struggle is the conflict between Hamas and the PLO. If it’s not resolved, it’s a great gift to Israel.”

Palestinians also managed to overcome the territorial fragmentation, according to Chomsky: “Also, the split between the legal boundaries” separating Israel from “the expanded area of greater Palestine” was always a hindrance to Palestinian unity. That is now being overcome, as the Palestinian struggle “is turning into the same struggle. Palestinians are all in it together.”

“B’tselem and Human Rights Watch’s description of the whole region as a region of apartheid – though I don’t entirely agree with it for the reasons I mentioned, because I think it’s not harsh enough – nevertheless, it is a step towards recognizing that there is something crucially in common between all this area.”

“So, I think this is a positive step. It is wise and promising for Palestinians to recognize ‘we’re all in it together’, and that includes the diaspora communities. Yes, it’s a common struggle,” Chomsky concluded.

CHOMSKY ON ONE STATE, TWO STATES

Though support for a one state has grown exponentially in recent years, to the extent that a recent public opinion poll conducted by the Jerusalem Media and Communication Center (JMCC), concluded that a majority of Palestinians in the West Bank now supports the one-state solution, Chomsky warns against discussions that don’t prioritize the more urgent conversation of Tel Aviv’s colonial quest for a “greater Israel.”

“We should not be deluded into thinking that events are developing towards a one-state outcome or towards a confederation, as it’s now being discussed by some of the Israeli left. It’s not moving in that direction, that’s not even an option for now. Israel will never accept it as long as it has the option of greater Israel. And, furthermore, there is no support for it in the international community, none. Not even the African states.”

“The two-states, well, we can talk about it but you have to recognize that we have to struggle against the ongoing live option of a greater Israel.” Indeed, according to Chomsky, “much of the discussion of this topic seems to me misplaced.”

“It is mostly a debate between two states and one state that eliminates the most important option, the live option, the one that’s being pursued, namely greater Israel. Establishing a greater Israel, where Israel takes over whatever it wants in the West Bank, crushes Gaza, and annexes – illegally – the Syrian Golan Heights .., just takes what it wants, avoids the Palestinian population concentrations, so, it doesn’t incorporate them. They don’t want the Palestinians because of what is called the democratic Jewish state, the pretense of a democratic Jewish state in which the state is the sovereign state of the Jewish people. So, my state, but not the state of some Palestinian villager.”

Chomsky continues, “To maintain that pretense, you have to keep a large Jewish majority, then you can somehow pretend it’s not repressive. But so the policy is a greater Israel, in which you won’t have any demographic problem. The main concentrations of Palestinians are excluded in other areas, they are basically being expelled.”

CHOMSKY ON BDS, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY

We also asked Chomsky about the growing solidarity with Palestinians on the international stage, on social media, and the support for the Palestinian struggle among many public personalities and celebrities.

“I don’t think mainstream celebrities mean that much. What matters is what is happening among the general population in the United States. In Israel, unfortunately, the population is moving to the right. It is one of the few countries I know, maybe the only one, where younger people are more reactionary than older ones.”

“The United States is going in the opposite direction,” Chomsky continued, as “young people are more critical of Israel, more and more supportive of Palestinian rights.”

Regarding the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement (BDS), Chomsky acknowledged the significant role played by the global grassroots movement, though he noted that BDS “has a mixed record”. The movement should become “more flexible (and) more thoughtful about the effects of actions”, Chomsky noted.

“The groundwork is there,” Chomsky concluded. “It is necessary to think carefully about how to carry it forward.”

Feature photo | Graphic by MintPress News

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is “Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Romana Rubeo is an Italian writer and the managing editor of The Palestine Chronicle. Her articles appeared in many online newspapers and academic journals. She holds a Master’s Degree in Foreign Languages and Literature and specializes in audio-visual and journalism translation.

Stories published in our Daily Digests section are chosen based on the interest of our readers. They are republished from a number of sources, and are not produced by MintPress News. The views expressed in these articles are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.

Beyond Seif Al-Quds: “Israel’s” Upcoming War

MAY 10, 2022

Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°

Karim Sharara

If a wider war breaks out, “Israel’s” strategy will be an offensive one that will feature the use of ground forces.

The battle of Seif Al-Quds introduced a shift in the Resistance’s operations and the future of the Axis of Resistance. What changed during the battle, and how does “Israel” plan on tackling the next war?

Much has been said in the aftermath of the Battle of Seif Al-Quds, what the Israelis termed “Guardian of the Walls” (the name did not age well). Seif Al-Quds, or Al-Quds Sword, was no less than a game-changer in terms of developments in the region, which introduced another chink into Israeli armor, an introduction to a paradigm shift in regional and international relations.

As the events of Sheikh Jarrah were unfolding, and anger mounting against “Israel’s” inhumane, illegal, and shameless colonial practices, so were Israeli attacks against the Al-Aqsa Mosque, and with them, popular resistance and confrontations against Israeli occupation forces picked up. For the first time, with the beginning of the Resistance’s ultimatum for Israeli forces to withdraw from Sheikh Jarrah and the Al-Aqsa Mosque’s courtyard, ending with the Resistance launching rockets after the occupation failed to comply and leave the occupied territories, there was a complete unity between the Resistance and the people.

While Palestine’s Resistance factions operated in complete unison, so did the people of Palestine take to the streets and riot against their oppression by the IOF.

The significance of these happenings wasn’t just limited to Palestinian unity, which was translated into a renewed hope for liberation. For the first time, we also saw statements by Resistance leaders signaling unison among regional Resistance factions as well.

In simple terms, a prolonged war on Gaza and continued violation of the Al-Aqsa Mosque may end with “Israel” having to contend with more than one front.

This wasn’t a simple development that Israeli decision-makers had to contend with, because the very pillars to which “Israel” owns its continuity as a political entity were at stake: Migration, settlement, and security. In order to prepare for the upcoming, inevitable battle, Israeli pundits and decision-makers had to formulate strategies in order to remedy the weaknesses revealed by the battle of Seif Al-Quds.

The Narrative

The battle over narratives is a very important one in fostering support or criticism for a certain event. In this instance, pro-Palestinian youth around the world made use of their social media presence to raise awareness regarding “Israel’s” oppression of the Palestinian people and their forced displacement of the people of Sheikh Jarrah.

Despite the very obvious attempts by Western social media to limit pro-Palestinian accounts from spreading their narrative, with Instagram and Facebook reducing the reach of pro-Palestinian content, the consensus around Israeli brutality during the battle, and “Israel’s” targeting of foreign media reporting on the battle shifted the balance toward Palestine.

This success was also in part due to the fact that people around the world had begun using TikTok, a Chinese platform that the West had no control over, and thus could not use to shape an anti-Resistance consensus. Thus, video and photographic content of the IOF’s targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure could no longer be ignored and shifted world popular opinion against the Israeli war machine.

As a result of this shift in world public opinion, recommendations were made to Israeli decision-makers to further enhance “Israel’s” presence on social media and organize it as a “force multiplier”.

Security strategy

One of “Israel’s” main concerns is the perpetuation of security, and for Israelis living on the occupied territories to sense this security. Without said security, there would be no migration toward the occupied territories, “Israel” could neither build settlements on occupied territories and expand its colonial presence, nor could it afford to maintain its existence.

One of the main pillars of Israeli strength is for it to give off the impression of it being an impregnable fortress, either by way of building walls, or surrounding itself with the figurative Iron dome, so that any targeting is rendered futile, thereby allowing it to perpetuate its existence by sheer awe factor.

The Resistance’s main takeaway from the Seif Al-Quds Battle was that the myth of the Iron Dome, and the sense of security felt by Israeli settlers, especially those living in the Gaza envelope, were both dissipated. The Resistance’s use of rocket volleys in order to land actual hits on Israeli settlements and cities located deep in the occupied heartland meant that settlers had to contend with something new: rockets landing near them, and the possibility of dying or facing gravy injury at any moment; the Iron Dome could no longer protect them, and in their eyes, their government and military had failed them.

A second threat that Israeli decision-makers had to contend with was two-fold:

–          Prolonging the battle amid depleting Iron Dome reserves and an unwillingness to launch a ground incursion because of the risk of suffering heavy losses.

–          The possibility of developments ensuing on the northern front with Lebanon and Hezbollah joining the battle.

Multiple fronts

Faced with the prospect of “Israel” having to contend with multiple fronts, the IOF has decided to launch its largest-ever military drills, which were supposed to take place last May, but were delayed on account of the battle of Seif Al-Quds.

Put simply, even according to Israeli military minds, the occupation cannot withstand a multiple front approach and has had a hard enough time dealing with either the Lebanese or the Gaza front alone. One main problem faced by Israeli decision-makers is that the occupation cannot sustain a battle for an extended amount of time, not to mention the prospect of having to contend with multiple fronts.

If a wider war breaks out, “Israel’s” strategy will be an offensive one that will feature the use of ground forces, making high casualty rates in the IOF inevitable. In the words of the IOF’s Chief of General Staff, Aviv Kochavi, the strategy “Tel Aviv” will employ will be one of “widely expose, widely strike, and widely destroy.” This means Israeli occupation forces will be seeking high-intensity, simultaneous attacks on multiple fronts in order to inflict maximum civilian losses using air superiority so as to establish deterrence.

Non-military strategy

Other than “Israel’s” military strategy, its immediate concern is the Resistance factions in Gaza, who can mobilize the occupied territories. As such, one of its aims is to use the tools and influence at its disposal in order to weaken Resistance factions operating in Gaza by using a three-pronged approach:

1-     Halting the transfer of funds from Qatar to Gaza: Since it cannot use any of its influence against Iran, “Israel” is seeking to use its influence with Qatar in order to restrain the Gaza front, limit Hamas’ influence outside of Gaza, and stop using its media arm to fan the flames.

2-  Enlisting the help of Egypt to place pressure against Resistance factions by obstructing reconstruction in Gaza and closing crossings into the Sinai Peninsula.

3-     Preventing people from Gaza from being allowed to work in other parts of the occupied territories.

Aside from Gaza, its other main concern is the Lebanese Resistance. One strategy that Israeli pundits have been adopting over the past few months rests in applying internal pressure on the Resistance in order to weaken its popular foothold, or as one Israeli Reserve Forces Major put it: the “solution” to Hezbollah’s possession of precision missiles no longer lies in military threats, but “in the ability of the international community and ‘Israel’ to take advantage of the unprecedented internal crisis in Lebanon in order to succeed in fatally damaging the organization’s status (or force it to take over Lebanon and pay a very high price).”

As things are headed, with the promise of a unified answer to the violation of Palestine and Al-Aqsa by the leaders of the Axis of Resistance, there is a probability that the upcoming war will not be only limited to the Palestinian theater. An end to the illusion of Israeli and settler security is one that can prompt a reverse migration from Palestine, and an end to the misery suffered by its people for the past seven decades.

There is an old adage that says, the land’s owner is the one who defends it. Perhaps the coming battle will reveal to the world who the land’s true owners are: those rooted in it and are prepared to give their lives defending it, however possible.

مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني تردع حكومة العدو وتكرّس قواعد جديدة للصراع

الخميس 21 نيسان 2022

حسن حردان

تحوّل نوعي في الصراع يتحقق على أرض فلسطين المحتلة لم يسبق ان حصل منذ نشأة الكيان الغاصب وتماديه في عدوانه وارتكاب جرائمه وتغوّله في تهويد الأرض والمقدسات.. هذا التحوّل النوعي تجلى في نجاح مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني في إعادة تثبيت معادلة «سيف القدس» مرة ثانية، وهي المعادلة التي حمت المقدسيين في حي الشيخ جراح في المرة الأولى، واليوم تحمي باب العمود والمسجد الأقصى من اعتداءات وتهويد الصهاينة المحتلين.. هذه المعادلة قوامها العناصر التالية:

العنصر الاول، هبّة أبناء فلسطين للدفاع عن الأقصى من هجمات واعتداءات قوات الاحتلال والمستوطنين الصهاينة الذين يحاولون تكرار ما حصل في الحرم الابراهيمي في الخليل من تقسيم زماني ومكاني جديد في المسجد الأقصى في سياق مخططهم التهويدي وإعادة بناء ما يُسمّى بهيكل سليمان.. غير انّ مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني حالت دون تمكن المستوطنين من تحقيق هدفهم بفرض التقسيم المكاني والزماني في الأقصى، كما  أجبرت حكومة العدو على منع مسيرة الأعلام التي نظمها المستوطنون برئاسة النائب الصهيوني المتطرف ايتمار بن غفير، من الوصول إلى باب العمود، خوفاً من تفجّر المواجهات على نطاق واسع.. حيث قرّر رئيس وزراء العدو نفتالي بينيت منع بن غفير من الوصول إلى باب العمود، وقال: «لا أنوي السماح لسياسة صغيرة بتعريض حياة البشر للخطر.. لن أسمح لاستفزاز سياسي بتعريض جنود الجيش وأفراد الشرطة لخطر وجعل مهمتهم أصعب.. نحن في مرحلة خطيرة قابلة للانفجار وهناك الكثير من المناسبات القريبة التي تستدعي البقاء في حالة تأهّب».

العنصر الثاني، تحرك أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني في كلّ أماكن تواجده في فلسطين المحتلة والشتات نصرة للأقصى والمدافعين عنه، حيث اندلعت المواجهات مع قوات الاحتلال في مدن وبلدات ومخيمات الضفة الغربية المحتلة، الى جانب بعض الهجمات المسلحة مع جنود العدو، فيما نظمت التظاهرات والاعتصامات في قطاع غزة والشتات، مما حال دون تمكن الاحتلال والمستوطنين من الاستفراد بالمقدسيين ومناصريهم من المناطق المحتلة عام 1948، وزاد من قلق القادة الصهاينة من احتمال تطور الأوضاع إلى اندلاع انتفاضة فلسطينية في حال جرى السماح للمستوطنين في التمادي في مخططهم التهويدي في الأقصى وباب العمود…

العنصر الثالث، استنفار فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية في قطاع غزة واستحضارها لمعادلة «سيف القدس» مرة ثانية في حالة تجاوز الاحتلال والمستوطنين الخطوط الحمراء الفلسطينية، المتمثلة بحماية المسجد الأقصى وعروبة القدس من التهويد… وقد تبع ذلك تسخين بالنار لجبهة المواجهة بين قطاع غزة ومستوطنات غلاف غزة.. مما أشعر العدو بأنّ الوضع لا يحتمل المناورة، فتحرّكت الوساطات الدبلوماسية لتهدئة الوضع وحضر وفد أميركي إلى فلسطين المحتلة لهذه الغاية، وهو أمر يؤشر إلى حاجة حكومة العدو إلى التهدئة وإيجاد مخارج لتراجعها عن التصعيد.. إلى جانب الخشية الأميركية من ازدياد التوتر واحتمالات التصعيد في المنطقة وخروج الوضع عن السيطرة والذهاب إلى مواجهة أوسع، حسب ما ذكرت مصادر «إسرائيلية» لصحيفة «معاريف»…

ماذا يعني هذا التراجع الصهيوني عن الذهاب إلى مواجهة واسعة مع الشعب الفلسطيني ومقاومته؟

انّ هذا التراجع الصهيوني يعني الأمور التالية:

اولاً، انّ كيان العدو بات يعاني من مأزق نابع من انسداد الآفاق أمامه لأيّ مواجهة واسعة على غرار المواجهة الأخيرة التي أنتجت معادلة «سيف القدس» الردعية.. وهذا الانسداد في الآفاق إنما يعود إلى سببين:

السبب الاول، أنّ ايّ تصعيد في المواجهة لن يفضي إلى أي نتيجة أفضل من النتائج التي أفضت إليها المواجهات السابقة، بل ستقود إلى مزيد من تآكل قوة الردع لجيش الاحتلال على أرض فلسطين المحتلة، وبالتالي تعزيز القناعة لدى الشعب الفلسطيني ومقاومته بالقدرة على تحقيق المزيد من الإذنجازات مما يصبّ في تعزيز خيار الصمود والمقاومة.

السبب الثاني، أنّ حكومة العدو لا رؤية لديها للذهاب إلى حلّ سياسي على قاعدة حلّ الدولتين، مما يبقي الوضع متوتراً وقابلاً للانفجار لأنّ الشعب الفلسطيني لن يرضى الاستكانة والقبول بالأمر الواقع الصهيوني…

ثانياً، وحدة الشعب الفلسطيني في كلّ أماكن تواجده في داخل فلسطين المحتلة وخارجها في مواجهة العدوان الصهيوني، حيث بات يصعب على الاحتلال اللعب على التناقضات الفلسطينية في ظلّ تماديه في اعتداءاته وجرائمه.. هذه الوحدة تجسّدت في معركة «سيف القدس» الأولى وتتجسّد اليوم في مواجهات الأقصى وقبلها في مخيم جنين، حتى أصبحت سلاحاً من أسلحة المقاومة… وسبباً في الصمود وتحقيق النصر ..

ثالثاً، وحدة فصائل المقاومة في غرفة عمليات مشتركة في اي مواجهة مع الاحتلال، باتت أيضا عنصرا من عناصر القوة الفلسطينية.. والتي تستدعي بالطبع المزيد من الارتقاء والتعزيز من خلال وضع استراتيجية متكاملة للنضال الوطني الفلسطيني.

هذه العوامل التي أجبرت العدو على عدم الذهاب إلى مواجهة واسعة، وألزمته بلجم المستوطنين ومنعهم من التمادي في اعتداءاتهم تجنباً لخروج الأمور عن السيطرة وانفجار واسع النطاق.. تؤشر إلى أنّ مقاومة الشعب الفلسطيني ووحدته في مواجهة الاحتلال نجحت في تحقيق تحوّل نوعي في الصراع مع كيان الاحتلال تجلى في تكريس قواعد جديدة لهذا الصراع على أرض فلسطين المحتلة، وهو الأمر الذي فاقم من مأزق كيان العدو الصهيوني…

Evictions in Sheikh Jarrah: If ‘Housing is a Human Right’, Whose Rights Really Matter?

February 13, 2022

Israeli forces demolished the Salhia family’s house in Sheikh Jarrah. (Photo: via ActiveStills.org)

– Benay Blend earned her doctorate in American Studies from the University of New Mexico. Her scholarly works include Douglas Vakoch and Sam Mickey, Eds. (2017), “’Neither Homeland Nor Exile are Words’: ‘Situated Knowledge’ in the Works of Palestinian and Native American Writers”. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

By Benay Blend

In 1948, the United States signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), acknowledging satisfactory housing as part of the human right to an adequate standard of living. Nevertheless, soon after the recent end of the moratorium, evictions slowly began to rise.

What unites all settler-colonial states, but particularly the U.S. and Israel, is the commonality of structural racism. Indeed, the latest uprising in Palestine stemmed from efforts to evict residents of Sheikh Jarrah in order to replace them with Israeli settlers.

It is this structural racism on the part of the Zionist regime that lends the liberation struggle to its international, anti-colonial caste.  Observes Onyesonwu Chatoyer, an organizer with the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party and the All-African Women’s Revolutionary Union, an editor with Hood Communist, also serving on the national committee of the Venceremos Brigade:

“From the very first days of its birth – born from a wave of African and Indigenous blood – the United States has built its empire on the backs of the masses of poor and colonized people inside and outside of its borders.”

According to the Eviction Lab, nearly one in four black renters lives in a county in which the black eviction rate is more than double the white eviction rate. Moreover, formal eviction proceedings are only a part of the problem. As Sophie Kasakove notes, many tenants are illegally locked out or their utilities are shut off, thus forcing them to leave their homes.

A case in point, drawn from a form-coming press release and Facebook posts: On February 5, 2022, Asantewaa (Mawusi) Nkrumah-Ture, a long-term community organizer in Philadelphia and anti-Zionist friend of Palestine, received a 30-day notice to vacate the home that she had been renting for several years. A short time later, some of the new owner’s family members started moving in while she is still in the house. Using a fraudulent lease with different language than the one she signed, the new owner declared that Nkrumah-Ture is now a month-to-month “housemate” confined to the bedroom rather than the entire house.

“We need stronger Good Cause Legislation in Philadelphia,” said Nkrumah-Ture. “Without it, landlords can sell their property, make a tremendous profit and push renters out using a move-in eviction, where a new tenant moves in while the current tenant is still there, using implied threats and other forms of intimidation to force the current tenant out. This is very dangerous and has a great potential for violence.”

In the United States, tenants like Nkrumah-Ture have access to the legal system, albeit that it often does not work in their favor. In Sheikh Jarrah, where Ramzy Baroud reports that “Israel uses ‘the law’ to ethnically cleanse Palestinians,” there is no such recourse to the courts. As Baroud points out, this most recent ethnic cleansing has a long history, justified “through a series of laws unique to Israel, laws that give a legal cover to outright theft and land robbery.”

Indeed, after a months-long physical and legal battle to avoid eviction, four Palestinian residents of Sheikh Jarrah received the Israeli court’s decision  that they could stay in their homes for 15 years as “protected residents.” As such, they were required to pay the new Jewish “owners” a biennial sum of 2,400 shekels ($743).

There are major differences between illegal evictions in Jerusalem neighborhoods as a cover for ethnic cleansing and rising evictions in the States. Nevertheless, what unites them is communal resistance to what Chatoyer describes as settler-colonial violence.

From Gaza to Jerusalem and the West Bank, Palestinians participated in what came to be known as the Unity Intifada. “[This unity] eclipses Fatah and Hamas and all the rest,” wrote Baroud, “because without a united people there can be no meaningful resistance, no vision for liberation, no struggle for justice to be won.”

Moreover, Baroud contends that the uprising that was instigated by the ethnic cleansing of Sheikh Jarrah was “but a microcosm” of a larger issue. The ongoing atrocities in Palestine date back to 1948 and continue to this day, but so does the resistance.

In Philadelphia, friends responded to Nkrumah-Ture’s call on social media for support in the face of eviction by intimidation. On February 7^th she wrote: “If you want to witness a possible illegal move in/eviction, come to my house tomorrow, Mon. Feb. 7.” A group of supporters has been present since Mon. February 7th and will continue to support her as she faces move-out intimidation.

As in Palestine, the response was communal. Members of the Poor People’s Army and friends who represented various activist organizations arrived to ensure Nkrumah-Ture’s safety. Another commonality is that she represents only one case study of infringement on the housing rights of people all over the country, a crisis that looms larger as landlords seek to obtain higher rents in a booming housing and rental market.

In Palestine, the motive behind evictions is ethnic cleansing; in the U.S. it is disregard for what are considered disposable people whose rights matter less in a capitalist economy than those who reap high profits. What unites them is global resistance movements to settler-colonial states.

This kind of solidarity is crucial to Palestine’s liberation. While Palestinians have proved that they are quite capable of saving themselves, collaboration with the global South, which includes Black Americans, is an important step in the liberation struggle towards freedom.

Confronting the enemy can only happen with unity: Palestinian factions

FEBRUARY 10, 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

By Al Mayadeen Net 

A joint statement by Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine addressed the convening of the Palestinian Central Council that the three factions boycotted.

Joint statement: We call on the authority to immediately retract its unilateral approach.

Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) issued a joint statement about addressing the convening of the Palestinian Central Council that the three factions boycotted.

The three factions said in their statement that they were surprised faced by challenges with the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) leadership’s insistence on taking “unilateral steps that deepen the division,” stressing that “to confront the enemy” and his settlement project and break the shackles of Palestinian prisoners can only happen with unity and agreement on a national program.

The factions pointed out that the PA insisted on holding the session without reaching “a consensus, lacking everyone’s presence, and without a clear agenda,” and called on the PA to immediately reverse this “unilateral approach that dominates the institution and the national decision.”

Two days ago, the Central Council elected Rawhi Fattouh as Chairman of the Palestinian National Council, Ali Faisal and Musa Hadid as Vice Chairman of the Council, and Fahmi Zaarir as Secretary.

Three days ago, during the opening session of the Central Council for the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called for “expanding the domain of peaceful popular resistance.”

ِAbbas stated that before the Israeli occupation authority undermined the “two-state solution, options remain open,” noting that “the unilateral implementation of agreements cannot continue.”

PA’s chief stressed that what he called “contacts with the Israeli side are not to substitute a political solution based on international legitimacy,” adding that “the Oslo Agreement was temporary, and we did not make any concessions that affect our principles.”

On Sunday afternoon, a meeting of the Palestinian Central Council was held in the city of Ramallah, amid a boycott from a number of Palestinian factions, most notably Hamas and PIJ, the PFLF, and the Palestinian National Initiative.

WATCH: ‘Unity and Resistance’: Ramzy Baroud Delivers Speech at Casa Arabe in Madrid

December 3, 2021

Ramzy Baroud speaks at Casa Arabe in Madrid, Spain. (Photo: The Palestine Chronicle)

By Palestine Chronicle Staff

Palestine Chronicle editor, Dr. Ramzy Baroud, delivered a speech at Casa Arabe on Thursday, as part of the Palestine Week, which was organized to commemorate the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. 

The conference focused on the events that took place in Palestine last May, from the resistance against the forced evictions in Sheikh Jarrah to the Israeli aggression on the besieged Gaza Strip, as seen from the point of view of the Palestinian people.

ENGLISH ORIGINAL

Baroud, a historian whose books have focused on reorienting the history of Palestine towards a people-centered narrative, known as people history, traced the history of the events through the prism of a renewed sense of unity and the strong resistance movement that came into being. 

SPANISH INTERPRETATION 

Baroud’s presentation was facilitated in an interview form conducted by Spanish journalist Itxaso Domínguez de Olazábal, coordinator of the Middle East and North Africa Panel at the Alternativas Foundation, and Karim Hauser, Casa Árabe’s International Relations Coordinator.

Baroud also discussed his forthcoming book ‘Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders & Intellectuals Speak Out’, co-edited jointly with Israeli historian Professor Ilan Pappé.

A day earlier, Baroud also delivered a lecture at the Universidad Complutense in Madrid, Spain’s largest university. 

(The Palestine Chronicle)

«هندسة احتلال»

كاتب وباحث سياسي في العديد من المنافذ الإخبارية العربية ، ومنها جريدة الأخبار ، وقناة الميادين الإخبارية الفضائية ، وعربي 21 ، وراي اليوم ،.

السبت 17 تموز 2021

عمرو علان

تطرّق معلقون كثر، بينهم كاتب هذه السطور، إلى أبعاد اغتيال الشهيد نزار بنات. حاولنا في ما يخصنا وضع جريمة في سياقها الصحيح، إذ جاءت كنتيجةٍ طبيعيةٍ لفلسفة السلطة الفلسطينية المبنية على «التنسيق الأمني»… ناهيك بإمكانية وضع تلك الجريمة ضمن ردود السلطة الفلسطينية على منجزات معركة «سيف القدس »الأخيرة، التي شكلت تحدياً لمسار أوسلو سيّء الذكر، ولمفهوم «عملية السلام» الكاذبة برمّتها… فمنجزات المقاومة في معركة «سيف القدس» مثلت هزيمةً لكلٍّ من الاحتلال والسلطة الفلسطينية على حدٍ سواء.

بناءً على تلك الخلاصات يرد في السياق تساؤلان مهمان: ماذا لو لم تتجاوب السلطة الفلسطينية مع المطالب الوطنية بحل ذاتها؟ وما هو مصير المصالحة الوطنية؟

إنّ ما انتهت إليه السلطة الفلسطينية من «تنسيقٍ أمنيٍ مقدسٍ» مع قوات الاحتلال – بما يتعارض وأبسط الثوابت الوطنية – لا يأتي خارج السياق، بل مصيرٌ شبه حتميٍّ لأي سلطة حكمٍ ذاتيٍّ تنشأ في ظل وجود إحتلالٍ، وذلك نتيجةً للعلاقة الجدلية التي تقوم بين الإحتلال وسلطة الحكم الذاتي، حيث تُوجِد هذه العلاقة طبقةً برجوازيةً حاكمةً ترتبط اقتصادياً وعضوياً بالإحتلال ذاته، فيصير بقاؤها مرهوناً ببقائه، وبذلك تتحوَّل سلطة الحكم الذاتي تلقائياً إلى أحد الأدوات الرئيسة والفعالة ضمن إستراتيجيات الإحتلال، من أجل قمع ذاك الشعب المحتل وحركات تحرره الوطنية، وهذا ما تدلل عليه التجارب التاريخية في الحالات المشابهة؛ لهذا ففرص تغيير السلطة الفلسطينية لنهجها تعدّ من شبه المستحيلات؛ إن لم تكن خارج الحسابات السياسية المنطقية بالمطلَق.

إذا ما أُخِذت هذه الحقيقة بعين الإعتبار، يسهل الخلوص إلى أن التعويل على حلّ السلطة الفلسطينية لنفسها من تلقاء ذاتها يُعدّ على الأرجح أمرًا غير واردٍ، كذلك يصير عدم تحقق الوحدة الوطنية بين حركتي «حماس» و»فتح» مفهوماً ومبرراً رغم مرور قرابة 15 عاماً على الإنقسام، ورغم كثرة المحاولات السابقة لإنهائه، فالحديث هنا عن مشروعين متضادين يلغي أحدهما الآخر، وينطبق عليهما «البرهان العقلي» في «إستحالة الجمع بين الأضداد»، فهما لن يجتمعا إلا إذا غيَّر أحدُهما خَصائصَهُ، وهذا محمودٌ في حالة السلطة الفلسطينية، لكنه مستبعدٌ لما ذُكر سابقاً، وممكنٌ في حالة حركة «حماس» بصفتها حركة مقاومة، لكنه سيكون مذموماً من الناحية الوطنية، فإذا ما حصل واجتمع هذان المشروعان فلن يكون هذا إلا ضمن احتمالين اثنين لا ثالثً لهما: فإما أن أحدهما قد غير في خصائصه الجذرية، وإما أن يكون أحدهما قد هيمن على الآخر بشكلٍ فعليٍّ بما يجعل من خصائص هذا الأخير في حكم اللاغية.

وعليه في الحالة الفلسطينية، يصير من الأجدى لفصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية صرف النظر عن مسارات المصالحة العقيمة السابقة، وذلك إذا ما كانت تنوي الالتزام بعقيدتها وبخطها المقاوم، والبحث عن مسارٍ جديدٍ يمكن أن يفضي إلى مصالحةٍ وطنيةٍ حقيقيةٍ واضحة المعالم، تكون مؤسسةً على أهدافٍ منسجِمةٍ، تتَّسق مع الثوابت الوطنية دون تفريطٍ.

ولقد منحتنا معركة «سيف القدس» مثالاً عملياً لمسارٍ واقعيٍ، يمكن البناء عليه لتشكيل وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ مضبوطةٍ، فبالإضافة إلى كون معركة سيف القدس قد مثلت نقلةً نوعيةً في مسار مكافحة الكيان الصهيوني، فقد طرحت أيضاً صيغة «غرفة العمليات المشتركة»، التي شكلتها «كتائب الشهيد عز الدين القسام» في قطاع غزة، بناءً على أهدافٍ وطنيةٍ واضحةٍ، وقادت من خلالها المواجهة الأخيرة بكل تفاصيلها بالتشاور والتشارك مع جميع فصائل «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» الأخرى، وقد شملت هذه الغرفة كافة الفصائل الفلسطينية المسلحة قاطبةً، بما فيها فصيلان مسلَّحان تابعان لحركة «فتح»، وحقَّقت بذلك معركة سيف القدس نصراً للشعب الفلسطيني بأكمله دون استثناءٍ، ناهيك عن الإنجاز الذي تجاوز حدوده القُطْرية الفلسطينية ليصب في طاحونة خط المقاومة والتحرير في عموم الإقليم.
ولعل من أهم منجزات «غرفة العمليات المشتركة»، الوحدة الوطنية التي تشكلت حولها في الشارع الفلسطيني، والتي شملت السواد الأعظم من أبناء الشعب الفلسطيني في الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948 وعام 1967 بالإضافة إلى فلسطينيي الشتات، وهذا ليس بالأمر الثانوي في الديناميكيات الصالحة لتأسيس وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ، فهو يدلِّل على كون الإنجازات الميدانية في مواجهة الاحتلال مازالت العامل الأساس لدعم قيام وحدة صفٍ فلسطينيةٍ حقيقيةٍ ونافعةٍ.

نجد إذاً في التفاهمات الميدانية مساراً ناجعاً للوصول إلى الوحدة الوطنية يمكن التأسيس عليها، ويمكن بعد ذلك تطويرها لإنشاء جبهة تحريرٍ شاملةٍ، فالميدان يَفرِز بين الوطني والمتخاذل إن لم نقُل العميل، ويُغلِّب أولوية المعركة على خلافات الحكم، وهذا هو المطلوب، حيث إن الفلسطينيين مازالوا يعيشون مرحلة التحرير، وبعد ذلك فليخوضوا في خلافات الحكم كما يشاؤون.
في مثل هذه الوحدةٍ الوطنيةٍ، يكون لدى كل الفصائل في الساحة الفلسطينية خيار اللحاق برَكْب التحرير، وإلا تجاوزهم الزمن كما تجاوز غيرهم في تجارب شعوبٍ أخرى خاضت معركة التحرير.

وأخيراً، من نافلة القول إن المحازبين كأفراد هم أيضاً مخيَّرون كما الفصائل التي ينتمون إليها، إما بين اللحاق برَكْب التحرير وإما بين الإصرار على الاستمرار في جريمة التخابر مع العدو المسماة زوراً «التنسيق الأمني»، وحينها لا ملامة إن نُعِتوا بما يستحقون وعوملوا على أساسه.

Sayyed Nasrallah Offers Condolences For PFLP, Family on Palestinian Leader Ahmad Jibril’s Demise

July 08, 2021

By Staff

Hezbollah Deputy Secretary General, His Eminence Sheikh Naim Qassem called the family of prominent Palestinian Leader, Ahmad Jibril, to express condolences of Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah on Jibril’s demise.

Sheikh Qassem also called Deputy Secretary General of the Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine [PFLP] – General Command, to offer condolences on Sayyed Nasrallah’s behalf to the leadership of the Palestinian movement and its fighters on the passing away of the prominent late leader.

Hailing Jibril as a leader on the path of liberating Palestine, Sheikh Qassem prayed that Allah may have mercy on his soul, and help his family and lovers in Palestine and the Arab and Muslim world to fulfill his dream of liberating al-Quds and Palestine.

Jibril, the head and founder of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, died of an illness on Wednesday, at the age of 83 in a hospital in the Syrian capital Damascus.

Hezbollah Offers Condolences on Death of Leader Ahmad Jibril

Source: Al Mayadeen

The Islamic resistance in Lebanon, Hezbollah, mourns the late Palestinian leader Ahmad Jibril in an official statement.

Hezbollah offered “the striving Palestinian people its deep condolences and its jihadi factions,” as well as the leadership and members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command over the death of the great Palestinian leader and the resistance fighter Ahmad “Abu Jihad” Jibril on Wednesday, 7th of July. 

Hezbollah issued a statement saying, “Jibril’s life was full of resistance, struggle (or jihad, as it is called), redemption, and sacrifice on the road to Palestine,” adding, “He spent his life moving between battlefields and battlegrounds, believing in the continuous struggle as the only path to liberation, being steadfast on righteousness – unwavering and unmoving – believing in the unity of all resistance fighters and Jihadis on all fronts, characterized with fierce determination, high morale, and heroic bravery – [these are all] sublime characteristics that put him in his rightful place in the history of Palestine and the region.”

Hezbollah considered that “The Palestinian people have lost a high stature of honor and redemption. We hope that our nation and our Palestinian people follow through his footsteps on the path of liberation, resistance, and victory.”

This afternoon, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command announced the death of its Secretary-General, Ahmad “Abu Jihad” Jibril, who passed away Wednesday in a hospital in the Syrian capital, Damascus.

Ahmed Jibril, a Palestinian leader born in 1938, founded the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, because of his belief in the “armed struggle to liberate Palestine.”

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Bibi and the One State Solution

JUNE 18, 2021 BY GILAD ATZMON

By Gilad Atzmon

I am slightly amused by the many voices who celebrate what is perceived as the end of the Netanyahu era. Of course, I am not a Netanyahu supporter, far from it, but I will give Netanyahu credit where he deserves it.  ‘King Bibi,’ as his Jewish supporters often refer to him, was actually a crucial factor in the rise of Palestinian resistance and Palestinian unity.  Bibi was a pragmatist who managed to pull his nation, the region and even the entire world into a chain of disasters in a desperate but relentless attempt to save himself. Bibi is not a conspirator. He did it all in the open, and despite this, he is still the most popular politician in Israel.

As I have pointed out many times before, Israel is not politically divided. The vast majority of Israeli Knesset Members (MKs) are to the right of Netanyahu. Israel’s political establishment is divided over Netanyahu, but primarily due to personal rifts.

Israel is now governed by a very weak coalition unlikely to hold together for very long. One minor border clash in Gaza or a Jewish right-wing march in Jerusalem could topple the government and bring to an end to the ‘spirit of change’ in Israel. Since the current government enjoys a majority of just one Knesset member, every member in the coalition possesses the power to topple the government, or alternatively to mount significant pressure on the leader. The Government is practically paralyzed.  

But the issue is far deeper. Netanyahu’s potential disappearance (be it through retirement from politics or shelter from his legal issues in a friendly country) will see the immediate collapse of the current coalition in favour of an ultra-right government. Such a government would enjoy the support of at least 80 Knesset members. It would include whatever is left out of the Likud party, the rabbinical Orthodox parties and of course around 20-25 of Netanyahu’s right-wing rivals who happened to end up (momentarily) in the so called ‘change coalition’.

In the complicated political stalemate that emerged due to the unresolved tension between Netanyahu and his rivals within the Right (such as Naftali Bennett, Gideon Sa’ar and Avigdor Lieberman), the Islamist party and its leader Mansur Abbas became kingmakers. On the face of it, the success of Abbas could bring many more Israeli Arabs to the polls. If Arabs in Israel see a benefit in their political participation and decide to go to the polls at a similar rate to their Jewish counterparts, they could almost double their representation in the Knesset. Israeli Arabs could easily become the most significant political bloc in the Jewish State.  Yet Netanyahu’s disappearance would lead a shift in the complete opposite direction. With a right-wing Jewish coalition comprised of 80 MKs, no one would be dependent on the support of Ra’am or any Arab party.

What are the chances of Netanyahu disappearing? It depends how his trial evolves. But despite some calls to replace him within the Likud party, every grassroots Likud activist knows that Likud’s future and its electoral survival are totally dependent on Netanyahu and his charisma. Not only did he fail to prepare a successor, he worked tirelessly to undermine every gifted politician around him. He turned every rising right-wing alternative into his bitter enemy, and to a certain extent owes himself his own demise.

 

Unlike the naïve voices who speak for Palestine in the West but hardly understand the region and are too scared to ask what is it that drives the Jewish State, Hamas’ strategists see it all. They helped Bibi stay in power: he let them win, they let him paralyze Israel and let it spiral down. I also believe that Mansour Abbas can read the map. He knows that the Israeli Left is a comical compromised act. He knows that Meretz and the Labour party have removed themselves from the conflict and are solely concerned with climate issues and  Identitarian matters  (LGBTQ in particular). Mansour Abbas made a strategic effort to bond with the Jewish right wing, to form a coalition with the Orthodox parties. Bibi was happy to take Abbas into his coalition but Abbas failed to achieve his goal because the ultra-right Jewish parties identified his strategy and worked hard to undermine it.

I would have thought that in light of the above, those who wish for one state between the River and the Sea should consider accepting that Bibi may be the safest and fastest route towards such a goal. 

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عن الانقسام الفلسطيني في زمن «سيف القدس»

الأخبار

عمرو علان

الخميس 10 حزيران 2021

صنَّفت غالبية قادة المقاومة الفلسطينية معركة سيف القدس على أنها تطور إستراتيجي في مسار الصراع مع العدو الصهيوني، وقد أكّد على هذه القراءة قادة أركان محور المقاومة عندما وصفوها بالتحوّل النوعي، ولعل وصف السيد حسن نصرالله لنتائج المعركة كان الأبلغ، حينما قال إن نتائج معركة سيف القدس تفوق ما تحقّق في حرب تموز 2006، مع العلم أن حرب تموز تُعد نصراً إستراتيجياً موصوفاً، وأحد أهم التحولات في تاريخ الصراع مع الكيان الصهيوني.

إذا ما سلّمنا بهذا التوصيف ـــ وهو بلا شك توصيف دقيق لواقع الأمر ـــ يصير لزاماً على فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية مواكبة الحدث عبر وضع إستراتيجية جديدة للمرحلة القادمة، تبني على المكتسبات التي تحقّقت وعلى ميزان القوى بين فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية وبين الكيان الصهيوني الذي رسّخته المواجهة الأخيرة، لأنه دون ذلك يمكن للعدو تفريغ الإنجاز من محتواه، وتقزيمه ليصبح نصراً تكتيكياً عوضاً عن كونه تحولاً نوعياً في مسار المواجهة المستمرة، ولعل إحدى المقاربات في هذا الخصوص كانت الدعوة التي أطلقها السيد حسن نصرالله إلى ترسيخ معادلةٍ جديدةٍ تجعل المساس بالمسجد الأقصى والقدس في مقابل حربٍ إقليميةٍ شاملةٍ، حرب متعددة الجبهات تضع استمرارية بقاء الكيان الصهيوني على المحكّ، هذه المعادلة التي أكد زعيم حركة أنصار الله عبد الملك الحوثي على أن اليمن سيكون جزءاً منها، مدشِّنين بهذا صفحةً جديدةً في مسار الصراع العربي-الإسلامي الصهيوني.

يطرح هذا المنظور لنتائج معركة سيف القدس عدة محاورَ جديرةٍ بالنقاش، لكن سيكتفي هذا المقال بالتعريج فقط على قضية الانقسام الفلسطيني وبناءِ الوحدة الوطنية الفلسطينية.

أبرزت معركة سيف القدس حالةً وحدويةً بين كلّ الفصائل الفلسطينية قاطبةً، تَمثلت في «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» في قطاع غزة، فبدايةً كان قرار الذهاب إلى الصدام العسكري مع المحتل رداً على تجاوزاته في القدس والمسجد الأقصى قراراً مشتركاً بين كلّ فصائل «غرفة العمليات المشتركة»، وكان التنسيق العسكري أثناء المعركة في أعلى درجاته بين كل أجنحة الفصائل العسكرية، سواءً أكان في توقيت الضربات الصاروخية أم في طبيعتها، وظهر التناغم الواضح بين فصائل «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» في التنسيق على المستوى السياسي أيضاً، وهكذا تحقّقت الوحدة بين الفصائل على أساس هدفٍ وطنيٍّ واضحٍ وبناءً على خطةٍ مشتركةٍ، ما عكس وحدةً وطنيةً في سائر قطاعات الشعب الفلسطيني في كامل أراضي الوطن السليب من النهر إلى البحر، وامتد ليشمل كذلك فلسطينيي الشتات حيثما وجدوا.

ومن المهم الإشارة إلى كون «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» قد جمعت بين كلٍّ من حركتي حماس والجهاد الإسلامي وبين فصائل (م. ت. ف.) بمن فيهم كتائب شهداء الأقصى التابعة لحركة «فتح» في إطار موحد، وكذلك الإشارة إلى كون هذه الغرفة لم تأتِ وليدة الصدفة، بل كانت تتويجاً لمسارٍ طويلٍ امتد لسنواتٍ أقلها منذ الحرب على قطاع غزة في عام 2014.
ويرى العديد في صيغة الوحدة هذه «ديناميكية» صالحةً يمكن البناء عليها لإنهاء الانقسام الحاصل في الساحة الفلسطينية منذ قرابة خمس عشرة سنةً، فهي بُنيت على أساس مشروعٍ موحدٍ ومن أجل أهدافٍ واضحةٍ، على عكس المسارات التي كانت مقترحةً سابقاً والتي كانت تتجاهل حقيقة كون الانقسام الفلسطيني منشؤه الاختلاف في الرؤى تجاه المشروع الوطني، والتي كانت تقفز عن هذه القضية الجوهرية لتغوص في قضايا شكليةٍ من أجل تكريس تحاصصٍ في سلطةٍ منتهية الصلاحية أصلاً، وذلك عبر تنظيم انتخاباتٍ أقل ما يقال فيها بأنها تندرج تحت سقف أوسلو، ناهيكم بعبثية فكرة تنظيم انتخابات مجلسٍ تشريعيٍّ في ظل احتلالٍ يتحكّم بكل تفاصيل الحياة في الضفة والقدس، فحقيقة الأمر أن الفلسطيني ما زال يعيش تحت سطوة احتلالٍ فعليٍّ، وكل حديثٍ عن دولةٍ فلسطينيةٍ ما هو إلى «فانتازيا» ومحض وهمٍ.

وأما الحديث المستجد عن إنهاء الانقسام من خلال الذهاب إلى حكومة وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ، يقبلها المجتمع الدولي وتلتزم بشروط «الرباعية الدولية»، فهذه محاولاتٌ بائسةٌ من قبل سلطة محمود عباس والولايات المتحدة الأميركية لتفريغ نتائج معركة سيف القدس من مضمونها، وذلك عبر جرّ الفلسطينيين إلى المربع الذي كانوا فيه قبل 21 أيار مايو 2021، وإدخاله مجدداً في دوامة أوسلو والمفاوضات العبثية التي باتت مجرد غطاءٍ للاحتلال كي يستمر في مشاريع الاستيطان وضم ما تبقّى من أراضي الضفة الغربية.

لقد تمكنت الوحدة التي تشكّلت في الميدان في ما بين الفصائل من تجاوز بعض أخطاء (م. ت. ف.) السابقة، التي كان أفظعها التنازل عن قرابة 80 في المئة من فلسطين للمحتل، لذلك ينبغي على الفصائل الفلسطينية البناء على قواعد وحدة غرفة العمليات المشتركة في أي مسعى مستقبلي لإصلاح (م.ت.ف)، فالهدف المنشود فلسطينياً يتمثل في إصلاح (م. ت. ف.)، لا إفساد حركتي حماس والجهاد الإسلامي وإلزامهما بسقوف (م. ت. ف.) وتنازلاتها التي لم تؤدِّ إلا إلى ترسيخ نكبة عام 1948، وتهديد حقوق اللاجئين في العودة، وجعل مستقبل بقاء الفلسطينيين داخل الخط الأخضر في مهب الريح بعد إقرار الكيان الصهيوني لقوانين يهودية دولته المزعومة.

لقد أثبتت نتائج معركة سيف القدس مجدداً تحول موازين القوى لغير مصلحة الكيان الصهيوني، وكانت حجةً أخرى على من لا يزال يصر على رؤية اليوم بعيون الأمس، ويصرّ على تجاهل التحولات في واقع المقاومة الفلسطينية، وفي واقع حركات المقاومة في عموم الإقليم، بالإضافة إلى حالة السيولة التي يعيشها الوضع العالمي وتراجع السطوة الأميركية على المسرح الدولي، ذلك الذي لا يزال ينظر إلى الكيان الصهيوني على أنه تلك القوة الصاعدة التي تستطيع هزيمة العرب في ستة أيام كما كان حاله في حقبة خلت، لا كما هو في عام 2021؛ كيانٌ هشّ، وفي حالة تراجعٍ، باتت حتى بعض الأصوات الوازنة في الولايات المتحدة الأميركية ترى فيه «عبئاً استراتيجياً» لا قيمةً مضافةً كما كان حاله سابقاً.

يمكن الخلوص بعد هذا العرض، إذاً، إلى أن «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» قد أعطت مثالاً حياً على كيفية الوصول إلى وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ مبنيةٍ على هدفٍ وطنيٍّ واضحٍ، يأخذ في الاعتبار ميزان القوى الحاكم حالياً لا ميزان القوى الذي كان سارياً في الماضي، وهذان المعطيان ـــ «غرفة العمليات المشتركة» وميزان القوى الراهن ـــ صالحان ليكونا نواةً للوصول إلى وحدةٍ وطنيةٍ حقيقيةٍ، ومبنيةٍ على مشروعٍ وطنيٍّ فلسطينيٍّ واضحٍ، وعلى استراتيجيةٍ فلسطينيةٍ جديدةٍ تحاكي تغيرات الواقع يكون عمادها التحرير.
* كاتب وباحث سياسي

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