“Israel” is worried about the Palestinian elections. It believes Abbas is too

The Israeli security services have no wish to rock the boat, but they have few measures to influence the upcoming polls

An electoral worker leaves the Palestinian Central Elections Commission’s office in Gaza City (Reuters)

By Yossi Melman in Tel Aviv, Israel

Published date: 24 February 2021 15:34 UTC 

From the perspective of the Israeli security establishment, it would have been better if the scheduled Palestinian elections would not take place at all.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has ordered general elections to be held on 22 May, a presidential one on 31 July and Palestinian National Council polls on 31 August.

Hamas, the main opposition to Abbas’ Fatah movement currently running a parallel administration in Gaza, welcomed the announcement.

About two million Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem and besieged Gaza Strip are eligible to vote. Israel, which annexed East Jerusalem in 1967 in a move never recognised by the international community, most likely will not allow Jerusalemites to vote.

‘The elections pose for Israel more risks than opportunities’

– Colonel Michael Milshtein, ex-Israeli Military Intelligence

But Israel also remembers how it was shocked to realise that Hamas had won the last elections for the Palestinian legislature in 2006. Judged to be free and fair by international observers, Hamas defeated Fatah, which had been established by its founding father Yasser Arafat and led since his death by Abbas.

“The elections pose for Israel more risks than opportunities,” says Colonel Michael Milshtein, who headed the Palestinian branch in the research department of Israeli Military Intelligence, known by its Hebrew acronym as Aman.

A year after the elections, Hamas took power in Gaza in a coup following violent clashes with Fatah – and has controlled the coastal enclave ever since.

The general elections are a promising development to enhance the democratic process, increase public trust, create international support for the Palestinian predicament and refresh the stagnated Palestinian politics and its ageing politicians.

Fatah suffers from internal tensions, factional rifts and a deteriorating public image. Meanwhile, Hamas shows determination, a high degree of unity and organisational skills.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas hands the election decree to Chairman of the Palestinian Central Election Committee Hana Naser in Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank (Reuters)
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (R) hands the election decree to Chairman of the Palestinian Central Election Committee Hana Naser in Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank (Reuters)

These traits were already present in the turbulent years of 2006-2007, which resulted in Hamas’s election victory and domination of Gaza.

Thus, Israeli security officials from Military Intelligence and the Shin Bet, who monitor and analyse developments in the occupied West Bank and Gaza, are worried.

Fatah fears

According to Israeli security officials, Abbas and his top lieutenants are no less concerned than Israel. They say that Abbas was very reluctant to agree to call the elections.

Abbas’s weakening leadership is challenged by Marwan Barghouti, who is considered the most popular leader among Fatah and Palestinian Authority supporters. So far, all attempts by Abbas to persuade Barghouti to drop his candidacy have failed.

To facilitate Abbas’s aim, Israeli security officials went out of their way to allow the president’s advisers to visit Barghouti in his prison cell, where he is serving multiple life sentences after being convicted of murder by an Israeli court during the Second Intifada.Palestine elections: Gaza voters sceptical about upcoming polls.

But, eventually, Abbas succumbed to the pressure, which was mounted on him by the younger generation of Palestinians that hope to see a change of guard, and by Egypt.

Egypt has over the years played a major role in the attempts to bring about a genuine national Palestinian reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, which has so far failed. Calling the elections is another effort to unify the Palestinian people.

Abbas now faces a dilemma. Without the elections, his attempts to bring national unity and to reinstate Fatah as a significant force in Gaza are doomed to fail. But if the elections take place, Fatah may be defeated again and Hamas would increase its power, not only in its solid base of Gaza but also in the West Bank.

The Israeli security perception is that the elections are a threat.

If Hamas wins the elections, it will increase its self-confidence to challenge Israel more drastically.

Military Intelligence and Shin Bet analysts have already drawn up scenarios arguing that if Hamas emerges as the winner, or only increases its power in the elections, it will employ the same military tactics used in Gaza – launching rockets, planting bombs and using hit and run tactics – against Israeli troops and Jewish settlers in the West Bank.

Israel’s approach is: why rock the boat?

However, there is truly little that Israel can do. It cannot openly oppose the elections, and it knows that it has no real measures to influence them.

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6 شباط: إسقاط 17 أيار…. وإسقاط صفقة القرن!

صفقة القرن.. طريق للتحرير

ناصر قنديل

يتعامل الكثيرون باستخفاف مع التزام قوى وحكومات محور المقاومة بإسقاط صفقة القرن، ويستعينون بكل ما لديهم من وسائل التعجب للقول إنها أميركا يا جماعة، ومعها الغرب والعرب، وما تقوله ثمرة دراسة وتوظيف مقدرات، وليس من الواقعية توقع سقوط صفقة القرن بعدما أعلنها الرئيس الأميركي، بل يمكن الاكتفاء بإعلان الاعتراض عليها، ويستعينون بالذاكرة ليستحضروا مثال كامب ديفيد، ليضيفوا أن أربعة عقود مضت على توقيعه ولا يزال على قيد الحياة، ورغم وجود معارضة واسعة له بقي أمراً واقعاً. وكي يكون النقاش مبسطاً وسهلاً على هؤلاء، لن نغوص في الفوارق الكبيرة بين حالتي كامب ديفيد وصفقة القرن، حيث لا وجود لشريك فلسطيني في صفقة القرن مقابل وجود رئيس مصري يزور القدس ويعلن استعداده للتوقيع في كامب ديفيد، وحيث الموضوع في صفقة القرن يتصل بالقدس ومستقبلها، بينما يتعلق الأمر بسيناء في كامب ديفيد، ومقابل تضمين صفقة القرن منح القدس لكيان الاحتلال، قامت تفاهمات كامب ديفيد على عودة سيناء لمصر، لكننا سنتخطى كل ذلك ونخفض مستوى النقاش بالعودة إلى الذاكرة فقط والمقارنة مع مخزونها.

عندما اجتاحت قوات الاحتلال العاصمة اللبنانية بيروت، وكشفت بوضوح عن تفاهمات دولية وعربية سبقت الاجتياح مضمونها أن يكون لبنان الدولة العربية الثانية التي توقع اتفاق سلام مع “إسرائيل” بعد مصر، جاءت القوات الأميركية إلى بيروت من ضمن تشكيل إطار قوات متعدّدة الجنسيات شاركت فيها فرنسا وإيطاليا وبريطانيا وتمركزت في العاصمة بيروت. وقام الخبراء الأميركيون بإعادة بناء وتسليح وتنظيم الجيش اللبناني لمواجهة أي اعتراض قد يواجه مشروع الاتفاق المطلوب بين لبنان و”إسرائيل”. وبدأت المفاوضات فوراً، برعاية أميركية تولاها المبعوث الرئاسي الأميركي من أصل لبناني فيليب حبيب، وخلال شهور قليلة أنجز الاتفاق الذي عرف بتاريخ إقراره في 17 أيار 1983، وصادق عليه وزير الخارجية الأميركية آنذاك جورج شولتز، وخلال عشرة شهور امتدت حتى 6 شباط 1984 كان الأميركيون يتلقون الضربات القاتلة، وكان الجيش الذي بنوه يتشقق وينهار، وكانت المقاومة بوجه الاحتلال تبلغ مراحل متقدّمة تفرض انسحابات على جيش الاحتلال بعد الانسحاب الأول من بيروت، وخلال أسابيع رحل الأميركيون وبدأ مسار سياسي انتهى بإسقاط اتفاق 17 أيار.

ما أشبه اليوم بالأمس، لكن مع فوارق الغلبة لليوم، فـ”إسرائيل” تواجه اليوم في فلسطين والمنطقة ما لم يكن موجوداً يومها، حيث تقع منشآتها الحيوية في مرمى صواريخ المقاومة الفلسطينية واللبنانية والعراقية واليمنية، ومحور المقاومة يخوض مواجهة عنوانها إخراج الأميركيين من المنطقة، وأين مقدرات الذين أخرجوا الأميركي من لبنان قياساً بمقدرات الذي يسعون لإخراجه اليوم، ويومها كانت أميركا و”إسرائيل” في مرحلة صعود القوة، وهما اليوم في مرحلة الانحدار، أما الموقف العربي فيكفي أن نستعيدَ دعم قمة الدار البيضاء لتوقيع لبنان على الاتفاق باستثناء سورية ورئيسها الراحل حافظ الأسد الذي تعهّد بإسقاط الاتفاق، كما تعهّد السيد علي الخامنئي اليوم بإسقاط صفقة القرن وموتها تحت عين الرئيس الأميركي دونالد ترامب وهو على قيد الحياة. وموضوع 17 أيار كان لبنان بينما موضوع صفقة القرن هو القدس والعودة وفلسطين، واللبنانيون كانوا منقمسين حول الاتفاق بينما يتوحّد الفلسطينيون في رفض الصفقة، وأميركا هي التي تدرس كل شيء وتخطّط وتحسب الاحتمالات، وتجهز الفرضيات وتصدر الأوامر للعرب، فلماذا لم يتجرأ أحد منهم على إعلان التأييد لصفقة القرن وقرّروا رفضها في الجامعة العربية، بينما أيدوا اتفاق 17 أيار قبل أن يولد، وكيف فاجأتهم الأحداث واضطروا للهرب بحراً، وترك الاتفاق يسقط؟

الشيء بالشيء يُذكَر، لأنها أميركا، التي طوت الصفحة ومضت عندما تحققت من أن شيئاً لن يغير المعادلة ويعيد الاتفاق إلى الحياة، فتركت الذين راهنوا عليها يواجهون مصيرهم وحدهم، وتتمة الحكاية المعلومة جديرة بالتذكّر للذين يقعون في وهم الرهان اليوم، وما أشبه الأمس باليوم، ونحن في ذكرى انتقاضة 6 شباط، التي ربما ينظر إليها بعض اللبنانيين كفصل من فصول الحرب الأهلية، وننظر إليها كبوابة عبور من زمن الاحتلال إلى زمن المقاومة، ومن بوابتها ننظر بعين التقدير والإجلال والإكبار لرمزها الرئيس نبيه بري، وننتظر نبيه بري عراقي يستثمر تضحيات كل المقاومين ليخرج الأميركيين، ونبيه بري فلسطيني يقود وحدة سياسية وعسكرية بوجه مشروع الاحتلال ليسقط صفقة القرن.

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Iranian FM, Palestinian President Reiterate Stance on ‘Deal of Century’

TEHRAN (Tasnim) – Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and President of the Palestinian National Authority Mahmoud Abbas voiced strong opposition to the so-called “deal of the century”, a US-initiated plan for Palestine.

  • February, 05, 2020 – 09:56

In a telephone conversation with Mahmoud Abbas on Tuesday, Zarif reiterated the Islamic Republic’s opposition to the plan, stressing that Iran will keep supporting the Palestinian nation’s rights and formation of a sovereign Palestinian government with East al-Quds as its capital.

The top Iranian diplomat also hailed Abbas’ efforts to create national unity in Palestine, reaffirming that Tehran will continue to support the process of reconciliation among Palestinians.

For his part, the Palestinian president briefed Zarif on the stances adopted by Palestinian groups against the American plot and on the political movements to counter the plan proposed by US President Donald Trump.

Highlighting the efforts to ensure national unity in Palestine, Abbas said he will dispatch a delegation to Gaza to contribute to unity between Palestinian groups.

Last week, Trump unveiled his long-delayed Middle East plan, a proposal Palestinian leaders called a “conspiracy” that “will not pass”.

Following Trump’s announcement, Abbas said “a thousand no’s to the plan.

The American plan has sparked widespread international condemnation.

The deal of century ploy, fronted by Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, had already been rejected by the Palestinians, who say the White House’s policies have been blatantly biased in favor of Israel.

The Palestinian People Are As Unified as Hamas and Fatah are Obsolete

By Miko Peled
Source

ERUSALEM, PALESTINE – Among the myths that cover the reality in Palestine is the one that says Palestinians have no leadership, no unified message, and that the Hamas-Fatah divide represents the entire political reality in Palestine. There is also a myth that claims that the Palestinians of 1948, who carry Israeli citizenship, are somehow not connected to the larger Palestinian issue. Over a ten-day journey in Palestine, it becomes crystal clear that these claims are unfounded.

There is, in fact, a solid, grassroots leadership in Palestine. From Al-Jalil in the north to the Naqab in the south, and from the River Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea, Palestinians on the ground are well aware that the Hamas-Fatah politics have little to do with them. The last elections in Palestine took place in 2006 and both the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip and the Fatah government in what used to be the West Bank have lost their legitimacy and the support of their people. However, on the ground in the towns and villages there is a strong, dedicated leadership that cares for Palestine and its people. That leadership is constantly targeted by the Israeli authorities.

Political parties are irrelevant

Both Hamas and Fatah, which make up the two parts of the Palestinian Authority, have given up on the vision to free Palestine and instead are focused on their own survival within the confines that Israel created for them. What is referred to as the Two State Solution is the best-case scenario they are able to envision. In case the past seven decades have not made it clear that the Israeli government will never recognize the Palestinian right to self-determination, Israel recently passed a law that clearly states only Jews have the right to self-determination in Palestine. The Two State Solution is a Zionist strategy that allows it to continue to dominate Palestine and its people while blaming Palestinians for not wanting peace.

It is well known that Hamas leaders in the Gaza Strip, like all Gazans, are confined to the boundaries that surround them. Fatah leaders in Ramallah enjoy a little more freedom, but even the Palestinian president needs a permit if he wishes to travel from Ramallah to Bethlehem and a junior Israeli army officer at a checkpoint has the authority to stop him if he so wishes. Both Fatah and Hamas accepted the abnormal reality in which they find themselves as the norm.

AP_17285461722815_edited.jpg
Senior officials from Hamas and Fatah sign a reconciliation deal during a ceremony in Cairo, Egypt, Oct. 12, 2017. Nariman El-Mofty | AP

This is also in many ways true regarding the political leadership of Palestinian citizens of Israel. The members of Knesset who represent them are powerless and they too speak of the Two State Solution as the preferred or at least the most realistic solution to the occupation of Palestine. It is as though the ongoing oppression and discrimination suffered by Palestinian citizens of Israel are somehow a separate issue from the oppression and discrimination to which Palestinians in other parts of the country are subjected.

Fatah and Hamas exist in the lands Israel occupied in 1967. Within the borders of 1948 there are more political parties and political life is slightly more robust. But until Palestine is free and until Palestinians are given the same rights as Israelis, political parties are irrelevant. Only when one person-one vote elections that include all of Palestine are held will political parties be relevant. At that point, Palestinians will have a voice and will be able to determine their political fate and it will matter what political ideology rules. At this moment it matters little if one is a socialist, nationalist, Islamist, or something else because Israel dominates the lives of all Palestinians in a regime that is racist and discriminatory.

When all Palestinians are free to vote as real citizens, and not under an apartheid regime as they are today, we can also expect that the Palestinian political prisoners will have been freed and they too will be able to contribute to the makeup of the political life of the country.

A unified message

What matters most until then is the vision of a free Palestine and the struggle that will make that vision a reality. This is a struggle that has been undertaken by a small, dedicated group of activist leaders who are on the ground, caring for their people, respected in their communities — and who are also incorruptible and untouchable. Among this group the goal is clear, the method is clear.

AP_17123631707384_edited.jpgProtesters gather under a picture of jailed Palestinian uprising leader Marwan Barghouti during a rally in the West Bank city of Ramallah, May 3, 2017. Nasser Nasser | AP

Many among them supported the Two State Solution at one point. However, they saw that the Palestinian willingness to give up 78 percent of their land in order to achieve peace only made things worse. Israeli settlements, Israeli abuses, the diminishing of rights and shrinking of their land all made it clear that there can be no peace with Israel and that Zionism is incompatible with peace.

Where is the world?

European and American leaders promised the Palestinians that if they compromised, if they bowed their heads, if they only choked down and swallowed the rape and pillage of their homeland, then they would be given a small piece of it to call their own and to establish a state. The Palestinians, in general, accepted that painful compromise, but now it is clear that Israel abused their faith, that Israeli promises are empty, and that Western guarantees are meaningless.

It happened in Lebanon, where guarantees were given to the Palestinians that the refugee population would be safe once the PLO agreed to go into exile in Tunis, and within two weeks Israel orchestrated the massacres in Sabra and Shatila. And it happened again when the Palestinians were told that if they agreed to the incremental approach and the vague details of the Oslo Accords then they would get Gaza and Jericho first and a promise that within five years they would have their own state.

Talk to the people who matter 

The people who matter now are the local leaders on the ground who are committed to the vision of a free democratic Palestine from the River to the Sea. These people are also dedicated to the struggle and understand the role of armed and unarmed struggle within the Palestinian context.

Clearly, the call for boycott, divestment and sanctions is crucial, as are other forms of struggle, including the use of all forms of media to expose Israeli crimes. Visits of these Palestinian leaders and activists to speak in the U.S. and Europe are also part of the struggle, and visits of foreign politicians to Palestine should be focused on frank discussion with them. Inevitably, this will push Western politicians to stop talking about the Two State Solution, which means stepping out of the Zionist paradigm whereby Israel has all the rights and all the power.

Encouraging the dedicated local leaders to continue their work and providing protections for them when Israel cracks down on them and their families are paramount. People on the outside who care for Palestine need to pay attention to these Palestinian voices and, rather than simply expressing solidarity, roll up their sleeves, embrace the vision, and join the struggle for a free and democratic Palestine.

1027 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for Gilad Shalit : The victory of Palestinian resistance


By Hiyam Noir and Fadwa Nassar
October 12, 2011 07:30 AM

It was during the evening on Tuesday the news came: that an apparent exchange deal between the Palestinian resistance, in this case the al-Qassam Brigades,which represents the Palestinian resistance, and the Zionists entity in the exchange deal of prisoners has finally succeeded. As soon as the breaking news were announced, Palestinian TV stations stopped all of their programming, to broadcast the speech of Hamas movements political bureau chief, Khaled Mecha’al. All information was published and circulated worldwide and in the international electronic media, in addition interviews were held with family members of the great leaders of the Palestinian resistance, detained in prisons of the Zionist entity.


Then came the flood of people in the streets of the besieged Gaza celebrating theimpending exchange. The Gazan’s righteously regarded this victory as its very own, since that it is Gaza that experienced two mayor Zionist attacks. The first which lasted ten days, in the aftermath of the resistance abduction in 2006 of the Zionist soldier, Gilad Shalit. The second assault was the Operation Cast Lead, in December 2008, a 21 days long Blitz-Krieg on Gaza, killing more than 1500, including 346 children, wounding over 4000 people, all that monstrous cruelty – an in vain attempt to recover Gilad Shalit. Gaza population was the first to welcome the agreement, the culmination of it’s suffering and the Palestinian resistance sacrifices and coronation of loyalty – to the path of resistance.


In front of tens of thousands of citizens, the acting Prime Minister of Gaza Ismail Haniyé, and a government spokesman, Mr.
Khalil al-Hayya, greeted all Palestinians, the Arabs and the people of the free world, whom have kept faith in the resistance of the Palestinian people, supporting it in its national liberation struggle, against the Zionist enemy and its accomplices in the world, engaged in a constant brutal violence against the people of Gaza, which in fact further extended Gilad Shalit’s captivity.


An especially great thank- you – greeting, was expressed to the Egyptian government – the very new and transformed Egyptian republic, which has managed to protect Palestinian interests during the negotiations with the Zionists. In a sense, this is one of the first great achievements of the Egyptian peoples revolution, which toppled Hosny Mubarak and his brutal regime. The old Egyptian regime had throughout the years, indeed by coercion put extreme burdensome conditions on the Palestinian resistance to accept the conditions of the Zionists occupation, intended to suppress and marginalize the Palestinian resistance social standing. Yet, despite of all obstacles to be overcome, the Palestinian resistance have firmly held its strong standing.
Case studies also explain the Zionist acceptance of the agreement, which includes Palestinian claims as a whole. Zionist leaders fear that the Egyptian regime change may undergo a transformation of a more hostile position against the Zionist occupation – after the Egyptian elections, ending the negotiations of Gilad Shalit (1934 days in captivity), who followed in the path of Ron Arad, the Zionist air force weapon systems officer, classified as missing in action since 1986 on a mission to attack PLO targets near Sidon in Lebanon, and never have been recovered since.
To call forth, the price paid by the Palestinian people in terms of the resistance to reach an agreement, was very high. Due to the criminal siege on Gaza the Palestinian society, particularly in Gaza endured all the suffering many were killed, dozens of MPs were arrested and some of them are still detained suffering from a reduced quality of life-conditions as a result of brutal measures taken by the Zionist entity against them.

This exchange agreement is in its absolute sense, a victory for the Palestinian resistance and to all who have faith in the path of the resistance. If the agreement is completed, for the first time, the Zionists will be forced to release prisoners held captive in the occupied territories and in the prisons of (48) of al-Quds, which so far have been persistently rejected since the last exchange in al-Nawras,1985. Even on this occasion, the sister of the prisoner Fouad Razzaz Maqdisi, said that regarding the prisoners of al-Quds and the resistance of Islamic Jihad, the Zionist occupant have moved them back to their cell-blocks, after transporting with bus to freedom, other prisoners.

This means that the Zionists can never be trusted, any agreement with them, must be closely monitored to prevent in the last minute, a serious setback. Calling upon the Palestinian resistance to firmly stay on guard to prevent such a reversal, the family members of prisoners who spoke during the lengthy night that followed the announcement of the agreement expressing at first a great joy, then after the happy event came the fear, expressing and carefully considering the fact, that the Zionists did not seem too happy when they publicly announced the results of the agreement.
During his speech, Khaled Mecha’al emphasized that the impending exchange agreement is a victory for the entire nation and the Palestinian people, he also expressed hope that those who are used to constantly examine and critically judge Hamas movement, also can figure out how impressive the final triumph is.

Several years ago, in 2006, the leader of the Islamic resistance in Lebanon, Sayyid Hassan Nasrullah, announced to all Lebanese and free people of this world, the victory. Some refused to admit to the triumph – and collaborated with the Zionist occupant and their accomplices to destroy the Palestinian resistance and its achievements. Hoping that on the Palestinian side things would not improve, if judgments of the merits of the resistance were expressed as planned, in a negative manner.
However, to be able to reach a higher level of consciousness we must stay vigilant and we must remain doubtful – a referent, to the nature of things. There is support for the Palestinian prisoners hunger strike, despite the unity on ground among the Palestinian people, there is an absence of common strategy – a program for unity against the Zionist enemy.

The hunger strike led by Palestinian political prisoners confined in the
dark and cold medieval death chambers of the occupation, has led a path towards unity among the resistance, together it managed to shake the walls of the Zionist occupation. Solidarity around the prisoners on strike, whether in the occupied territories in 67, in the 48 – or in exile, including an active participation in the hunger strikes, both in Haifa and in Nasra, and today in Umm al – Fahm, to name a few of Palestine territories occupied in 48, appear to be a promising desired outcome for Palestinian detainees, a victory which should be added to that obtained from the exchange agreement.

This impending exchange agreement releases only 1027 prisoners, a sixth part of 6500 prisoners, detained in Zionist prisons. Already, according to statements by the head of al-Aqsa Brigades and by Khaled Mecha’al, we know that all the 1027 combatants will be released, including those sentenced to life imprisonment.
Taken into consideration, Ahlam Tamimi, Qahira Saadi and Mouna Amné, three political prisoners which the Zionists previously refused to release. Also released among all prisoners including adult children, are prisoners which are suffering from serious diseases. From all areas and all regions 450 combatants, even Arabs sentenced to several life sentences and/or those considered as ex-prisoners, serving over 20 years in prison, will be among the first group to be released, in exchange for the arrival of Zionist soldiers from Egypt and Germany.
After two months,550 prisoners with less severe sentences, will be released, according to the exchange agreement. Of the 450 fighters that will be set free, are the great leaders of the resistance movement. With their consent, some 200 will be deported – either to Gaza or to Arab countries. According to sources of the resistance, the only item of the agenda which fell through during the negotiations, the Zionists entity demanded the deportation of 450 resistances – fighters.

Finally, the question which remains: As long as our freedom fighters are held incarcerated by the Zionist entity – when – the next abduction of Zionist soldiers? As it has been proven several times throughout this long conflict, only the exchange of a kidnapped Zionists soldier, will give the resistance sufficient power resources to set free Palestinian political prisoners.

______________________________________________________

“Palestine is the heart of Arab countries”The PalestineFreeVoice

In case you missed it: Mazin Qumsiyeh: Kudos Mr. Abbas‏, and the “But there are still thousands of Palestinian political prisoners”.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

"The good news from Cairo"

Another great day for Khalid Amayreh,

“the Palestinian Authority (PA) decision to move against Muhammed Dahlan, the perpetual trouble-maker, will erase a major cause of the collision between Hamas and Fatah.” he claimed, “the tragic rift between Fatah and Hamas” is not about resistance and liberation. Consequently,  thousands of Palestinian are detained, “mainly because of ideological orientation or affiliation.” and because they happen to hold certain political views”
The rift is not about the ten points plan, not about selling 78% of Palestine in OSLO, and the  alliance with the Zionists is a “de facto alliance”.
“The rift …..turned brother against brother, with some Palestinian groups effectively entering into a de facto alliance with the Zionists, the killers of our children and tormentors of our people.”

Khalid Amayreh admitted that Dahlan is not a lone destructive figure on the national arena. There are many other Dahlans who thrive and prosper doing Israel’s bidding. We must eliminate them one by one in order to be qualified and prepared for a future of independence and freedom” he said.

It’s not you, Khalid, nor Hamas, who eliminiated Dahlan.

No word is said about about the real reasons for the (PA) move against the trouble-maker, Muhammed Dahlan, nor about letting him go.

Dahlan is not the [ONLY], traitor (trouble-maker) who “collaborated and conspired with the CIA and with Israel to topple the democratically elected government led by Hamas.”
He is not the [ONLY] traitor who “received money and weapons from Gen. Keith Dayton”

The (PA) moved against the “trouble-maker”, Muhammed Dahlan, not for being responsible for the assassination of many Palestinian leaders, especially in the Gaza Strip, not for thwarting  Makkah agreement between Fatah and Hamas and not the failed assassination attempt on the life of Prime Minister Ismael Haniya near the Rafah border crossing.

Dahlan’s paterners neutralized him to foil his planned a coup against Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas.


Minimal collabration

Moreover, “Brother” Khalid don’t mind minimal “security coordination with Israel to the point of ending this shameful chapter in our political life.”

He has no problem with the with the de facto alliance” of his “brother” Erdugan with the Zionists, and Nato.

His only problem is with Syrian regime “the totalitarian police-state apparatus which has been ruling Syria since the early sixties must be dismantled and terminated once and for all. The Baath party is inherently undemocratic; it can’t be reformed, it must be ended.”
In his “final analysis” of “Brother” Khalid concluded, unlike,Syria,  the (PA) can be reformed,
Neutralizing Dahlan, is “another real booster for cementing true national unity, without allowing Israel and its agents to sow division and discord in our ranks.”

 “The good news from Cairo”
[ 08/08/2011 – 09:08 PM ]

The latest agreement between Fatah and Hamas to translate national reconciliation efforts into facts on the ground is a perfect Ramadan gift for the Palestinian people.

Palestinians and their enduring just cause suffered immensely as a result of the tragic rift between Fatah and Hamas. The rift poisoned the Palestinian public discourse and turned brother against brother, with some Palestinian groups effectively entering into a de facto alliance with the Zionists, the killers of our children and tormentors of our people.

Hence, Palestinians and their friends pray to the Almighty that the latest Cairo agreement will shorten the distance between the two largest political camps on the Palestinian arena and at the same time put all Palestinians on a track of strength, determination and steadfastness vis-à-vis the colonialist power that occupies our homeland and seeks to wipe out our national existence.

The latest agreement stipulates many good things, including the immediate release of hundreds of political prisoners, the reopening of institutions closed as a result of the rift as well as free movement between Gaza and the West Bank. The latter clause, however, is unlikely to be implemented since Israel, not the Palestinians, has the final say in this regard. [In case, just in case the first is implemented, IOF shall immediatly kill/arrest the released hundreds of political prisoners,]

But the release of political prisoners, which is supposed to take place before the end of Ramadan, will be a real breakthrough in the erstwhile standoff between the two sides. The political prisoners’ issue has always been a bleeding wound generating mutual suspicions and recriminations. Thousands of Palestinian families have suffered due to the often unjust and unjustified incarcerations of their beloved ones, mainly because of ideological orientation or affiliation.

Students were often snatched from their campuses, doctors from their clinics, workers from their jobs, and so on and so forth. Even journalists who prepared the “wrong reports” or interviewed the “wrong person” were arrested and imprisoned.

This gloomy episode of blatant persecution of people just because they happen to hold certain political views exhausted the collective Palestinian psyche, causing many Palestinians to despair of the chances of restoring national unity.

In light, there is a great likelihood that the release of political prisoners (the vast majority of these prisoners are affiliated with Hamas and are detained by the Fatah security agencies in the West Bank ) will be a great confidence-building measure as well as booster for national unity.

Furthermore, the gradual reopening of institutions closed by one side as a reprisal against the other side is also going to be a huge positive development. We are talking about numerous social, charitable, religious and athletic institutions closed or seized entirely on suspicion of having certain connections with either Fatah or Hamas.

Again, it is well known that most and nearly all the closed institutions happened to be affiliated with Hamas’ supporters and are located in the West Bank .

There is no doubt that the beneficiaries of all these developments will be the Palestinian people whereas the sole loser will be Israel and her backers.

Therefore, we salute our brothers from Hamas and Fatah who reached this auspicious agreement in this holy month of Ramadan. We also hope and pray that this momentum of good-will will continue to manifest itself in future follow-up reconciliation talks until we reach the moment when the rift and all its scars, ramifications and repercussions will be a thing of the past.

The prospects for implementation of national reconciliation on the ground now seem more promising now than they were a few months ago.



Abbas and thet trouble-maker,

The Palestinian Authority (PA) decision to move against Muhammed Dahlan, the perpetual trouble-maker, will erase a major cause of the collision between Hamas and Fatah.

Dahlan [ONLY], for those who have forgotten or don’t know, connived, collaborated and conspired with the CIA and with Israel to topple the democratically elected government led by Hamas.

He [ONLY] received money and weapons from Gen. Keith Dayton, the American general who was dispatched to the occupied territories on a mission centering on sparking off Palestinian civil war.

Dahlan was responsible for the assassination of many Palestinian leaders, especially in the Gaza Strip. He was also responsible for thwarting the Makkah agreement between Fatah and Hamas in 2007. It is also believed that he stood behind the failed assassination attempt on the life of Prime Minister Ismael Haniya near the Rafah border crossing in the same year.

Hence, neutralizing Dahlan, should be another real booster for cementing true national unity, without allowing Israel and its agents to sow division and discord in our ranks.

Having said that, we can’t deny that Dahlan is not a lone destructive figure on the national arena. There are many other Dahlans who thrive and prosper doing Israel’s bidding. We must eliminate them one by one in order to be qualified and prepared for a future of independence and freedom.

But we must be honest with ourselves. There is still much to be done in this regard. We must start immediately to minimize security coordination with Israel to the point of ending this shameful chapter in our political life.

In the final analysis, there is no room for security coordination with the killers of our children and tormentors of our people if we are to be truly faithful to national unity. To be bluntly frank, national unity and security coordination with Israel are an eternal oxymoron, they can’t coexist in any form.

Hence, we hope that our brothers in Fatah will seriously press in that direction because Israel will never feel comfortable seeing us united and cooperating for the common good of our people and just cause. [What’s the the common good of our people and just cause???”

Ramadan kareem for all of you. 

In case you missed it

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

A Trilogy: The Road to “Independence” (2)


2. We are Liberating Palestine … Yes We Are!

Liberation is an art; an art we excel at. We liberated Jericho, we liberated Ramallah, we liberated Bethlehem, we liberated Jenin, we liberated Nablus, we liberated three-quarters of Hebron, we liberated a few bits here and there and we will liberate Jerusalem. Which “Jerusalem” we mean? Don’t ask, it’s complicated. We liberated some 7% of the West Bank without the need of an army or any “resistance” other than our definition of “resistance”. We liberated 7% of the West Bank through the negotiations everyone is criticizing.

We liberated 7% of the West Bank and are encouraging everyone to come and join us in liberating another 7%, then we will have 14% of the West Bank, not of historic Palestine. Historic Palestine is another story, it needs a lot of 7%s and we don’t have the time, we are too busy building a state on the liberated 7% – of the West Bank- the original 7% we liberated.We ask our American patrons to continue supporting our liberation process. We ask our European friends to continue financing our liberation process. We ask our Arab brothers to continue cheering and applauding our liberation process. We invite our Israeli partners in peace and negotiations to continue negotiating with us and asking us for more concessions. They can negotiate with us on the already liberated 7% if they want, we won’t mind because we heart negotiations.

We ask our American patrons to continue supporting our liberation process. We ask our European friends to continue financing our liberation process. We ask our Arab brothers to continue cheering and applauding our liberation process. We invite our Israeli partners in peace and negotiations to continue negotiating with us and asking us for more concessions. They can negotiate with us on the already liberated 7% if they want, we won’t mind because we heart negotiations.

Modern liberation is an art; a fine art, an art very few understand. It is the art of selling your rights to the highest bidder in the name of “ending the conflict”.

It is the art of shaking the hands of your killer in the name of “peace”. It is the art of joining forces with your enemy against your brother. It is an art only the “civilized” understand.

Forget liberation through armed resistance, forget liberation through popular resistance. Today, liberation is achievable through concessions and two-year road maps to statehood. And if liberation is your goal – and you have only 2 years time to achieve that goal – just follow our refined and re-adjusted definition of liberation and you will get your state.

Liberation is an art: the art of “see nothing, hear nothing, say nothing”.

We turn a blind eye and a deaf ear to Israeli actions against our people. We hide the minute Israeli soldiers enter a town, a village or a refugee camp. We stand still and watch every time Zionist militias kill a Palestinian child or demolish a Palestinian home or build a new Zionist colony.
Liberation requires resistance, requires action and the best form of action is no action. Our people want resistance, they want us to resist the occupation, but why won’t they understand that inaction is a form of non-violent resistance? Why won’t they understand that inaction is the perfect type of resistance, a form everyone will love, mainly our Israeli partners in peace and negotiations; just watch as your nation is being slaughtered and don’t act!
And with our silent resistance, our inaction, we are shaking the grounds of Israel. With our inaction we are liberating Palestine! And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we don’t act every time Israeli soldiers kill a Palestinian child or demolish a Palestinian home or build a new Zionist colony? Don’t they realize that any action on our side would make us unfit to be the “brave” who made the “peace”?

We need to show the Israelis we are real partners for peace, that we are the partners they have long waited for, that our goals are theirs, that their wish is our command. And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we don’t go complain and condemn Israel every time Israeli soldiers kill a Palestinian child or demolish a Palestinian home or build a new Zionist colony?
Don’t they realize that it makes us look like crying little babies every time we go and condemn? Don’t they realize if we start condemning Israeli human rights violation, we will need a 24-hour team to do that and won’t have time to liberate them and build our state? It’s enough to condemn once every six months, that’s the allowed maximum. This is called cooperation, this is called “taking and giving”; we help hide their crimes and they give us the approval to set up new firms, import the latest BMWs, give us permits to go to Tel-Aviv.
So, if you happen to pass a murdered Palestinian child just pretend he/she is sleeping, and if you pass a demolished Palestinian home pretend it is being renovated and if someone mentions Jerusalem, just remember that the place was exchanged for a title and a red carpet, and never mention it again and with time people might forget it ever existed. And for God’s sake, stop criticizing us, while we are busy liberating you, for going back to negotiations again and again and again. Negotiating is resistance, and you people keep calling for resistance, asking us to resist and we are resisting; we are resisting the occupier with our unshakable stand that negotiations are the only way no matter what Israel does, no matter what Israel says, no matter what the whole world says.Can’t you see we are embarrassing Israel by insisting on going to negotiations when they don’t even want to give us a tiny road in “Samaria”? We are resisting the occupier every time we kneel down to negotiations, make it our god and our holy book. Do you want them to stop our monthly salaries? Do you want our bank accounts to go in the minus? Do you want them to deny us travel permits? Do you want them to send us packing and back to our lousy 2-room apartments in some Arab capital

Liberation is an art: the art of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”.

We provoke our brothers and sisters, incite against them and call them the enemy. We discredit, attack and oust every voice that speaks against us, every voice that criticizes us or exposes us.

We discredit, attack and oust all, individuals or group, who seek to delegitimize us, for no one is legitimate but us; we are the chosen ones, even though we were not chosen, we are the elect ones; even though we were not elected.

We cut off the monthly salaries of those who refuse to obey our orders to go to the streets and march in our support. We cut off the monthly allocations of other factions who dare to criticize us and refuse to obey our orders.

And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us for refusing to talk to other Palestinian factions while rushing to hug Israelis? Do you people expect us to stand with our enemies, those who want to take away the power, the villas and the money from us? And we need those travel permits, we need to go to Tel Aviv, Geneva and Washington. We call for “unity” while spreading disunity, and we agree to “unity” before starting a new round of accusation so we can blame the others for breaking the “unity”.
We say out loud that we choose “unity” with our brothers and sisters but secretly assure our partners in peace and negotiations that the disunity shall prevail. And when our rivals finally see the light, fear losing what little power they have, fear losing the salaries and the transactions, we set the agendas and make it clear for them; we and our partners in peace and negotiations give the orders and you obey. We set up sites, call them “independent”, finance them from under the table so they spread our version of events, our “truth” and discredit, attack and incite against other political factions, groups and individuals, against all other voices that disobey us.
We hold media conferences with bought pens and conduct imaginary polls by false experts all assuring the people that the Palestinian street is on our side, that lies are being spread about us by collaborators who serve regional powers, by media outlets that are owned by Zionists. We send our people to get media training, in propaganda, from our Israeli friends, send them to Tel Aviv to take lessons in how to build the new Palestinian, re-programme him/her to accept the new facts on the ground, to use the rights words, the rights terms, to accept the new definition of resistance, our definition of resistance, the definition our partner in peace and negotiations, our American, European and Arab patrons and friends have formulated especially for us, because we are special. We install representatives all over the world, trained by our partners in peace and negotiations, and instruct them what to say when foreign media asks about the Zionist colonies, about the ethnic cleansing of Jerusalem, about the siege of Gaza… we blame it all on our political opponents, on our own brothers and sisters, and relieve our partners in peace and negotiations of any responsibility and any criticism. We call everyone a radical: radical left, radical right, radical east, radical west, radical middle, radical Islamists, radical communists, radical socialists, radical nothing, and we are the only ones who are moderate, the only ones who seek peace, Israeli-style peace.

Liberation is an art: the art of “accept what you are given today, because it might not be there tomorrow”.

We thank our Israeli partners in peace and negotiations for their generous offers, we offer them more concessions to show our gratitude for accepting to welcome us in Tel-Aviv, for rolling the red carpet for us and calling us “moderate”, for allowing us fake posts and titles.

We don’t raise the ceiling of our demands because we don’t want to distress our partners and if they insist we make more concession, we obey. We appear on local TV stations, give interviews to local newspaper and speak in local gatherings and stress that we will never concede, we will never give up on any of our national constants, on any of our rights, and insist that they are legitimate rights, and then we hop into BMW’s and rush to Tel Aviv to emphasize our loyalty and obedience, and we hop into planes and rush to Washington to emphasize our loyalty and obedience. And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we agree to land swaps? What’s wrong with helping Israel achieve its goal and become a pure Jewish state? We should assure our partners in peace and negotiations that we will do all we can to stop being a demographic threat to them, we have to protect them from little Palestinian children being born every day in the dozens, for they have enough threats as it is from besieged people wanting to live, from unarmed protesters yearning for freedom.

Our goal is a state in two years, so if they want East Jerusalem, let them have it, for we have Ramallah with all its ministries, the hotels, the NGOs and not to forget the Noble Muqata’a, and one capital for our future state is more than enough.

If they want the settlement blocks, let them have them, for we will get Im Il-Fahim in return, and a bunch of outposts with little cute caravans and we will build our own cities, a hundred tiny Rawabis for the elites and the sons of the elites. If they want the Jordan Valley, let them have it, and in return we will get the casino, and become the Monaco of the new Middle East. We don’t need agricultural land, we will build an industrial state, one to compete with Germany and Japan. And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we sign one concession after the other? If our partners in peace and negotiations want 10% of the 20% of Palestine we are begging for, let them have it, and in return we will have tiny bits of An-Naqab desert, the tiny bits no one wants. Isn’t An-Naqab part of Palestine, and every part of Palestine is sacred to us, and we never reject any crumbs thrown our way. These crumbs are the basis of the Palestinian state, the state that will be born out of the ashes of Palestinian villages demolished and Palestinian children massacred: a state that will be itindependent from s people and dependent on every donor penny and on every Israeli nod…. a state that will be independent from its people and dependent on everything and everyone else…. a state for the “new Palestinian”, and the not so “new Palestinians” can find themselves another planet to live on.
And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we accept to give up 80% of Palestine? Don’t you understand that if we had accepted what they offered us in 1947 we would have had a state… if we had accepted what they offered us in 2000 we would have had a state… if we had accepted whatever crumbs were thrown at us, we would have has a state by now. Stop telling us that even if we accept what they offer us, they will ask for more concessions. So what? We will comply and we will accept whatever they offer us, because they might get upset and not offer it again. We have to show them that we are the long-wished for partners and isn’t this what partnership is all about? They offer and we take. We accept whatever they offer us because our aim is to build a state, even if in the end they offer us only the Holy Muqata’a as our state. All we want is a state and what makes a state but a president, a prime minister, a cabinet and a red carpet?

Liberation is an art: the art of “talk about everything and nothing”.

We are masters in diversion. Whenever Israeli terrorist attacks happen, whenever Palestinians are massacred, whenever Jerusalemites are expelled from their homes, whenever Zionist colonies expand and whenever we raise the level of our collaboration with the occupier, we rush to talk about everything but the occupation, everything but the collaboration, everything but the concessions. Whenever Zionist colonists attack olive harvesters, uproot trees and destroy land, whenever Israeli occupation soldiers raid homes, kidnap children and beat up unarmed activists, whenever new colonies are built for aliens from Russia, Canada, Antarctica and Mars, we rush to condemn the “unity” that is failing, the other Palestinian party that is refusing to abide with the “unity” deal and we swear that “unity” with our brothers is more important than negotiations, that “unity” is stronger than any threats, and behind closed doors we unite with our partners in peace and negotiations and swear no other alliance. Whenever we help bury evidence condemning Israel, whenever we vote in support of protecting Israeli war criminals from international courts, whenever our complicity in Israeli war crimes and in covering up these crimes is exposed, we rush to talk about Jerusalem that is threatened, that is being Judaized, we rush to condemn settlements and settler violence, we drive by refugee camps and wave from our armoured Mercedes.

We are the masters of diversion, the masters of deception, we answer no questions, we give no solutions, we comply to no local inquiry or national committee. With us, A becomes B and B becomes Z.

Whenever there is popular rage over the massacres that have become daily, the Judaization of Jerusalem, the expansion of settlements, the siege that is strangling a whole population, we talk about the division among us, about those who refuse to shake our hands and we call for “reconciliation”, we accuse the “others” of diverting the news to avoid unity talks, we talk about the “others” using Jerusalem to discredit us.
Whenever there is popular rage over our corruption, our loaded bank accounts, our villas and summer houses, our VIP cards and Tel-Aviv permits, we talk about Jerusalem that is forever ours, about outposts that will be removed, about refugees that will return, about our determination to end the occupation and build a state.

Whenever there is popular rage over the concessions we are making, our repression of our people, the sell-out of the refugees and their rights, the state that is a fiction, our meeting with Zionist war criminals and leaders of Zionist militias, our running to negotiations, our security coordination with the occupiers, our protection of the Zionist terror gangs that roam Palestinian towns and villages and hunt Palestinian children and burn olive fields and homes, we tell people not to worry about Jerusalem being ethnically cleansed house by house, not to worry about the settlements growing and growing and reaching the moon, because we will be liberated in two years.

We talk about outside regional powers that work to undermine Palestinian independent decision, we talk about the unity we yearn, the one people we are, the reconciliation some avoid, we talk about the “resistance” we are re-defining, we talk about the prison-within-prison state we are seeking, we talk about liberation through negotiations, we talk about everything and nothing, we blame everyone else for everything we do, but we never blame or condemn our partners in peace and negotiations. And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we defend Israel, cover up its war crimes? Don’t they understand that we need to protect our friends, our partners in peace and negotiations, those who keep us in power? We need to join hands with the friends who will be generous enough to allow us a state in Ramallah, a casino in Jericho and an elite-only Bantustans a la Rawabi. We need mobile networks so you can contact us when you need protection from the groups of darkness come to incite against us or against our partners in peace and negotiations. We need Mercedeses so we can parade in front of your over-crowed refugee camps and show you what it’s like to play the game our way. We need cash flowing into our bank accounts, so we can reward those who believe in us and our chosen path.

Liberation is an art, the art of “it’s my way or no way”.

We decide the outline, we outline the do and don’t. We talk about liberation, mention the word freedom a million and one times, but condemn our people to a life in slavery. We mention the word state two million and one times, but condemn our people to a life in concentration camps. We swear our support to popular resistance, because everyone else loves it nowadays, everyone else calls for it nowadays. We organize popular conferences and become their patrons, we give speeches and declare that popular resistance is the answer, is the key to freedom and to the coming state. But when our people decide that popular resistance is the way to liberation, when our people decide that the time has come for another popular Intifada, we denounce the Intifada, denounce popular resistance, denounce resistance as a whole and declare that we won’t allow any Intifadas, whether armed or non-violent, declare that we won’t allow any demonstration, whether small or large, declare that we won’t allow any form of protest, whether a sit-in, a march or even a song that might upset our partners in peace and negotiations, that might make them feel “threatened” by us or might make them doubt our sincere intentions and doubt our suitability for the role of partner. And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we denounce resistance and declare we will never throw even a paper clip at Israeli occupation soldiers? Don’t they realize that it is our duty to show the world that we are cool, peaceful people and follow the modern adjusted definition of “resistance”, the one approved by our Israeli, American and European friends, approved by the rest of the free world, the adjusted definition of “resistance” that deprives us of our legitimate rights, of our national aspirations, of our freedom, of our dignity, the adjusted definition of “resistance” that states that occupiers can stamp on the hearts and souls of the oppressed to which the oppressed should reply: Thank you, do you have more? We do our best to stop demonstrations against the occupation, we detain anyone who marches towards an Israeli checkpoint, or even thinks or protesting in the vicinity of a Zionist colony.

We prohibit protests against our policies and against security coordination with our partners in peace in and negotiations.

We threaten employees with their salaries and force them to march in our support and in support of the concessions we are making, we organize marches in support of our partners and fellow dictators.
We employ our security apparatus, trained by the occupation, for the safety of the occupation and its terrorist militias.
And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people get angry when we crack down on their protests against the occupation, when we prevent them from reaching Jerusalem, when we kidnap them upon orders of the occupation, when we torture them for resisting the occupier?

Don’t they realize that the safety of the occupier means salaries at the end of the month?
Don’t they understand that the safety of the occupier means that we can build imaginary towns aka Bantustans, create industrial zones aka slavery centres and declare a fake state aka a prison within a prison?

Don’t they realize that Jerusalem is outside our future state limits, beyond our future borders, and that anyone who wishes to liberate Jerusalem is “free” to go there and demonstrate there, if they are allowed in? We encourage the boycott of products of Zionist colonies in the West Bank, but are vehemently against a boycott of all products of the Zionist entity, even if our economy is destroyed by the occupier, even if our shops and homes are drowning in the products of the occupier, even if our products rot at the occupier’s checkpoints, even if our fields, farms and factories are demolished and bombarded by the occupier, even if our natural resources are stolen by the occupier right under our very noses.

We declare Palestinian homes and shops “settlement-products-free” but fill our villas, our offices and our conference rooms with Israeli products. And if a Zionist colony moves the administrative offices of its factories to occupied Haifa or occupied Bisan, then we remove it from our boycott list. We are good partners in peace and negotiations and we don’t boycott the occupier, we only boycott the Zionist colonists who embarrass us by selling their products openly in our towns and villages. Those who do it secretly are another story. And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do people criticize us when we hide the minute Israeli occupation soldiers enter a town, a village or a refugee camp? Why do they criticize us when we escort Zionist colonists into the heart of Palestinian communities? Why do they criticize us when we patrol the roads of Palestinian towns and villages in the company of Israeli military vehicles and intelligence jeeps or when we parade in front of refugees camps and work as human shields for Israeli occupier? Why do they criticize us when we join the occupier in the hunt of Palestinians and or when we hide while they extra-judicially execute Palestinians? Don’t they realize that it’s one of our duties, our main duties, to protect the Israeli occupier, our one and truly partner in peace and negotiations, and make way for them to do their job? They allow us to do our job and steal, build imaginary cities and states, and we should allow them to do their job and kill, demolish, detain, steal and expel. Why don’t our people realize that once and for all: the security of the Israeli occupier is our religion! It’s called peace of the brave and we are the brave, for accepting what no Palestinian would ever accept, for giving up what no Palestinian would ever give up.

Liberation is an art, the art of “what is yours is mine and what is mine is mine alone”.

We hold a conference and beg for money in the name of our people. We are liberating Palestine and liberation is a costly business. We want to build a state, we want to build more five star hotels for the international experts and consultants who come to sell us talk for a piece of the pie, we want to build more casinos for wealthy Israelis who are transforming our land into a pure-Jewish state, we want to build more Rawabis for the elite of the elite, for those who suffer while negotiating, while signing concessions, while travelling from one world capital to another to give talks. Travelling is hard work and talking is hard work and getting all your expenses paid so you speak in the name of people who never delegated you is extremely hard work. We threaten people into selling us their lands for very low prices so we can build cities for the elite, so we can build small Dubai replicas, for those who sacrifice their lives in negotiating with our partner in peace and negotiations, those who refuse to keep silent and choose to serve their masters and negotiate, those who believe that negotiating is a duty, a sacred duty, that very few are willing to sell their homeland for. We widen Wadi In-Nar road, make a real highway out of it, make it something just out of the movies, so Palestinians travelling that road can forget there is a Jerusalem. We install sun-energy street lights so Palestinians will be dazzled by the sun and not see the colonial cancer that is devouring Palestine. We tour the world and collect money for the people who are being brutally oppressed while we watch and refuse to take action as per Oslo at al, for Jerusalem that is being Judaized while we watch and refuse to take action as per Oslo at al, for Gaza that is being besieged while we watch and refuse to take action as per Oslo at al, for the land that is being massacred while we watch and refuse to take action as per Oslo at al.
We allow private businesses for a share of the pie, and create quasi-state companies and firms, call them private and independent and employ consultants who served us well in the negotiating teams. We know they only abandoned the ship of negotiations after they milked the negotiations cow dry and after they built villas that compete with ours from which they preach and attack the negotiations. But it is okay if they criticize us openly now that they are no longer part of the negotiating team, what really matters is that they keep silent about the cash we and they make from private businesses. So why do our people criticize us when we divide the shares between us, it’s all a matter of business and everyone is selling and buying, even some of your work-with-them-during-the-day-and-criticize-them-at-night preachers. Is it our fault if what reaches our people in the end is a big null? A huge nothing? We, the representatives of the Palestinian people, have many bills to pay, many planes to catch and many hotels to stay in, and playing your representatives is really tiresome and expensive; all the travels, the speeches, the dinners, owning villas and summer houses.
And while we are busy liberating Palestine, why do our people criticize us when we wear Armani suits and appear on TV screens to give interviews to Israeli TV, CNN and Al-Arabiya or Al-Jazeera. Don’t they understand that we are liberating Palestine and it’s our duty, as representatives of the Palestinian people, to show the world that we are no more the savages wearing kuffiyyas and lousy “I love Palestine” T-Shirts, but that we are civilized and wear suits and boots expensive enough to feed a hundred families a hundred days? We threaten people with their salaries before religious feasts, before school begin, every month, every day and night. We force employees to go out to the streets in our support and in support of our concessions and threaten them with their jobs and salaries if they refuse. We treat employees according to their political affiliation, if you are one of us, you get a monthly bonus because you are one of the good guys, those our partners in peace and negotiation appreciate. To the others we deliver dismissal notices. We tell syndicates they have the right to strike and to protest, and when they do strike we rush to the higher court to stop their strikes and to punish them. For how dare they demand “reasonable” salaries so they can feed their families? Don’t they see that while they only work 7 hours a day, we work 24/7 non-stop in their service? We travel the whole world, are forced to stay at five star hotels, just to negotiate and sell-out their rights? Why do they get angry if the one hundred and one security apparatuses we have get paid firstly, regularly and receive higher salaries than those with a hundred university degrees and with a thousand years of professional experience? Aren’t these security apparatuses the ones who protect us, work for our safety from the forces of the darkness, help escort and protect our partners in peace and negotiations? They are the “new Palestinians”, the protectors of our wealth, the worst nightmare to anyone who disagrees with us and the guardians of the coming state.

The odds are against ‘Golden Boy’!

Via FLC

Palestinians to unveil new Hamas-Fatah unity government next week – Haaretz Daily Newspaper | Israel News

‘peres: “don’t you pull an Erdogan on me now!”‘

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

Palestine and the ‘Parallel states’

Posted on May 30, 2011 by rehmat1|

In the past I wrote my thoughts on three ‘options’ to resolve the Zonist-Palestinian conflict based on the One State, Two-State and Helen Thomas’ Third option. The recent showdown between the leader of world’s sole military power, Barack Obama and Benji Netanyahu, the leader of world’s sole money power (which Benji won) on the former’s vision of One State option introduced me to a fourth option of Parallel States, Palestine and Israel sharing the same land between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River.

The ‘Parallel States’ project was conducted within the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Lund University. It was funded by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish Research Council. It submitted its report in September 2010. The idea which gave birth to the project was; One secular-democratic state solution will never be acceptable Israeli Jews and the so-called ‘Two state’ has no chance to materialize unless it’s based on Israeli ‘wish list’.

I tends to agree with the theory that Obama-Benji conflicting rhetoric were pre-planned to sabotage Hamas-Fatah unity government’s threat to declare a Palestinian State.

In reality, both the ‘Two states’ and the ‘Parallel states’ options are to legitimize the Jewish occupation of Palestine. The current verbal-shooting between the US and Israel is more of a tactical controversy than a strategic one. The reason behind this latest Obama-Benji charade is to hijack the Hamas-Fatah unity government’s possible move to ask United Nations General Assembly to recognize an independent sovereign Palestine based on 1967 borders. The request is sure to be approved by a majority vote – but UN membership will certainly get Washington’s veto at the UN Security Council.
On May 28, 2011 – the pro-Israel Al-Jazeera (English), published an article entitled ‘Parallel states: A new vision for peece’. The ‘vision’ came from two Jewish scholars, professor Mark LeVine (University of California) and Mathias Mossberg, a former Swedish Ambassador. They compared their vision of a Jewish Israel sharing the same land with Native Muslim and Christian Palestinian state in parallel – with European Union (EU).

Within our research, the most useful example of how various levels of jurisdiction can be shared is the European Union, where the rapid integration of the member states has transferred traditionally national legislative and judicial powers to supranational bodies, diminishing the importance of national boundaries and territorial sovereignty for the benefit of the exercise of transnational freedoms and rights for citizens within the Union,” wrote authors.

I wonder if the authors know that all EU members are Judeo-Christian majority nations which have maintained their original Armed Forces and some are nuclear powers. Each EU member has its own standards of human rights (most persecute Muslim and Gypsy minorities) and even maintain trade relations with some countries (Iran, Lebanon, Serbia, etc.) sanctioned by the EU.

The EU was originally established to ease trade and tourism among the European countries. Later it was politicized to counter the threat of United States’ economic domination of Europe. EU created its own euro currency against US dollar. However, when it comes to wars and colonization of foreign lands – EU has always been an American ally. The EU has resisted the inclusion of Muslim-majority Turkey’s wish to join it for the last 20 years.

What is clear is that the Oslo era two-state solution was born out of a twentieth century notion of sovereignty that, at least in the case of Israel/Palestine is neither viable nor particularly desirable in the “New Middle East” Oslo’s architects imagined their peace process heralded. Almost two decades later, the region has finally moved towards a new era, but led by ordinary people rather than leaders who more often than not have frustrated rather than helped to realise the legitimate political, economic and cultural aspirations of their peoples,” wrote the authors.

The Oslo Accord signed on September 13, 1993 between PLO leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin – was nothing but a diversion to pre-empt the Islamic Resistance groups taking over the leadership from the discredited secularists leadership. Israelis killed the agreement even before the ink dried.

In the context of the Arab Spring, a parallel states process might just hold the key to helping Israelis and Palestinians join the region-wide push towards peace, democracy and justice in the fullest, and fairest, way possible,” wrote the authors.

Pity, both the US and Israel have been irked by the ‘Arab Spring’ – because both fear that ‘democracy and justice’ will give power to Islamist groups which will side with Palestinians and Iran against Israel. After watching its puppet-regimes falling in Egypt, Tunisia and Lebanon – Obama has already started his counter-revolution through its Arab proxy, Saudi Arabia.

These changes have been followed by demonstrations against US domination and Zionism. They politically benefit the ‘Axis of Resistance’, comprised of Iran, Syria at the state level and at the non-state level by Hezbullah and Hamas. To lead the counter-revolution in this region, Washington and Tel-Aviv have relied on their best support: the Sudairi clan which embodies despotism at the service of imperialism unlike any other,” wrote Thierry Meyssan, a French intellectual, author and columnist.

"… About as close to zero as you can imagine"

Via FLC

“… Although he said Israel would be “very generous on the size of a future Palestinian state,” Netanyahu was uncompromising about just whose land he was talking about. As he put it, “In Judea and Samaria the Jewish people are not foreign occupiers. We are not the British in India. We are not the Belgians in the Congo.”

‘So, as I was saying, this fellow Obama does not understand you & us!’

Netanyahu also demanded that Abbas immediately “tear up” his recent unity agreement with Hamas, a movement he said was “the Palestinian version of al Qaeda.” However vague, these are not terms that any Palestinian leader concerned for his political survival can accept, and indeed, Abbas’s side was quick to reject them in no uncertain terms. (One Palestinian official said Netanyahu’s speech was “a declaration of war on Palestine.”) … … the Palestinians will plow ahead with their statehood drive at the United Nations, a move that both Obama and Netanyahu vigorously oppose. Given how recent U.N. votes have gone, the United States will stand alone as the rest of the world denounces the Israeli occupation and embraces a Palestinian state. It may not change any facts on the ground, but it will further illustrate just how isolated America and Israel are becoming. And this may even be an optimistic scenario — a third intifada may well break out, possibly leading to another round of destabilizing violence. Any shred of hard-won credibility the United States has regained in the Arab world as a result of the “Arab Spring” will be gone.

So is there any hope? … About as close to zero as you can imagine.”

Posted by G, M, Z, or B at 5:24 PM

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

Qasem: Occupation wants reconciliation tailored to its liking

[ 22/05/2011 – 10:01 PM ] 
RAMALLAH, (PIC)– Dr. Abedl-Sattar Qasem, political science professor at al-Najah university in Nablus, said that the occupation wants a reconciliation tailored to its liking and which is based on resisting the resistance, but not a reconciliation that unites Palestinians and props up resistance.

Qasem said, in a press statement on Sunday, that the Palestinian national reconciliation is still not being felt on the ground and the people want to see its fruits quickly.

On Obama’s speech he said that anyone who counts on Obama is walking towards a mirage as the Palestinian state that Obama and Netanyahu want to see is a Palestinian state that looks after the security of Israeli and as such it is not a state.

He commented on Obama’s call for Hamas to recognise the occupation state by saying that if Hamas was to do that it would lose its raison d’etre and would become like the PA and this will not happen.

He finally stressed that any proposed solution or initiative that does not recognise the right of return in a practical manner will fail at the end pointing out that the Arab popular revolutions will support Palestinian rights and that refugees in the camps will not rest until they return to their homes.
River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

Unity is Not Compromise: Towards a Real Palestinian Strategy

“Fatah should not interpret unity as a mandate to carry on with its failed policy of the past. And Hamas should take care not to repeat the kind of text-book mistakes Palestinians have repeatedly committed, even if the reward might be greater legitimacy or inconsequential recognitions.”
By Ramzy Baroud

As the Palestine Papers demonstrated, the major obstacle to a real, lasting and just peace in Palestine is the Israeli leadership’s unwillingness to accept anything less than full domination over the Palestinians. Not only do Israeli leaders refuse to partake in any serious peace talks, they also refuse to agree on universally accepted notions, for example, the law.

On 13 November 2007, then Israeli foreign minister Tzipi Livni told chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Ereikat that she despised the very notion of law. According to the Palestine Papers, published by Al-Jazeera and the Guardian, Livni said: “I was the Minister of Justice. I am a lawyer… But I am against law — international law in particular. Law in general.”
Livni is often contrasted with current rightwing Israeli leader Binyamin Netanyahu, and has been described as a “dove” when compared to him. This unfounded reputation caused many broken hearts when Netanyahu became prime minister of Israel in March 2009, as chances for real peace supposedly diminished.
Such Israeli obduracy was a prime reason for Palestinians to unify their ranks. The signing of the Hamas-Fatah unity agreement in Cairo on 27 April was indeed a fitting response to Israel’s incessant attempts at dividing the Palestinians.
Palestinian unity must not be co-opted into the peace charade, however. It should not become a condition Palestinians are required to fulfil in order to demonstrate their worthiness for Israeli-US-styled peace. Such a rationale, now gleefully argued by many, would not explain why ordinary Palestinians celebrated throughout the occupied territories.

What compelled the celebrations was a common understanding that political unity was necessary to confront that very Israeli intransigence, and that the use of democratic and truly representative political institutions could achieve such goals as liberation, sovereignty and the right of return for Palestinian refugees.

Following the official signing of the unity deal, Daniel Levy wrote in the Guardian : “It makes sense to speculate that a course correction by Israel’s leaders towards greater realism, pragmatism and compromise might emerge in response to a more challenging, strategic and — one would hope — non- violent Palestinian adversary.”

Others have made similar points, arguing that Palestinian political unity will force Israel to compromise. Hamas and Fatah could together prevent Netanyahu’s government from expanding settlements, and also prevent further exploitation of disunity by challenging the idea that Israel has no peace partner with which an agreement can be reached and honoured.

This argument, as thoughtful or well-intended as it may be, actually seems to ignore recurring historical events. Israel’s colonial programme underway in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank has never been affected by Palestinian discord or unity. The real problem lies in Israel’s entrenched belief that only absolute military domination over the Palestinians could guarantee Israel’s position in what Livni described as a “rough neighbourhood”.

However, Palestinian leaders, especially in the two main parties, Hamas and Fatah, already know this. Fatah has been through nearly 20 years of frivolous negotiations, and Hamas has, all this time, watched Fatah concede, both politically and territorially, without gaining any significant peace dividends in return. Thus, it’s a foretold conclusion that giving Israel yet another break to change its ways, as proposed by Hamas’s politburo chief Khaled Meshaal, will bring nothing new to the table.

To avoid being viewed as compromising, Meshaal made his remarks in the form of a threat. During a meeting with young leaders of the Egyptian revolution on 10 May, Meshaal stated that Hamas was “willing to give Israel a one- year extension on recognising a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital.” If Israel failed to do this, the movement would be forced to bring additional “cards to the pack of resistance”. The Hamas leader made it clear, however, that the additional cards wouldn’t necessarily indicate a declaration a war on Israel.

Giving Israel another year — enough time to confiscate more Palestinian land and to build thousands of new illegal housing units in its ever expanding settlements — is hardly the political strategy that Palestinians expect from the Hamas-Fatah unity.

In fact, neither Hamas nor Fatah have a political mandate to make such sweeping political compromises, especially as Palestinians are very familiar with Israel’s lack of tendency to reciprocate. In fact, Israel is likely to escalate, both politically and militarily, to counter whatever strategy Hamas and Fatah have in mind.

Palestinian leaders need to use caution before making such offerings, especially as the next phase in the Palestinian struggle for freedom and rights is likely to be a very challenging one. The Arab revolution is sounding the alarms in Tel Aviv that Israel’s rough neighbourhood is getting even rougher. Israel’s political contingency is at an all-time high, as united Palestinian parties will be pushing for international recognition of an independent state at the United Nations next September. More, the US is likely to curtail its omnipresent role as the propeller of the peace process, following the resignation of the Obama administration’s special envoy for Middle East peace.

The announcement of former Senator George Mitchell’s resignation after two years of fruitless talks, in conjunction with the mobilisation of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington, suggest that the coming months will see much arm-twisting, if not outright coercion, of the Palestinian leadership.

Fatah should not interpret unity as a mandate to carry on with its failed policy of the past. And Hamas should take care not to repeat the kind of text-book mistakes Palestinians have repeatedly committed, even if the reward might be greater legitimacy or inconsequential recognitions.

Palestinians didn’t celebrate unity out of love for Hamas or Fatah. Rather they were eager to see a sound Palestinian strategy that could revitalise Palestinian energies everywhere towards one common goal: freedom. The freedom Palestinians want is based on Palestinian political constants, enshrined in international law. Any deviation from such understanding for limited political and factional gains will turn the prevailing sense of joy into grief, and celebrations into protests.

– Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London), available on Amazon.com.

Unity is Not Compromise: Towards a Real Palestinian Strategy

“Fatah should not interpret unity as a mandate to carry on with its failed policy of the past. And Hamas should take care not to repeat the kind of text-book mistakes Palestinians have repeatedly committed, even if the reward might be greater legitimacy or inconsequential recognitions.”

By Ramzy Baroud

As the Palestine Papers demonstrated, the major obstacle to a real, lasting and just peace in Palestine is the Israeli leadership’s unwillingness to accept anything less than full domination over the Palestinians. Not only do Israeli leaders refuse to partake in any serious peace talks, they also refuse to agree on universally accepted notions, for example, the law.

On 13 November 2007, then Israeli foreign minister Tzipi Livni told chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Ereikat that she despised the very notion of law. According to the Palestine Papers, published by Al-Jazeera and the Guardian, Livni said: “I was the Minister of Justice. I am a lawyer… But I am against law — international law in particular. Law in general.”
Livni is often contrasted with current rightwing Israeli leader Binyamin Netanyahu, and has been described as a “dove” when compared to him. This unfounded reputation caused many broken hearts when Netanyahu became prime minister of Israel in March 2009, as chances for real peace supposedly diminished.

Such Israeli obduracy was a prime reason for Palestinians to unify their ranks. The signing of the Hamas-Fatah unity agreement in Cairo on 27 April was indeed a fitting response to Israel’s incessant attempts at dividing the Palestinians.

Palestinian unity must not be co-opted into the peace charade, however. It should not become a condition Palestinians are required to fulfil in order to demonstrate their worthiness for Israeli-US-styled peace. Such a rationale, now gleefully argued by many, would not explain why ordinary Palestinians celebrated throughout the occupied territories.

What compelled the celebrations was a common understanding that political unity was necessary to confront that very Israeli intransigence, and that the use of democratic and truly representative political institutions could achieve such goals as liberation, sovereignty and the right of return for Palestinian refugees.

Following the official signing of the unity deal, Daniel Levy wrote in the Guardian : “It makes sense to speculate that a course correction by Israel’s leaders towards greater realism, pragmatism and compromise might emerge in response to a more challenging, strategic and — one would hope — non- violent Palestinian adversary.”

Others have made similar points, arguing that Palestinian political unity will force Israel to compromise. Hamas and Fatah could together prevent Netanyahu’s government from expanding settlements, and also prevent further exploitation of disunity by challenging the idea that Israel has no peace partner with which an agreement can be reached and honoured.

This argument, as thoughtful or well-intended as it may be, actually seems to ignore recurring historical events. Israel’s colonial programme underway in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank has never been affected by Palestinian discord or unity. The real problem lies in Israel’s entrenched belief that only absolute military domination over the Palestinians could guarantee Israel’s position in what Livni described as a “rough neighbourhood”.

However, Palestinian leaders, especially in the two main parties, Hamas and Fatah, already know this. Fatah has been through nearly 20 years of frivolous negotiations, and Hamas has, all this time, watched Fatah concede, both politically and territorially, without gaining any significant peace dividends in return. Thus, it’s a foretold conclusion that giving Israel yet another break to change its ways, as proposed by Hamas’s politburo chief Khaled Meshaal, will bring nothing new to the table.

To avoid being viewed as compromising, Meshaal made his remarks in the form of a threat. During a meeting with young leaders of the Egyptian revolution on 10 May, Meshaal stated that Hamas was “willing to give Israel a one- year extension on recognising a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital.” If Israel failed to do this, the movement would be forced to bring additional “cards to the pack of resistance”. The Hamas leader made it clear, however, that the additional cards wouldn’t necessarily indicate a declaration a war on Israel.

Giving Israel another year — enough time to confiscate more Palestinian land and to build thousands of new illegal housing units in its ever expanding settlements — is hardly the political strategy that Palestinians expect from the Hamas-Fatah unity.

In fact, neither Hamas nor Fatah have a political mandate to make such sweeping political compromises, especially as Palestinians are very familiar with Israel’s lack of tendency to reciprocate. In fact, Israel is likely to escalate, both politically and militarily, to counter whatever strategy Hamas and Fatah have in mind.

Palestinian leaders need to use caution before making such offerings, especially as the next phase in the Palestinian struggle for freedom and rights is likely to be a very challenging one. The Arab revolution is sounding the alarms in Tel Aviv that Israel’s rough neighbourhood is getting even rougher. Israel’s political contingency is at an all-time high, as united Palestinian parties will be pushing for international recognition of an independent state at the United Nations next September. More, the US is likely to curtail its omnipresent role as the propeller of the peace process, following the resignation of the Obama administration’s special envoy for Middle East peace.

The announcement of former Senator George Mitchell’s resignation after two years of fruitless talks, in conjunction with the mobilisation of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington, suggest that the coming months will see much arm-twisting, if not outright coercion, of the Palestinian leadership.

Fatah should not interpret unity as a mandate to carry on with its failed policy of the past. And Hamas should take care not to repeat the kind of text-book mistakes Palestinians have repeatedly committed, even if the reward might be greater legitimacy or inconsequential recognitions.

Palestinians didn’t celebrate unity out of love for Hamas or Fatah. Rather they were eager to see a sound Palestinian strategy that could revitalise Palestinian energies everywhere towards one common goal: freedom. The freedom Palestinians want is based on Palestinian political constants, enshrined in international law. Any deviation from such understanding for limited political and factional gains will turn the prevailing sense of joy into grief, and celebrations into protests.

– Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London), available on Amazon.com.
River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

Despite reconciliation deal Fatah security forces still detain citizens, targets Islamic Jihad men, arrests youth, summons others

“They sell you in the name of “unity” and say: the Palestinian people want a unity …
And the Palestinian people want a unity … but a different kind of unity …


The Palestinian people want a unity that places Palestine above all personal interests…
The Palestinian people want a unity that safeguards the Palestinian constants…
The Palestinian people want a unity that embodies their aspirations …
The Palestinian people want a unity that leads the way to liberation…
The Palestinian people want a unity; a unity that brings an end to collaboration, to concessions in the form of negotiations, to concessions in the name of “peace”, in the name of a tiny prison called “state”…

The Palestinian people want a unity that will unite the Palestinian people, in the homeland and in the Diaspora, unite them in one goal: total liberation.” reham alhelsi

Fatah security forces still detain citizens despite reconciliation deal

[ 18/05/2011 – 08:30 PM ]

WEST BANK, (PIC)– Despite the Palestinian reconciliation deal that was signed lately by the Palestinian factions in Cairo, the Fatah-affiliated security apparatuses in the West Bank still kidnap and summon dozens of citizens everyday.

According to local sources on Wednesday, the Palestinian authority intelligence apparatus have been detaining a young man called Mahmoud Abyat for 10 days. The young man used to work for lawmakers in their office in Bethlehem city

In Nablus city, the security forces also kidnapped another young man called Adel Katlouni from a restaurant in the city and released him on condition that he should return later for further interrogation.

The young man is the son of Husam Katlouni, a member of the municipal council in Nablus.

For his part, Amran Madlum, a student at the university of Birzeit refused to go to the intelligence headquarters after he was summoned for interrogation. This has been the third summons since his release from Israeli jails about 20 days ago.

A Palestinian family, for its part, said its son, Wafa Al-Hutari from Qalqiliya city, went on hunger strike in protest of his detention without any reason for several months in a PA jail.

Islamic Jihad confirms West Bank security still targeting its men

[ 18/05/2011 – 08:40 PM ]

JENIN, (PIC)– The Islamic Jihad movement has renewed accusations that the West Bank security agencies have continued targeting its members after the signing of the historic unity deal between factions ruling the Palestinian territories.

Harassment of the Islamic Jihad by West Bank security agencies has actually spiked since the signing of the unity deal ”in an attempt by some to disturb the reconciliation atmosphere and unity between resistance factions,” said an Islamic Jihad official in a press statement on Wednesday.

The agencies arrested ten Islamic Jihad men, including one who was crippled, during raids amid Nakba Day events in Jenin and Al-Khalil.

Separately, a Palestinian university student from Dora has declared her refusal to respond to summonses by the West Bank security agencies.

She was called to appear before security headquarters for questioning on May 18. But after discussing the matter with her family she decided not to appear.

She had already been questioned inside her university over her ties with students in the Islamic bloc as well as her friends and participation in the May 15 events.

Fatah official Hussam Khadir has criticized the recent string of arrests and summonses, especially those targeting elements from the Islamic Jihad, calling the situation a “violation of the Palestinian reconciliation agreement signed in Cairo two weeks back.

He confirmed that Fatah chief and de facto Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas is to blame.

He said that there are parties in every Palestinian institution that are not pleased with the unity deal, which stipulates the release of all political prisoners in both sides of the country.

PA security arrests youth, summons others

[ 19/05/2011 – 04:06 PM ]

AL-KHALIL, (PIC)– The PA intelligence in Al-Khalil city arrested a Palestinian young man and summoned a number of Hamas supporters in Yatta village, south of Al-Khalil, on Thursday in absolute disregard of the reconciliation agreement.

Local sources said that the intelligence detained Tamer Al-Natshe after summoning him to the intelligence headquarters in the city, noting that he was released from Israeli occupation jails only six months ago after eight years of imprisonment. He was also released only two weeks from the PA intelligence jail.

In Nablus, the PA intelligence summoned Abdurahman Hindiya for the second time but he said that he would not go, calling on all West Bank MPs to say something in face of the continued summonses despite the signing of the reconciliation agreement.

He urged West Bank youth not to obey security summonses.

River to Sea Uprooted Palestinian

Solidarity with Palestine

Ahead of May 15 Nakba commemorations, massive crowds assembled in Cairo’s Tahrir (Liberation) Square in solidarity. They displayed banners, proclaiming, “The People want the Rafah Crossing opened,” and “Palestine is a Arab state.”

They also waved Palestinian flags, chanting “Solidarity with the Palestinian Intifada” and “National Unity” ahead of a planned weekend march to Gaza. More on that below.

Domestic issues were also addressed, including ending recent sectarian violence and concerns about popular unaddressed issues under military junta rule. After Friday prayers, Sheikh Safwat Hegazy addressed the crowd, saying:

“(Appointed prime minister) Essam Sharaf: this is not your government. This is the revolution’s government. You should kick out the six former (NDP ruling party) ministers from the cabinet. We won’t accept (deputy prime minister) Yehia El-Gamal who’s part of the former regime….”
In response, crowds chanted, “Down, down Yehia El-Gamal.” One participant, identified only as Mohammad, spoke for others, saying:
Sharaf’s government is taking the same path as the former government. They have the same double standards, secrecy and authoritarian policy-making in internal (and) external affairs.”
Though Egypt’s spring hasn’t bloomed, its spirit pervades Tahrir, suggesting perhaps renewed uprisings ahead. For now, however, Egyptians head for Gaza in solidarity with Palestinian liberation, a goal millions around the world support, as well as a Third Intifada to achieve it.

Surprisingly, however, despite MENA region (Middle East/North Africa) Morocco to Oman to Syria uprisings, Palestinians haven’t yet reacted, except for regular small-scale demonstrations far short of large masses throughout Egypt and neighboring countries, posing challenges for ruling authorities.

Yet nowhere is regional abuse more extreme, including occupation, isolation, land theft, mass arrests, torture, targeted assassinations, daily terror, and at times war, causing thousands of casualties and widespread destruction.

Perhaps Egypt’s solidarity march will inspire what hasn’t yet occurred, under the slogan, “Cairo’s liberation will not be complete without the liberation of Al-Quds (Jerusalem).”

According to Justice and Freedom Youth Movement’s Ahmed Doma:

“We are organizing this event as part of the Arab Internet call for a third Palestinian Intifada, and as part of what has been termed ‘the Arab mass march.’ “

Facebook was used, urging that regional Arabs march en masse to Egyptian, Lebanese, Syrian, and Jordanian/Israeli borders, demanding what Palestinians have long sought, including liberation, ending occupation, the right of return, and East Jerusalem as its capital.

Participating Egyptians also want:

— Rafah’s border crossing permanently open, permitting free movement of people and goods;

— halting Egypt’s sale of gas to Israel;

— ending all “humiliating agreements with the Zionist state;” and

— immediate release of all Palestinians in Egyptian prisons.

On May 14 at noon Cairo time, marchers headed for Gaza, expecting to arrive that evening ahead of planned May 15 Nakba day rallies. At the same time, protesters demonstrated in front of Israel’s Giza embassy and its ambassador’s Maadi residence.

We are All Resistance member Arwa said “other convoys heading to Palestine are moving from Alexandria, Suez, Damietta and North Sinai. People will also join convoys from Gharbiya, Beni Suef, Assiut, Qena and Sohag” in a mass show of solidarity.

Cairo participating groups include:

— the National Front for Justice and Democracy;

— Cairo University’s Supporters of the Palestinian Revolution;

— the Justice and Freedom Youth Movement,

— Kifaya;

— We are All the Resistance Movement;

— Helwan University’s Resistance Movement;

— Ultras Ahlawy Ahly football club supporters;

— Zamalek club White Knights;

— Activists for Palestine;

— the Palestinian Women’s Coalition;

— the April 6 Movement;

— the Nasserist Party; and

— various independent activists.

In Tel Aviv, Israel’s Zochrot organization also shows support, defying the imposed ban on Nakba commemorations by posting a sign in German saying “we remember.” Other Israelis joined them in solidarity.

On its web site (zochrot.org), it:

“seeks to raise public awareness of the Palestinian Nakba, especially among Jews in Israel, who bear a special responsibility to remember and amend the legacy of 1948.”

Palestinians were victimized, losing “their entire world. But Jews in Israel also pay a price for their conquest,” living with the criminal legacy Palestinians and global supporters won’t forget. Zochrot’s goal is “recognition for injustice and new paths toward change and repair,” including the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland, saying:

“Return is fundamental to resolving the conflict and implementation of return need not cause injustice to Jewish people….in Israel.” It doesn’t mean expelling them. In fact, “the very opposite: The mutual existence of Palestinians and Jews in the country,” co-existing together peacefully. Return can thus free two societies from the destructive occupier/occupied relationship, ending a longstanding intolerable blight.

As a result, Zochrot will participate in March of Return activities, its site saying its members will visit Miska village, destroyed and ethnically cleaned by Israelis in 1948. They’ll then join the March of Return in al-Damun and al-Ruways villages, also demolished in 1948.

Ahead of May 15 demonstrations, Haaretz writers Anshel Pfeffer, Jack Khoury and Nir Hasson headlined, “Israeli – Palestinian tensions rise in Jerusalem, West Bank as Nabka Day nears,” explaining that:

Clashes erupted between IDF soldiers and Palestinians throughout the West Bank and East Jerusalem Friday morning, including in Silwan, Isawiya and the Old City. Israeli police arrested 11 protesters. IDF soldiers used rubber bullets, tear gas, and heavy-handed thuggishness, assaulting nonviolent demonstrators.

Several injuries were reported, including an American and 17-year old Milad Said Ayyash, shot in the head Friday at close range with a high-velocity tear gas cannister and killed. At his Saturday funeral, two Palestinians were wounded. Others were arrested.

Further, Haaretz said “(t)ens of thousands of Palestinian refugees will converge in Maroun al-Ras, a village in southern Lebanon that was a major point of fighting between the IDF and Hezbollah during the 2006 Lebanon War. A parallel demonstration will also be held on the Israeli side of the Lebanon border in Avivim….where demonstrations will be staged concurrently with” a planned Maroun al-Ras rally.

The International Middle East Media Center also reported on May 13 IDF – Palestinian clashes, including:

— Israelis blocking roads, impeding weekly Bil’in anti-wall protesters from traveling to established sites;

— arresting 34 West Bank/East Jerusalem protesters; and

— wounding 22 Palestinians in Nabi Saleh near Ramallah, including photo-journalist Hilmi Tamimi.

Moreover, Italian and Malaysian activists arrived in Gaza, including friends of slain activist/journalist Vittorio Arrigoni. They’ll join growing numbers of others in solidarity for Palestinian liberation and justice.

However, according to Press TV on May 14, Egyptian authorities blocked access to Sinai, preventing activists from reaching Rafah. Also, buses to transport other supporters didn’t arrive. Nonetheless, “a convoy left Cairo’s Liberation square on Saturday,” hoping to show Palestinian solidarity on the Gaza/Rafah border.

A Final Comment

On May 12, a Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) report said Israeli soldiers and settlers killed 7,342 Palestinians from September 29, 2000 (start of the second Intifada) through December 31, 2010.

PCBS also said Israeli security forces “kidnapped” nearly 750,000 Palestinians since June 1967, including 12,000 women and many children, targeted for wanting freedom in their own land.

Occupation harshness continues daily throughout the West Bank, East Jerusalem and besieged Gaza. On May 15, regional solidarity will converge in Gaza, along Egyptian, Lebanese, Jordanian, and Syrian border areas, and perhaps other locations worldwide, commemorating Nakba day for what Palestinians have long sought – liberation on their own land in their own country. Long overdue, it can’t come a moment too soon.

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.=

posted by Steve Lendman @ 1:23 AM

‘Egypt revolution hope for Palestine’ – Dr. Ghada Karmi Interviewed by Lauren Booth

Palestine Video

Lauren Booth @LaurenBoothUK interviews Dr. Ghada Karmi on Palestinian Unity, Egypt, Israel, Declaration of Palestinian State and the One State Solution.

PressTV – ‘Egypt revolution hope for Palestine’:

Sat May 7, 2011 3:38PM
Interview with Dr. Ghada Karmi, Author and Co-Director of Center for Palestine Studies.

http://www.presstv.ir/player/player1.swf

Egypt’s revolution has encouraged Palestinians, building their hopes up hope for establishing a Palestinian state or unification.

In this regard, Press TV interviewed Author and Co-Director of Centre for Palestine studies Dr. Ghada Karmi.

Press TV: This is a historic week. Does it feel historic from where you are coming from?

Karmi: Not really. It feels good. We are very happy that these two Palestinian parties, which have been feuding for years now quite unwisely — This could only play to Israel’s advantage — finally realized that’s not the way forward and they should unite and get together.

That is very good and it’s very sensible. However, we really must not get carried away. After all they are talking about a local situation among a third of the worldwide Palestinian people. So we have to put these things in perspective.

You know there must be about ten or eleven million Palestinians worldwide. The people of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza number about 3.5 million.

So that gives you an idea of the fact that this is not the majority of the Palestinians, and it in itself does not indicate that the problem of Palestine will actually be resolved. It is a very encouraging and positive step.

Press TV: Do you see Israel as being ready to negotiate with a coalition government? The early signs coming from Netanyahu’s government have been very negative. Such as, [many saying,] ‘we will not deal with Hamas until they recognize Israel and denounce violence. In fact I think Netanyahu said we will not deal with Hamas at all.’ Where does that lead the coalition government?

Karmi: It is very clear that Israel has not been ready to negotiate in good faith with the Palestinian side. I think it’s not too mistaken to say ever, they have never negotiated in good faith. They’ve been through negotiations and got what they wanted. And of course they want to keep the process going without conceding to anything. And of course using the time they’ve gained to take more Palestinian territory. That’s the Israeli ploy.

Press TV: The Former Palestinian Delegate to the United Kingdom said there is a lot of process and no peace.

Karmi: Exactly, and I don’t think I see that changing. Netanyahu has actually condemned this agreement. He said that Fatah and Hamas must decide whether it wishes to negotiate with Israel or Hamas. That means in other words if Hamas is on board then there can be no negotiations with Israel.

Press TV: What is your opinion on Egypt’s move, and the effect that must have had on the process within Palestine, support now from the government rather than being swept aside with the Mubarak-Israeli coalition going on. Did the people’s uprising in Egypt have a big effect?

Karmi: It is hugely important. Probably this is the most important thing in all of this. Palestinians feel very encouraged and very cheered by Egyptian support because we knew that Egypt’s people have never accepted Mubarak’s policies of keeping the Palestinian population penned up and starving.

All the Egyptians have never accepted it. They finally appear to have a government, which also doesn’t accept it, and is reflected in popular will…

Press TV: You wrote a book. A year and a half ago it was released. It was on the idea of a one state rather than a two state solution; Now 130 states world-wide are pushing for Palestine to become a state on the notion of a two-state solution at the end of this year. What does unity mean? Are you still in favor of a one state solution encompassing Israel and Palestine together?

Karmi: Indeed I am. I think any sensible person looking at this conflict has to support the idea of a secular state for those accepting it. There are people talking about the possible UN recognition of a Palestinian state at the General Assembly in September.

It’s almost equivalent to the creation of a Palestinian state. Well of course that is not so. It’s very far from the fact. One has to recon first of all with Israel, and its settlements, as there are 500,000 settlers in the occupied territories in the West Bank.

There is no indication whatsoever that the Israelis are willing to move these settlers.

Press TV: They cannot because if they did there would be a civil war; Its a half a million people that don’t want to leave.

Karmi: Absolutely and therefore one really does have to look at reality. So the idea that actually there is shortly to be a Palestinian state, and therefore what are we going to do about the talks of a unity state. That is not the situation. However, I do feel there are two ways in which one can look at this.

On the one hand the Palestinian idea and Palestinian Authority and Abbas’ idea, is that we take the proposition of a Palestinian state, as if there were no settlements, and we ask the world to recognize the right of Palestinians to set up their own state.

What that can do is to create the momentum which puts pressure on the Israelis that will make it difficult for them to resist as they have done in the past. There would no longer be one to one negotiations. It would now be Israel against the international community. It’s quite a clever move to create a new situation, and of course it has a lot of diplomatic implications.

If Palestine is a state, then it has a right to call on the UN for protection of its people. And it has the right to actually negotiate with the other party as a state and not just as a group. So these things are possible benefits.

At the same time we have to remember that it could be if the right people were leading this movement, that the two-state idea is actually only a stepping stage towards eventual unification between Israel and a Palestinian state.

NM/PKH

– Sent using Google Toolbar”

Palestine Video – A Palestine Vlog. Activist and Other Videos on Palestine

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Palestinian Unity and the New Middle East

‘Egypt is charting a new course in its foreign policy’.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response to the Hamas-Fatah deal in Cairo was both swift and predictable. “The Palestinian Authority must choose either peace with Israel or peace with Hamas. There is no possibility for peace with both,” he said, in a televised speech shortly after the Palestinian political rivals reached a reconciliation agreement under Egyptian sponsorship on April 27.

Despite numerous past attempts to undercut Mahmoud Abbas, stall peace talks, and derail Israel’s commitment to previous agreements, Netanyahu and his rightwing government are now arguing that Palestinians are solely responsible for the demise of the illusory ‘peace process’. Israeli bulldozers will continue to carve up the hapless West Bank to make room for more illegal settlements, but this time their excuse may not be ‘natural expansion’. The justification might instead be Israel has no partner. US and other media will merrily repeat the dreadful logic, and Palestinians will, as usual, be chastised.

But frankly, at this juncture of Middle East history, Israel is almost negligible. It no longer has a transformative influence in the region. When the Arab people began revolting, a new dimension to the Arab-Israeli conflict emerged. As the chants in Cairo’s Tahrir Square began to adopt a pan-Arab and pro-Palestinian language, it became obvious that Egypt would soon venture outside the political confines of Washington’s patronizing labels, which divide the Arabs into moderates (good) and radicals (bad).

A day after the handshakes exchanged by chief Fatah representative, Azzam al-Ahmed, and Hamas’s leaders, Damascus-based Dr. Moussa Abu Marzoug and Gaza-based Mahmoud Al Zahar, the forces behind the agreement in Cairo became apparent. While Israeli leaders used the only language they know for these situations – that of threats, intimidation and ultimatums – the US response was flat, confused, and extraneous. Aside from the outmoded nature of US officials’ remarks, the focus was largely placed on the only leverage the US has over Abbas and its Fatah allies. Jennifer Rubin wrote in her Washington Post blog on April 29: “The Obama administration is reluctant to articulate clearly a position that if a Hamas-Fatah unity government emerges as Mahmoud Abbas has been describing, the U.S. will cut off aid.”

The temporary reluctance is not pervading, however. “Congress is an entirely different matter,” Rubin wrote, quoting an angry, unnamed official: “The only acceptable answers (to whether the US should fund the new Palestinian government) for most Americans would be no or hell no.”

But how effective will such financial arm-twisting be, especially with the possibility of other donor countries following suit?

If the question had been asked prior to the Arab Spring – and the Egyptian revolution in particular – the answer would have been marred by uncertainty. A whole class of Palestinian politicians had arranged their stances almost exclusively around funding issues.

What really allowed Israel and the US to control the outcome of political events, even internal Palestinian affairs, was the lack of any real political balance surrounding this conflict. The US and its allies defined the will of the ‘international community’, and the region was trapped in Washington’s – and Tel Aviv’s – political designations of friends and enemies. It was a political stalemate par excellence, and only Israel benefited.

This analysis is not merely relevant to recent events. The greatest Israeli gain of the Camp David agreement (1979) was not of bringing peace to the region – for no regional peace truly followed. It was the total marginalization of Egypt as a powerful Arab party from virtually all Arab affairs of concern to Israel. The absence of Egypt in the process made it possible for Israel to repeatedly attack Lebanon, and also to further its colonization and destruction of the occupied territories.

Now Egypt is back – not merely in terms of a return to the ‘Arab fold’ – but as the party that will increasingly define the new Arab reality. The signing of the Hamas-Fatah deal may have come as a surprise in terms of media coverage, but it was really a predictable consequence in a chain of events that signaled the remaking of a region. Now the Middle East is spearheaded by a powerful Arab country, secure enough to reach out to multiple partners – other Arab countries, as well as Iran, Turkey and others.

Not only did both Turkey welcome the deal, it was also one of the main sponsors of the Palestinian rapprochement. Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu has been instrumental in pushing for Palestinian unity. As for the Iranian position, Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi hailed the “auspicious” agreement, which he described as “one of the achievements of the Egyptian revolution,” according to the Tehran Times (April 30).

The Israeli vision for the region was to keep it politically divided at any cost. Without such a division, Israel is likely to be on the defensive, and the US will be consumed in crisis management. A Palestinian unity in post-revolution Egypt, with the blessing of all Arab countries, Turkey, Iran, and many others, is an extremely worrying prospect for Israel. Of most concern is the rise of Egypt as a political party, one that is capable of making decisions on its own. Aside from sponsoring the unity agreement between Hamas and Fatah, without Israeli or US permission, Egypt’s new foreign minister, Nabil al-Arabi, also described the decision to seal off Gaza as “shameful”, and he promised to lift the siege (as reported by Aljazeera on April 29).

“Egypt is charting a new course in its foreign policy that has already begun shaking up the established order in the Middle East, planning to open the blockaded border with Gaza and normalizing relations with two of Israel and the West’s Islamist foes, Hamas and Iran,” wrote David D. Kirkpatrick in the New York Times (April 30). Such language was, at one time, unthinkable. Now, thanks to the will of the Egyptian and Arab peoples, it is likely to define the new Arab political discourse. Not even a fiery speech by a discredited Israeli Prime Minister could prevent this powerful paradigm shift.

– Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London), available on Amazon.com.

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‘Starve Palestinian Unity Now!’

The Cable | FOREIGN POLICY

Get it? Either you continue the internecine warfare and the divisions or we’ll starve you!
“… For all these reasons, the senators want Obama to make it clear that the PA will forfeit U.S. foreign assistance if it goes through with the plan to join forces with Hamas. The United States gave the PA about $550 million in aid in fiscal 2011, a mixture of project funding and direct cash to the government….”
Posted by G, M, Z, or B at 8:19 PM

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Israel threatens Palestinian unity with economic sanctions

3 May 2011
RAMALLAH, occupied West Bank (IPS) – Israel has lashed out at the recent ground-breaking deal in Cairo, which will see unification of the two main Palestinian political factions after four years of bitter infighting, by threatening economic sanctions against the Palestinians.
We have agreed to form a government composed of independent figures that will start preparing for presidential and parliamentary elections,” chief Fatah negotiator Azzam al-Ahmad told the media in Cairo last week.
Elections will be held in about eight months from now,” he said, adding the Arab League will oversee the implementation of the agreement.
Hamas’ deputy leader, Mousa Abu Marzouk, added, “Our rift gave the Israeli occupation a chance. Today we turn a new page.”
Mahmoud al-Zahar, a senior Hamas leader who participated in the talks, said the 27 April deal covered five points, including combining security forces and forming a government made up of “nationalist figures.” He said Hamas and Fatah would also free respective prisoners.
In addition, the parties reached an agreement regarding who would sit on the central elections committee, and on a 12-judge committee to oversee the elections. A joint Hamas-Fatah defense committee will oversee the Palestinian security forces. The caretaker government will be composed of technocrats without party affiliation, to be chosen jointly by both parties.
The Israeli government is using the unity agreement, which is due to be ratified in Cairo this week, as justification for punitive economic measures against the Palestinians.
Israeli Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz has refused to hand over approximately $88 million in customs taxes and other levies belonging to the Palestinians as stipulated in the 1993 Oslo Accords. Israel has further said it is also considering imposing economic sanctions.
More than 170,000 Palestinians who are employed by the Palestinian Authority in the occupied West Bank and Gaza could go without their salaries if the money is withheld, which would create chaos.
Appointed-PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad told journalists that he and his officials had made urgent contacts with influential international figures asking them to pressure Israel to release the funds owed to the PA. Israel collects approximately $1.4 billion annually on behalf of the PA.
Fayyad added that the attempts at economic blackmail by Israel would not derail the unity process. “We are determined to see the reconciliation through despite this decision.”
Senior Fatah official Tawfiq Tirawi added, “If Israel thinks we have to choose between peace with it and peace with Hamas — any Palestinian you ask will tell you we prefer Palestinian unity over peace with Israel,” he said. He further pointed out that even with the Palestinian split there had been no peace talks with Israel.
Simultaneously, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu lashed out at the attempt at reconciliation.
The Palestinian Authority must choose either peace with Israel or peace with Hamas. There is no possibility for peace with both,” Netanyahu said in a televised statement.
The Israeli government said the unity accord, which took both Israeli and American intelligence by surprise, would not secure peace in the Middle East. Netanyahu further demanded that Abbas carry on shunning the Islamist movement, which has governed the Gaza Strip since 2007 after ousting Fatah in factional fighting.
Tirawi responded by saying that it was unnecessary for every faction of the Palestinian political entity to recognize Israel for peace to proceed.
He stated that several factions of the Palestine Liberation Organization had disagreed with the Oslo accords but had abided by the democratic majority in the PLO to recognize Israel.
Additionally, we will welcome any peace with Israel, but it will have to stop settlement construction. It is Israel that prefers settlements over peace,” he said.
Palestinian unity is regarded as an essential step towards establishing a Palestinian state. Palestinians intend taking their case for independence to the UN General Assembly in September and expect to be recognized by 150 nations — well above the requisite number for statehood.
Netanyahu, meanwhile, has lost no time in trying to turn the unity decision against the Palestinians politically by appealing to the international community not to deal with the new unified Palestinian leadership.
He stated that Israel’s security was now under threat by the “terrorist” movement Hamas. Avigdor Lieberman, the Jewish state’s foreign minister, declared that Hamas would now take over the West Bank. Senior Israeli military intelligence figures, however, accused Netanyahu of exaggerating the security threat and trying to score political points.
Dr. Samir Awad from Birzeit University, near Ramallah, believes that there is no turning back and that eventually the international community will support a unified Palestinian political front.
The Palestinians, the indigenous inhabitants, have received nothing from Israel in return for giving up the majority of their homeland and recognizing Israel.”
They now have nothing to lose. The Egyptians have made a courageous decision to open the Rafah crossing into Gaza permanently, and national unity is an important step forward,” Awad told IPS.
All rights reserved, IPS — Inter Press Service (2011). Total or partial publication, retransmission or sale forbidden.

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