By Jessica Buxbaum

Earlier this month, activists and comic book fans alike were in uproar over Marvel Studios’ announcement that Israeli actress Shira Haas will play Zionist superhero Sabra in the upcoming Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) film Captain America: New World Order. Many Palestine advocates accused Marvel’s decision to add Sabra to the MCU as exalting Israeli abuse and war crimes.

“By glorifying the Israeli army & police, Marvel is promoting Israel’s violence against Palestinians & enabling the continued oppression of millions of Palestinians living under Israel’s authoritarian military rule,” the Institute for Middle East Understanding wrote in a tweet.

Following the backlash, Marvel said in a statement to Variety that it will take a “new approach” to the character, in a perceived attempt to placate criticisms.

Yet vows to reimagine the Sabra character, a former spy for the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, may come across as disingenuous, especially when, upon closer examination, Marvel appears closely connected to the Israeli government and its main intelligence agency Mossad.


Many individuals who have held or still maintain roles at Marvel are associated with the Israeli military, Israeli intelligence and Zionist institutions that uphold apartheid. For instance, Isaac Perlmutter, the current chairman of Marvel Entertainment who served on Marvel Comics’ board of directors until 1995, grew up in 1948-occupied Palestine (or modern-day Israel) and served in the Israeli military during the 1967 Six-Day War. Avi Arad, the CEO of Marvel Entertainment, also grew up in modern-day Israel and served in the Israeli army during the Six-Day War.

Along with his wife, Laura, Perlmutter oversees a foundation that contributes to several pro-Israel causes such as the Anti-Defamation LeagueFriends of the Israel Defense Forces, the America-Israel Friendship League, the Jewish Federation of Palm Beach County in Florida, and the Jewish Agency for Israel. The Laura and Isaac Perlmutter Foundation has also supported the Hebrew University and Israel’s Technion Institute of Technology.

The Perlmutters are also heavily linked to the Trump family. In 2016, their organization donated $25,000 to the Eric Trump Foundation. According to Open Secrets, a campaign finance tracker, in 2016, Laura Perlmutter donated $5,400 to former President Donald Trump’s campaign and nearly $450,000 to the Trump Victory Committee, a joint fundraising initiative by the Trump campaign and the Republican National Committee. The couple then gave more than $1 million to the Trump Victory Committee in 2019 and 2020 and contributed another $11,200 to Trump’s reelection campaign in 2019.

President Trump shakes hand with Isaac “Ike” Perlmutter, an Israeli-American billionaire and the CEO of Marvel on April 27, 2017. Andrew Harnik | AP

Isaac Perlmutter donated $5 million in 2016 to the Great America PAC, a super political action committee (PAC) supporting Trump. The couple also contributed $10.5 million in 2020 to American First Action, a PAC supporting Trump. In addition, Both Perlmutters have backed several state and federal Republican entities and candidates over the years. The hefty donations did not go unnoticed, earning Isaac a spot in shaping policies at the Department of Veteran Affairs during Trump’s time in office, according to an investigation by ProPublica.

Early Marvel Comics’ investors Carl Icahn and Ronald Perelman are also tied to both Israel and Trump. Icahn donated $5,400 to Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign and was subsequently named Trump’s special adviser

Both Perelman and Icahn were revealed as potential donors to former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s campaign ahead of the 2007 primary elections. Perelman’s foundation has also contributed to several pro-Israel organizations, including the Chabad Lubavitch’s social services agency, Machne Israel, and the Jewish National Fund, which is a leading organization in establishing illegal Israeli settlements and displacing Palestinians.

Perelman also donated $125,000 to Trump’s Victory Committee in 2017 and is reportedly friends with Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. He was also listed in convicted sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein’s address book.

Film producer Amy Pascal, who plays a key role in coordinating the collaboration between Sony Pictures and Marvel Studios, a subsidiary of Marvel Entertainment, is a known Israel lobbyist. Leaked Sony emails reveal Pascal received email updates on the security situation in Israel from the now-defunct, right-wing advocacy group, The Israel Project.

She also received emails from Creative Community for Peace, an organization fighting the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement in the entertainment industry. In 2014, Pascal and her husband also received an email invitation to attend a private event about the situation in Israel with the Israeli Consul General of Los Angeles, David Siegel, and president and CEO of the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles, Jay Sanderson.

Israeli propaganda has become deeply entrenched in Hollywood, in part because of many prominent entertainment oligarchs’ pro-Israel beliefs, as well as the global success of Israeli television series like “Shtisel” and “Fauda”. The latter television show glamorized the Israeli army, specifically the Mista’arvim unit, an undercover military wing designed to infiltrate Palestinian communities.

Israeli actress Gal Gadot’s casting as Wonder Woman also helped normalize Israel on the world stage, especially given her pride in serving in the Israeli military. Now Haas, who is set to play Sabra, is poised to be another example of Hollywood normalizing the apartheid state. Haas has been involved with pro-Israel organization, StandWithUs, participating in a StandWithUs Facebook live to talk about her success. StandWithUs presents itself as an educational resource on Israel, but the organization is responsible for silencing the Palestinian narrative in schools and blacklisting pro-Palestine voices on campuses. Haas also served in the Israeli military’s theater.

The Mossad works with the U.S. entertainment industry to promote an attractive image of Israel abroad. SPYLEGENDS – an agency made up of former Mossad spies and other ex-security officials – was established in 2021 to advise Hollywood on spy films. The Mossad has also openly welcomed the slew of thrillers showcasing the intelligence agency as sleek and prestigious in an effort to boost recruitment.


Marvel’s nationalist sentiment does not end with Israel. Cloaked in mesmerizing cinematography and flashy special effects, the American company has also been instrumental in promoting U.S. militarism with its comic book universe.

In “Captain America: The First Avenger”, the U.S. army allowed Marvel Studios to film at Camp Edward, a military training site. The 2003 “Hulk” film also benefited from access to military bases and loaned military equipment. “Iron Man” and its sequel created iconic scenes by borrowing the military’s weaponry as well. These Marvel movies — along with “Captain America: Winter Soldier” and “Captain Marvel” — received funding from the U.S. Department of Defense to help build their blockbuster enterprise.

The military’s support, however, came with a price. The Pentagon approved the scripts for “Hulk” and “Iron Man”, cutting out unfavorable references to the military, such as their experimentation on humans and dropping herbicides on South East Asia during the Vietnam War.

With the “Captain America” franchise, the army supported the Marvel movie, seeing it as “building resiliency” and considering the Captain America character to hold values of a modern U.S. soldier. “Captain Marvel” was the Air Force public relations department’s dream. The film’s release coincided with an Air Force recruitment campaign, using feminism as a way to sugar coat “Captain Marvel’s” obvious militarism. The recruitment effort clearly worked with the Air Force seeing the highest number of female applicants to the Air Force Academy in five years.

With Marvel’s U.S. military propaganda in full swing, it seems the studio is now turning its focus to Israeli nationalism. Whether Sabra will don an Israeli-flag-inspired suit remains to be seen, but what is apparent is Marvel’s close relationship with Israel and the U.S. military is manufacturing a fantasy world dripping in real-world imperialism.


AUGUST 24TH, 2022


By Miko Peled

Between the two historic Palestinian port towns of Haifa and Akka – both occupied since 1948 – there exists a lovely bay called the Bay of Haifa. The cities were subjected to a heavy ethnic cleansing campaign, and now they consist of a majority Jewish Israeli population. Several Zionist colonies were established across the Bay of Haifa over the years, and even though this is prime beachfront real estate, housing was constructed largely for new, poor immigrants.

One of the colonies built on Haifa Bay is the city of Kiryat Yam. It sits right on the Mediterranean coast, but the area is considered less favorable because it is still largely an immigrant community and suffers from a high rate of crime. Every morning, retired Russian immigrants who live in Kiryat Yam go walking, swimming in the sea, or just sit around and look at the beautiful scenery.

The only language one hears on the beach – or anywhere in the city for that matter – is Russian. The beach is lovely, well-kept, with chairs and plenty of shaded areas. Looking at the people on the beach, one might think this was a resort on the Black Sea. But it isn’t. These are not tourists, they are European colonizers, and this is not the Black Sea; it is the coast of Palestine.


There are no Arabic names for any of the towns along the bay between Haifa and Akka, two Palestinian-Arab cities that were brought to prominence by Daher Al-Umar, the eighteenth-century Palestinian leader who is also known as the King of Galilee. Kiryat Yam – which is a Hebrew name – sits on what used to be the village of Arab Al-Ghawarina. The village was occupied, depopulated and destroyed in May 1948.

Today, even though both Akka and Haifa still have large Palestinian residents, in the towns throughout the Bay of Haifa and on the beach they are practically invisible. Certainly, in the world of the Russian immigrants who enjoy the lovely beaches and warm water of the Mediterranean, the Palestinians do not exist.

This is true in the city of Tel Aviv, much of which used to be Yafa, in all of West Jerusalem (which was predominantly Palestinians prior to 1948), and many of the new neighborhoods built in East Jerusalem after 1967. It is also true in places like Tabariya, Safad, and other cities that were exclusively Palestinian prior to the catastrophic events of 1948.

The Jewish Colonizers line up on a pier awaiting settlement in nearby Haifa, March 13, 1947. Right: Palestinians wait to flee Haifa on April 28, 1948, following a large attack by Jewish forces on the port. Photos: AP

The disappearance of Palestinians from the landscape is also evident in large settlement blocks in 1948 Palestine. In newly built towns, cities and neighborhoods throughout the country, shiny new developments pop up everywhere, but the homes are for Jews only. One excellent example is the settlement of Kochav Yair. This pristine little town of ten thousand people was built exclusively for Jews on lands that belong to the Palestinian towns of Taybeh, Tira and Qalansawe, also known as the Triangle. These Palestinian towns, like so many others, have severe shortages of housing. This is partially because the housing units in the city are not available to Palestinians.

When Palestinians try to apply to purchase an apartment in any of these are turned down, sometimes this is done directly, other times by plainly lying and saying the residential projects are sold out.


A Palestinian living in an unrecognized neighborhood in the city of El-Lyd tried to apply for an apartment where the developers said units will be made available on a first come, first served basis. “I was the first person to put down his name on the list,” he told me. When he had not heard back, he called and was told that they were sold out.

Another Palestinian, also from El-Lyd, told me a similar story. In his case, he drove with a Jewish friend. “I went in to sign up for an apartment and I was told they were sold out. Then, my boss who is Jewish went in and was offered several apartments from which he could choose. “Why did you tell my Palestinian employee you are sold out?” he asked. “If word gets out that we start selling to Arabs, we will lose all of our business here,” they answered.

El-Lyd used to be exclusively Palestinian. Prior to 1948, it was a city that had an international airport and a large central railway station. In fact, before the airport was named after Ben-Gurion, it was called El-Lyd Airport. Then, in 1948, after a series of war crimes and a massacre, the residents of the city were forcibly removed and it was flooded with poor Jewish immigrants. According to local politician Fida Shehade, currently the official number of Palestinians in the city stands at around thirty percent.

While the Jewish settlers receive incentives to move into the city, the main incentive being affordable, newly built, modern housing, the Palestinian citizens suffer from a severe housing crisis. The Palestinians in El-Lyd are forced to live in conditions that the Jewish residents of the city would not and probably could not even imagine. Forget garbage collection, electricity, roads or water supply. They are also subjected to violent crime and general negligence by the authorities.

Palestinian children play in what is left of a section of an Arab neighborhood in Lyd circa 2012. Oded Balilty | AP


The acceptable code for letting things get worse for Palestinians and do nothing about it is, “it’s too complicated,” or “justice and equality are utopian and will never happen.” Both are true in a sense, but allowing this reality to go on uninterrupted is in itself a crime that should not be tolerated.

The litmus test for Israelis who see themselves as liberals is the legitimacy of Israel itself. They will not budge unless they can be comforted and told that they too have legitimacy. I had a conversation about this with Bassem Tamimi from the village of Nabi Saleh. He told me a joke to illustrate this mentality that is so typical to Israelis. The joke is about a man in Egypt, but it can be told about any person from any place on Earth. A man goes to Alexandria and steals eight Egyptian pounds. He takes a train to Cairo and on the way, he says to every person he sees, “these are my eight pounds, they are mine, I never stole them!”

Israel is like that man, but it stole more than eight pounds. Israel stole and is now demanding legitimacy of its “ownership” of Palestine and its riches. Some of these riches are at this very moment being enjoyed by Jewish immigrants from Russia who came to Palestine over the last thirty years. They speak only Russian, their shops carry imported goods from Russia, and like my own grandparents who arrived one hundred years ago, they know little and care even less about Palestine and its people. They enjoy affordable beachfront housing, stipends and health care and yes, they enjoy the warm Mediterranean water in the bay between Haifa and Akka.

عودة دراماتيكية للفدائيين: ضربة القدس… أوّل الردّ

 الإثنين 15 آب 2022


 أحمد العبد

جاءت عمليّة القدس بمثابة ردّ موجع على عدوان غزة واغتيالات نابلس، لتربك حسابات العدو الذي يتحسّب موجة عمليات مقبلة لن يكون في مقدور أجهزته الأمنية والاستخبارية التكهّن بتوقيتها ولا بمكان وقوعها. لهذا، تقلق الإسرائيليين «عدوى» يُحتمل أن تنتشر في أوساط الفلسطينيين، وتعيد إلى الواجهة العمليات الفدائية الفردية. من هنا، جاء إيعاز رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيلية، يائير لابيد، بتعزيز انتشار القوات الأمنية في القدس، لمنع وقوع هجمات مماثلة لن يكون العدو بمنأى عنها

رام الله | لم يتأخّر الردّ الفلسطيني على العدوان الإسرائيلي على قطاع غزة، واغتيال الشهداء إبراهيم النابلسي وإسلام صبوح وحسين طه في مدينة نابلس؛ فجاءت عمليّة القدس لتُشكّل صفعةً لكلّ الإجراءات الأمنية، ولتكون بداية لسلسلة عمليّات مشابهة قد تحصل، إذ تتوقّع سلطات العدو وقوع مزيد من العمليات، وهو ما تمظهر في إيعاز رئيس الحكومة الإسرائيلية، يائير لابيد، بتعزيز انتشار القوات الأمنية في القدس اعتباراً من الليلة، لمنع وقوع هجمات أخرى، فيما وصف وزير الأمن الإسرائيلي، بيني غانتس، عملية القدس بـ«الهجوم الصعب». وبعد فشل قوات الاحتلال في اعتقال منفّذ العملية، الشاب أمير صيداوي (26 سنة) من بلدة سلوان في القدس، اضطرّ هذا الأخير لتسليم نفسه لشرطة الاحتلال.

ووقعت العملية التي تدحرجت في ثلاثة مواقع، في ساعات الفجر الأولى، وبدأت بإطلاق النار على حافلة تقلّ مستوطنين قرب حائط البراق، لينتقل بعدها المنفّذ إلى مكان قريب، حيث أطلق النار تجاه سيارة للمستوطنين، وانتهت العملية بإطلاق النار على مستوطنين في شارع «معاليه هشالوم»، وهو ما تسبّب بإصابة ثمانية بجروح، حالة اثنين منهم خطيرة، فيما أشارت مصادر عبرية إلى أن العملية نفّذها مسلّح واحد أطلق 10 رصاصات خلال 10-15 ثانية فقط.
وتعيش الأراضي الفلسطينية حالة غليان وغضب جرّاء تصاعد الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، الأمر الذي رجّح تنفيذ مثل هذه العمليّة. ومن شأن ثلاثة أحداث وقعت، في الأسابيع الماضية، أن ترسم مساراً جديداً لعودة العمليات الفدائية: أوّلها، العدوان الأخير على قطاع غزة والذي استمرّ ثلاثة أيّام واستشهد فيه 49 شخصاً؛ وثانيها: عمليات الاغتيال والاقتحامات التي شهدتها نابلس في الشهر الأخير، وأسفرت عن استشهاد خمسة مقاومين، آخرهم النابلسي وصبوح وطه، وقبلهما محمد العزيري، وعبد الرحمن صبح؛ وثالثها: إعطاء حكومة الاحتلال الضوء الأخضر للمستوطنين لاقتحام المسجد الأقصى وممارسة الطقوس التلمودية، على غرار ما حدث في ذكرى ما يسمّى بـ«خراب الهيكل» الذي تزامن مع الحرب على غزة.
وتحمل عملية القدس دلالات عدة، أبرزها أنها جاءت في «المعقل الأمني» لسلطات الاحتلال، أي مدينة القدس، وفي وقتٍ كان تأهُّب سلطات الاحتلال على أعلى مستوياته، في ظلّ التصعيد الخطير في غزة والضفة الغربية. بهذا المعنى، استطاع المنفّذ ضرْب المنظومة الأمنية والاستخبارية الإسرائيلية، ليتأكد، مرّة جديدة، أن جيش الاحتلال لم يستطع، على رغم كل محاولاته، القضاء على فكرة المقاومة. كذلك، جاءت عملية القدس لتثبت فشل كل الإجراءات الاستخبارية الإسرائيلية في مواجهة العمليات الفدائية، وعدم القدرة على منعها أو التكّهن بمكان حصولها وتوقيته، ما يعني أنه ليس على السلطات الإسرائيلية سوى انتظار العملية المقبلة، في ظلّ الاستراتيجية الجديدة التي يتبعها المنفّذون، والتي تعتمد على قرار شخصي من دون تنسيق مع أحد أو الإفصاح عن أيّ معلومة. كما جاءت العملية لتُبدّد نشوة إسرائيل في الأيام الماضية، بما ادّعت أنه «إنجازات» حقّقتها في غزة ونابلس.

العمليات الناجحة كما عملية القدس، تفتح المجال وتشجّع على تنفيذ عمليات أخرى

وتعليقاً على الحدث المقدسي، قال الخبير العسكري، واصف عريقات، في حديث إلى «الأخبار»، إن «منفّذ عمليّة القدس استطاع أن يخطّط وينفّذ عمليّته بهدوء وشجاعة مطلقَين، كما استطاع تحقيق خرق في المنظومة الأمنية الإسرائيلية، من دون أن تتمكّن أجهزة الاحتلال من كشفه أولاً ومن ثم ملاحقته. بل على العكس، سجّل نقطة على الأجهزة حين قام بتسليم نفسه من أجل إنقاذ عائلته». وأكد أن العمليّة «ناجحة بامتياز»، ما يعني «فشلاً وإخفاقاً للأجهزة الأمنية، وانتصاراً للحقّ الفلسطيني، ورداً على العدوان الإسرائيلي على غزة ونابلس»، مشيراً إلى أن استخدام مسدّس في العمليّة سيُقلق أجهزة الاحتلال. وبحسب عريقات، فإن منفّذ العملية جعل 25 ألف جندي يستنفرون في البحث عنه، من دون أن يتمكّنوا من اعتقاله، وهو ما يلقي بتداعياته على معنويات عناصر الشرطة والجيش وأجهزته الأمنية والاستخبارية، في حين سيصعد الاحتلال من اعتداءاته وهجماته على الفلسطينيين.
وأعادت العملية في القدس، الذاكرة إلى سلسلة العمليات الفردية التي ينفّذها فلسطينيون، والتي بدأت منذ عام 2015، وأثبت فشل الاحتلال في ملاحقتها أو منعها والحدّ منها. وأُطلقت على موجة العمليات تلك، التي بدأها الشهيد مهند الحلبي في القدس المحتلّة خلال هبّة القدس، وامتازت بأنماط محدّدة، هي الطعن والدهس وبعض عمليات إطلاق النار. ومع مرور الوقت، تطوّر شكل العمليات الفردية، حيث باتت تعتمد على استخدام الأسلحة النارية على رغم ندرتها، فيما لجأ المنفّذون إلى استخدام الأسلحة المصنّعة محليّاً، والتي تعرف بـ«الكارلو»، وهو ما زاد من خسائر الاحتلال البشرية.
وتتصاعد العمليات الفردية وتخفت بين حين وآخر؛ لكن العام الجاري شهد موجة عمليات نوعية أوجعت العدو، بخاصّة أنها وقعت في قلْب مدن الداخل الفلسطيني المحتل، وبدأت في آذار، حين نفّذ الشهيد محمد أبو القيعان عمليّةً أدّت إلى مقتل أربعة مستوطنين وإصابة آخرين في مدينة بئر السبع، تبعها عملية في الخضيرة نفّذها شابان من أم الفحم وقتل فيها عنصران من الشرطة وأصيب أربعة آخرون. وتوالت العمليات في ما بعد قبيل شهر رمضان، وكان أبرزها عملية الشهيد ضياء حمارشة، الذي خرج من بلدة يعبد في محافظة جنين ونفّذ عملية إطلاق في «بني براك» في تل أبيب أسفرت عن مقتل خمسة مستوطنين، ومن ثم جاءت عملية ديزنغوف التي نفّذها الشهيد رعد حازم، وعمليتا إسرائيل التي قتل فيهما حارس أمن، وعملية مستوطنة «إلعاد».
ووفق المختصّ في الإعلام العبري، عصمت منصور، فإن أهمّ ما في عملية القدس، هو توقيتها، كونها جاءت بعد أيام من العدوان على غزة، واغتيالات نابلس، لتؤكد وحدة الساحات الفلسطينية. ولفت، في حديث إلى «الأخبار»، إلى أن العملية جاءت في ظلّ نشوة النصر والإنجاز الذي يعيشه قادة الاحتلال، لتؤكد أن هذه الاغتيالات لن تنهي الجولة، وأن الردّ الفلسطيني يأتي دائماً ليحوّل «الإنجاز» إلى وبال، ويربك حسابات الاحتلال. وأشار منصور إلى أن العملية أثبتت أنه لا يوجد سيطرة للاحتلال ولا سيادة مهما فرض من إجراءات وحصار وتضييق وملاحقات واعتقالات، بخاصّة وسط حالة الاحتقان السائدة، وفشل العدو في مواجهة العمليات الفردية، معتبراً أن العمليات الناجحة كما عملية القدس، تفتح المجال وتشجّع على تنفيذ عمليات أخرى.

من ملف : فلسطين: عودة الفدائيين

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Palestinian leaders, factions commemorate Seif Al-Quds

May 22, 2022

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen English 

In commemoration of Seif Al-Quds Battle, Palestinian Resistance leaders and factions hail the resilience of the Palestinian people and underscore the role of the resistance against the Israeli enemy.

Haniyeh: Seif Al-Quds amplified our strategy, Al-Aqsa will be protected

The battle of Seif Al-Quds constituted an important turning point in the course of the struggle with the occupation and opened the door to a different battle, Hamas political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh said Sunday.

During the Great National Conference on the first anniversary of the battle of Seif Al-Quds, Haniyeh added that “the results of the Battle of Seif Al-Quds were not limited to Palestine’s geography, rather they were strategic and resounded throughout the world.”

“The first result of the Battle of Seif al-Quds was that the Resistance launching strikes from Gaza hit the Zionist security doctrine hard,” he added, noting that Gaza “drew the sword of Al-Quds and plunged it at the head of the occupier and struck deep in its conscience.” 

Read more: Seif Al-Quds taught “Israel” a hard lesson on deterrence equations

Haniyeh added that every inch of the occupied Palestinian land was a target for the resistance with all its capabilities, noting that “the battle of Seif Al-Quds united the land, the people, and the cause, and removed geographical barriers within historic Palestine.” 

He also stressed that the battle introduced a shift in the balance of power that served the Palestinian people, especially those in the territories occupied in 1948.

He pointed out that the support of the peoples of the Ummah and the world has led to a profound impact that would have an aftermath in the confrontations that the Palestinian people will wage against the Israeli occupation.

Read more: Dear Western media, Palestinians took over your coverage

Regarding the continued threats of the occupation and settlers storming Al-Aqsa Mosque, Haniyeh stressed that the Resistance in Palestine is following up on these events, warning against any attacks on the holy site.

Read more: Resistance to occupation: The Flag March shall not pass

Nakhalah: The resistance will not allow Judaization attempts of Al-Aqsa

On his part, Palestinian Islamic Jihad Secretary-General Ziyad Al-Nakhalah affirmed that Al-Quds was the eternal capital of Palestine, stressing that “we will not allow Judaization attempts on Al-Aqsa” even if they had to relentlessly fight.

During the national conference held by Hamas on the first anniversary of Seif Al-Quds Battle, Al-Nakhalah pointed out that the “[judaization] attack targeting Al-Quds and its blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque is still at its peak,” stressing that “the Resistance now holds more responsibility to defend Al-Aqsa Mosque.”

Al-Nakhalah stated that “the resilient Palestinian people are united, and the days of the month of Ramadan and the daily confrontations in the vicinity of Al-Aqsa Mosque bear witness to this.”

According to the official, “Protecting unity has become a duty and not an option in the course of protecting and safeguarding the resistance, especially in light of the hostile alliances that arise every day and serve the enemy’s interests.”

In this context, he referred to the funeral of the martyred journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, describing the day all Palestinians, Muslims, and Christians stood in solidarity in the face of Zionist brutality as a  “momentous day”.

The PIJ leader further underlined that “adhering to the stances of the resistance is the only guarantee not to fall prey to the attempts of those trying to tame it for the benefit of the enemy and to accept the fait accompli.”

Al-Nakhalah ended his speech by saying, “The enemy leaders realized more than others that the founders of the Zionist project were ignorant, and those who gave them our country as a ‘homeland’ were even more ignorant.” 

Palestinian Resistance factions: We will now allow breaking the rules of engagement

In a military statement on the occasion, the Joint Operation Room of the Palestinian Resistance factions recalled the Resistance’s great achievement in Seif Al-Quds Battle, which was fought a year ago with full force and vigor.

The statement proudly mentioned that Seif Al-Quds echoed from Gaza to Al-Quds, reaching the Palestinian diaspora and Palestinian supporters around the world, who voiced their solidarity with Palestine against the occupation. Cohesion and patriotism forced the occupation to cease fire, confirming the Resistance’s vitality and steadfastness. 

The Palestinian Resistance marked a milestone during Seif Al-Quds battle, the statement added, confirming that the occupation is now facing an existential threat founded by the steadfast Resistance. The factions also stressed that the resistance fighters have left marks on the occupation that brings the glad tidings of nearing the liberation of Palestine. 

The Palestinian resistance factions, in their joint statement, affirmed their and the Palestinian blood’s unity wherever it is found, whether in Gaza, the West Bank, Al-Quds, and the Palestinian diaspora, until the end of the Palestinian Nakba.

Regarding the “Flag March” organized by settlers, which is scheduled to take place next week, the factions affirmed that “the Palestinian people will absolutely not allow the breaking of the rules of engagement or the return to the square of provocations in which we have spoken with all force.”

Furthermore, the statement affirmed that the enemy’s practices and violations in all the occupied cities, as well as the calls to storm Al-Aqsa Mosque, were reasons that motivate the resistance to maintain steadfastness and resilience. 

Lastly, the resistance stressed that the factions were preparing at all levels for the battle that would liberate occupied Palestine and safeguard Palestine’s sanctity.

The statement was concluded with a pledge to the Palestinian people that the resistance would remain steadfast until victory and liberation. 

Stay Updated: Seif Al-Quds: New deterrence equation

The Nakba Is Ongoing, It Didn’t End In 1948

19 May 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen

Robert Inlakesh 

For us to simply classify the Nakba as a single historical event, would be an incorrect framing, as the collection of atrocities visited on the Palestinian people by the Zionist regime represents an ongoing attempt to solidify the dominance of “Israel’s” settler-colonial project.

If “Israel” had already completed its project, it would have declared its borders, it has never done this and is still in the process of carving itself a State out of the Levant

By now most people familiar with the Palestinian cause know well of the horrific ethnic cleansing campaign that took place between 1947-9, during the creation of the regime that calls itself “Israel”. Little however, know much about the ethnic cleansing ongoing today, or perhaps their knowledge is limited to isolated cases.

The Nakba, or ethnic cleansing of Palestine, is often defined as a historical event in which over half of Palestine’s villages, towns, and cities were destroyed, and 450 towns and villages depopulated of their Palestinian inhabitants, amounting to the forced ethnic displacement of around 800,000 people. The word Nakba means “catastrophe”, which is what is used to refer to that time, but when we speak of al-Nakba in English, what we are doing is using a term with which we refer to a historical event often meaning the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 

Recently, Palestinian-American congresswoman, Rashida Tlaib, introduced a House Resolution which would see the United States government recognise the Palestinian Nakba. “This Sunday [Nakba Day] was a day of solemn remembrance of all the lives lost, families displaced, and neighborhoods destroyed during the violence and horror of the Nakba. The scars bourn by the close to 800,000 Palestinians who were forced from their family homes and their communities, and those killed are burned into the souls of the people who lived through the Nakba,” said Tlaib. Although this would certainly be a major achievement to gain such recognition of Palestinian suffering, in essence meaning that the US government would be admitting the historic crime that the Zionist terrorist forces committed prior to declaring themselves a State, it is important that we not disconnect the past from the present.

The goal of today’s Israeli regime is very much the same as it was back in 1947, to occupy as much land as possible, with as few Palestinians on it as possible. In order to achieve such a goal, the settler-colonial project has taken different forms and used various tactics over the past 74 years, yet that same goal remains intact. 

The 1950’s saw large-scale incursions into the Gaza Strip and the further displacement of more refugees during this process, whilst those Palestinians who remained inside what would become “Israel”, were kept under military rule. Often known as the 1948 Palestinians, who today have Israeli citizenships, this portion of the Palestinian population consists of many who were considered to be “present absentees” by the Israeli regime, which translates to; the people who fled their villages and remained in what became “Israel” but were refused their right to return to their original villages. Israel quickly made use of laws implemented by the British occupation regime in Palestine, like ‘Article 125 of the Defense (Emergency) Regulations’, which Israel used as a legal basis for making Palestinian villages “closed military zones”, hence preventing the displaced natives from returning to their houses. Israel also implemented the 1950 Absentee Property Law, which is broad in its definitive language and would be used to declare displaced Palestinians as “absentees” in order to steal their homes. Between 1948 and 1950, it is also believed that Israel ethnically cleansed a further 40,000 Bedouin Palestinians, whilst also destroying more Palestinian villages along the Lebanese border and expelling thousands more Palestinians until 1956.

In 1967, during what was called the ‘Naksa’ (setback), again the tactics slightly changed, Israel had decided to illegally occupy all of historic Palestine and even beyond, expelling 300,000 Palestinians from their homes in the process. In 1969, roughly 100,000 more were forced to flee villages around the Jordan Valley area after successive Israeli air raids and military assaults against both Palestinian and Jordanian villages. 

Without summing up all of the cases of ethnic cleansing throughout the 74 years of the Zionist regimes settler colonialist expansion, it suffices to say this, the very same tactics and laws are being used by “Israel” today to do the exact same thing they did in the past. 

In the Naqab, where the majority of Palestinian Bedouins live today, Israel is attempting to ghettoize the people there. This means forcing them into a small number of so-called “recognised villages” and ethnically cleansing some 40 unrecognized villages, this is a throwback to the suffering of the people of the Naqab during and after 1948, when Zionist forces rounded up the remaining 11,000 Bedouin’s – of a community that were 100,000 prior to 1948 – and forced them to live in an area called al-Siyaj, where they were under strict martial law rule until 1965. Israel is today using the Jewish National Fund to work on “agricultural projects”, similar to what occurred in 1948, in order to usurp the lands of Bedouins. 

In the West Bank, the largest portion of “Area C”, is considered to be where “closed military zones” are, meaning that Palestinians are forbidden from entering these areas. In Area C (60% of the West Bank) it is also near impossible for Palestinians to get a building permit to construct a new home. The plan to ethnically cleanse the 1,000 Palestinian residents of the village of Masafer Yatta is just the latest in a long line of plans to expel Palestinians from their villages in the West Bank. Nevertheless, Israeli illegal settlers are granted a near carte blanche to establish outposts and settlements wherever they please, despite the fact that even by Israeli law many of these outposts are illegal. Israel is also using the “Absentees Property Law” to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from their homes in East al-Quds today, as we see in Silwan and Sheikh Jarrah, in addition to areas in Haifa and Jaffa. 

I had the pleasure of working on producing a short documentary with Redfish, called ‘The Palestinian Nakba: In Memory and the Present’, in which we interviewed survivors of the 1948 Nakba, as well as Palestinians from the younger generations who are surviving it today. Unfortunately, this short documentary report has been censored in all corners of the internet. Due to Redfish – like many other platforms that report information from an alternative and critical perspective – having been booted off of Youtube and other social media platforms, the voices and stories of Palestinians are by proxy being silenced. It is this sort of content that attempts to portray the true story of the Nakba from a Palestinian perspective, yet the public are being robbed off this knowledge.

For us to simply classify the Nakba as a single historical event, would be an incorrect framing, as the collection of atrocities visited on the Palestinian people by the Zionist regime represents an ongoing attempt to solidify the dominance of “Israel’s” settler-colonial project. To say that the ethnic cleansing of Palestine was simply taking place around the time of 1948 would be, in a way, bowing to the Zionist concept that their “State” model won and that the Palestinians have already been defeated. The Palestinian resistance is most certainly not defeated, this is an ongoing struggle and an ongoing ethnic cleansing campaign, which fits into “Israel’s” settler-colonial ambitions. Naming one single event as The Nakba is correct, but when isolating the concept of the ethnic cleansing of Palestine to atrocities visited on Palestinians singularly during 1948, we begin to paint a different picture of what the true picture is.

Many of the same legal concepts, language, arguments, and tactics that were used to ethnically cleanse Palestine in 1947 are today being used to do the same thing and the examples of this are clear for all to see. This is an ongoing battle, one of a people – the Palestinians – who are fighting to expel an invading and occupying usurper entity – the Zionist regime. If “Israel” had already completed its project, it would have declared its borders, it has never done this and is still in the process of carving itself a State out of the Levant, therefore everything “Israel” is doing today is part of its expansionist mission and for it to stand as a ethno-supremacist “State” it must cement itself on all the land it illegally occupies. Israel has not achieved its goals and the Palestinians are not defeated, therefore the ethnic cleansing of Palestine only ends when one side wins.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

69% of Israeli settlers worried about the fate of the occupation

10 May 2022

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen net 

An opinion poll published by the Israeli newspaper “Israel Hayom” exposes the settlers’ declining confidence in the Israeli occupation.

75% of the ’48-Palestinians believe Jews have no right to land in occupied Palestine.

In occupied Palestine, 69% of the Jews are worried about the destiny of the so-called “state”, and 67% say that action with weapons and the enforcement of penalties should be used to “avoid confrontations between Jews and Arabs.” This is the result of a poll conducted against the backdrop of the operations taking place in “Israel” and the anniversary of Seif Al-Quds Battle. 

According to the findings, just 25% of ’48-Palestinians feel that the “Jewish people have a claim to sovereignty in the [so-called] Land of Israel,” while the vast majority – around 75% – believe that the Jewish people do not have such a right.

According to the study, the majority of the public, around 66% of Israeli settlers, distrust the police; among ’48-Palestinians, the figure is 73%.

’48-Palestinians also report a higher sense of uneasiness – 71%, compared to 44% of Israeli Jews.

Public trust is becoming a growing concern for “Israel”. The decline in the trust of the public, from the very army of the occupation to the bottom of society, is expressed in numbers, according to a recent Israeli study by the “Israel Democracy Institute.” 

The Institute conducts annual consensus in the Israeli society, and the latest marks the nineteenth edition, which was revealed on January 6. There has been a significant decrease in the trust in the Israeli army, receding to 78% – the lowest number since the July 2006 war on Lebanon. 

The study is named the “Israeli Democracy Index for 2021” and it includes an update to the Institute’s previous poll in June 2021. 

فلسطين تستعدّ لمشهد استراتيجيّ جديد

 الجمعة 1 نيسان 2022

 ناصر قنديل

ليس في فلسطين وحدها، بل في غالب الأحيان تتوهّم القوى السياسية التي تضعها حركة شعبها في الواجهة أنها تتحكّم بالمسارات، رغم ما يأتي من مفاجآت مخالفة لتوقعاتها، ومن فشل تقع فيه شعاراتها وحساباتها، لكن لذلك في فلسطين نكهة مختلفة وطعم آخر. فالصراع الذي يخوضه أي شعب هو الذي يقرّر درجة جذرية وديناميكية التحولات، وقد لا يكون هناك أشد جذرية وديناميكية من الصراع الذي يخوضه الشعب الفلسطيني خلال قرن كامل، برزت فيه حركات تاريخية وازنة لعبت دوراً مهماً في صناعة الأحداث، ورسم خرائط هامة على مساحة العالم، وبقيت حركة الشعب الفلسطيني الشعلة الأشد حيوية وتوهجاً، بردت وانطفأت قبالتها شعلة العديد من حركات كانت تصنع الأحداث في أقاليم معينة وحقب زمنية موازية.

في فلسطين يقع محور الصراع الكوني، الذي تستقيم معه المطابقة بين الحقائق التاريخية والقراءات السياسية، فكل بحث تاريخي عميق بأصل القضية سيكتشف استحالة نجاح أي حل سياسي مهما بدا قانونياً ومنصفاً، بإنهاء الصراع، طالما يقوم على التغاضي عن بقاء كيان الاحتلال ولو على بقعة صغيرة من فلسطين، أو عن بقاء لاجئ فلسطيني واحد لا يشمله حق العودة، أو بقي جزء من القدس جائزة ترضية لجماعة الوهم والخرافة في العقيدة الصهيونية حول أرض الميعاد، وأن ذلك التجاوز لمنطق الحق ومعادلاته سيتكفل بتفجير أية صيغة تسوية. وبالمقابل فإن كل مشاريع مواجهة الهيمنة الأميركية في العالم، سواء تلك التي تخوضها دول كبرى كروسيا والصين، او دول متوسطة أو صغرى، او تلك التي تخوضها شعوب وحركات تحرّر، ستبقى قاصرة سياسياً وعملياً طالما توهمت تحييد كيان الاحتلال عن روزنامتها أو افتراض أن تجاهل الصراع مع الكيان يضعه خارج توازن القوى الذي تستند إليه الهيمنة الأميركية، وأنه في أية مواجهة فاصلة مع مشروع الهيمنة سيظهر كيان الاحتلال ركيزة رئيسية للدفاع عن هذا المشروع. وبالتوازي مع هذين البعدين بعد ثالث قوامه حجم الانتشار العالمي للوبيات المسيطرة على المصارف ووسائل الإعلام والخاضعة للهيمنة الصهيونية، ما يجعل كيان الاحتلال شريكاً في المنظومة العالمية للهيمنة، لا يمكن توهم التحرر من الهيمنة دون ضربها وتفكيكها، وبالتالي التصادم مع الكيان.

ما نشهده منذ قرن كامل يقول إن المقاربة السائدة في البلاد العربية والإسلامية ومن خلفهما العالم، لم تكن ناضجة ولا هي الآن لملاقاة الحقيقة التاريخية والحق التاريخي، ولذلك يمرّ الصراع على الحق والحقيقة في فلسطين بدورات يتناوب فيها الاحتباس مع الانفجار. وها نحن في نهاية دورة احتباس وعلى عتبة دورة الانفجار. فالانتفاضة الأولى التي عرفت بانتفاضة الحجارة أثمرت تراجعاً “إسرائيلياً” لم تحسن القيادة الفلسطينية استثماره، فأجهض في اتفاق أوسلو، والانتفاضة الثانية أثمرت تراجعاً إسرائيلياً جديداً ترجم بالانسحاب من غزة فأسس للاحتباس الذي نحن فيه وللانفجار الذي نقف على عتبته، واليوم تقف فلسطين على عتبة مرحلة استراتيجيّة جديدة، ربما لا يقرأ أبعادها الكثيرون في العالم والمنطقة. فقد سقطت صفقة القرن، وسقط التطبيع، ومشروع الهيمنة الأميركية يتراجع بسرعة، وقوى المقاومة للهيمنة الأميركية في العالم تنمو بسرعة وتهز أركان الغرب، ومحور المقاومة في المنطقة يسجل حال صعود، والتطرف يسيطر على دفة قرار كيان الاحتلال، مع حكومة لا تملك الا السير وراء توحّش المستوطنين، والشعب الفلسطيني منذ معادلة سيف القدس امتلك الثقة بقدرته منفرداً على رسم معادلات الصراع، ووضع قضيته في رأس أولويات القضايا.

العمليات الفلسطينية الأخيرة بنوعيتها وتسارعها، تقول إن اللحظة التاريخية تقترب، ومشهد جنين يرسم ساحات الصراع، التي قد تخرج معها أجزاء من الضفة الغربية عن سيطرة الاحتلال كما خرجت غزة، وتتحول إلى قواعد للمقاومة، ربما في جنين، وربما في الخليل، وربما في سواهما في الضفة الغربية أو في الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948، لكن اللحظة آتية وتتقدّم بسرعة.

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فدائيّ من عاصمة الاشتباك: حرب شوارع… في قلْب إسرائيل

الخميس 31 آذار 2022

فلسطين الأخبار 

سارعت فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية إلى مباركة عملية «بني براك» (أ ف ب )

جنين | في صفعة ثالثة خلال أسبوع، وضربة قاسية وغير متوقّعة، شهدت مستوطنة «بني براك» في قلب فلسطين المحتلّة، قتال شوارع حقيقياً، وعملية إطلاق نار أسفرت عن مقتل خمسة إسرائيليين، نفّذها فلسطيني قادم من جنين في الضفة، أعقبتها احتفالات فلسطينية واسعة، وسط إدانة السلطة الفلسطينية للعملية. وتشير التحقيقات الأوّلية الإسرائيلية إلى أن منفّذ الهجوم، الشهيد ضياء حمارشة، وصل إلى المكان بمركبة رمادية اللون من طراز «هوندا سيفك»، وترجّل منها، ثمّ بدأ عملية إطلاق النار باستخدام بندقية «M16» اشتراها بنفسه ولم يغتنمها، وليست مسروقة من مخازن جيش العدو (جرى تهريبها من الأردن أو مصر عبر تجار سلاح). وذكرت «القناة 13» العبرية، من جهتها، أن خلية شاركت في تنفيذ الهجوم، تضمّ مطلق النار المباشر وهو الشهيد حمارشة، وشاباً ثانياً أصيب بجروح وجرى اعتقاله، بينما تجري مطاردة شاب ثالث نجح في الانسحاب.

وتُظهر مقاطع فيديو، الشهيد وهو يُجهّز بندقيته ويسير بثبات ورباطة جأش، فيما يبدو أنه ليس مجرّد هاوٍ، بل محترف ويصيب أهدافه بدقّة، إذ لوحظ أنه يطلق الرصاص بشكل غير أوتوماتيكي، بل فردي، أي «طلقة طلقة» (وهو ما أكدته قناة «كان» العبرية، بإفادتها بأن المنفّذ أطلق 12 رصاصة فقط وقتل بها 5 أشخاص). وفي مشهد بدا أقرب إلى الأفلام، صرخ المنفّذ على مستوطن يقود مركبة «جيب» بالعبرية: «قف قف»، وأطلق طلقة واحدة فقط عليه فأرداه قتيلاً، وعندما توقّفت المركبة عن الحركة، تقدَّم نحو المستوطن وأطلّ عليه من النافذة ليتأكّد من مقتله. بعد ذلك، توجّه نحو اثنين من المستوطنين يجلسان أمام محلّ تجاري، فأطلق عليهما النار من مسافة صفر وقتلهما، ثمّ انتقل إلى زاوية أخرى وعاد مجدّداً إليهما ليتأكّد من مقتلهما. أمّا القتيلان الرابع والخامس فأحدهما حاخام إسرائيلي، والآخر من عناصر شرطة العدو، حيث دار اشتباك مسلّح بين الشرطيّ الذي ترجّل من دراجة نارية وبين المنفّذ، فقتل أحدهما الآخر. وفي مقطع فيديو آخر، تقول مستوطِنة إن المنفّذ كان يستقلّ مركبة مع شخص آخر، ثمّ ترجّل وطلب منها ومن مستوطِنة أخرى مع أطفالها الابتعاد عن المكان والرجوع إلى الخلف، ثمّ بدأ بإطلاق النار على مستوطنين آخرين.

إذاً، تَحقّق ما كان يخشاه العدو، وهو خروج عملية كبيرة من قلب جنين نحو الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948؛ إذ كانت تشير تقديرات الاحتلال، وحتى تقديرات المراقبين الفلسطينيين، إلى أن ظاهرة الاشتباك في جنين ستظلّ «محدودة محلّياً»؛ لافتقار المسلّحين هناك إلى التنظيم والعمل المنسّق والاحترافية كما في الانتفاضة الثانية، لكنّ عملية «بني براك» جاءت لتشعل ضوء إنذار جديد أمام منظومة الأمن الإسرائيلية. وفي إزاء ذلك، تسلّح الإسرائيليون ووسائل إعلامهم بـ«شُبهة داعش» لمحاولة مواساة أنفسهم والتخفيف من حدّة العمليات الأخيرة، مستندين إلى كون المنفّذين الثلاثة في الخضيرة وبئر السبع لديهم ميول فكرية إسلامية أقرب إلى التنظيم سابقاً، أو اعتُقلوا خلال ذروة نشاطه في سوريا. والظاهر أن العدو يحاول بهذا الربط تخويف الفلسطينيين في الداخل المحتلّ، ومنعهم من التعاطف أو تأييد الهجمات التي ينفّذها فلسطينيو الـ48، لكن تلك السردية «تلخبطت» سريعاً مع هجوم «بني براك» بعدما ظهر أن منفّذه من الضفة الغربية وأسير محرَّر.

شهدت غالبية مناطق الضفة الغربية، عقب العملية، احتفالات ومسيرات راجلة ومحمولة

وتزامنت العملية الأخيرة مع ذكرى «يوم الأرض»، كما سبقت بأيام قليلة حلول شهر رمضان، وهو ما يحمل دلالات معنوية كبيرة بالنسبة إلى الفلسطينيين. كذلك، يعيد الهجوم مشاهد انتفاضة الأقصى إلى الأذهان، حيث كان الاستشهاديون ينفّذون عملياتهم داخل إسرائيل بالبنادق، لكن مع فارق أنه لم تكن كاميرات المراقبة ووسائل التواصل الاجتماعي منتشرة آنذاك كما اليوم. ولم يشهد الإسرائيليون مثل هذه الضربات في قلب الكيان منذ الانتفاضة الثانية، إذ وقعت ثلاث هجمات خلال 8 أيام، أسفرت عن مقتل 11 إسرائيلياً وإصابة 8 آخرين. وأثار ذلك موجة هلع إسرائيلية، دفعت محرِّر الشؤون الفلسطينية في صحيفة «يديعوت أحرونوت»، أليؤور ليفي، إلى القول إنه «قبل 20 عاماً، كُنّا نخشى الصعود في الحافلات، واليوم أصبحنا نخاف المشي في الشوارع… هذه العملية الثالثة خلال أسبوع»، بينما اعتبر الصحافي في «القناة 13» العبرية، نداف أيال، أن ما يجري «فشل كبير للمنظومة الأمنية»، على اعتبار أن العمليات الثلاث الأخيرة نفّذها شبّان معروفون لدى جهاز «الشاباك» ولديهم سجل أمني سابق. وبينما هاجم مستوطنون وزير الأمن الداخلي، عومر بارليف، في مكان هجوم «بني براك»، أقرّ وزير جيش العدو الأسبق، شاؤول موفاز، بأن «المستوطنين اليوم يسترجعون مشاعر ما قبل 20 عاماً بأنه لا أمن في شوارع إسرائيل».
في المقابل، شهدت غالبية مناطق الضفة الغربية، عقب العملية، احتفالات ومسيرات راجلة ومحمولة، فيما وزّع عشرات الشبّان الحلوى على المارّة في الضفة وقطاع غزة، كما انطلقت مسيرات مماثلة في عدد من المخيمات الفلسطينية في لبنان والشتات. وفي جنين تحديداً، لم تقتصر تداعيات الهجوم على ذلك، بل تَجهّز عشرات الشبّان الفلسطينيين للمواجهات وصدّ الاقتحام المحتمل لجيش العدو، إذ أغلقوا شوارع بلدة يعبد (التي يتحدّر منها الشهيد حمارشة) بالإطارات المطاطية، لتندلع بعد ساعات مواجهات عنيفة مع اقتحام جيش الاحتلال منزل الشهيد، واعتقاله أحد أقاربه، وهو القيادي في حركة «حماس»، عدنان حمارشة، وأخذ قياسات هندسية لمنزل العائلة تمهيداً لهدمه، توازياً وإجراء الجنود تحقيقاً ميدانياً مع والد ضياء وعائلته. أيضاً، ارتفع عدد نقاط المواجهة مع جيش العدو والمستوطنين في الضفة، حيث سُجّلت 7 نقاط مواجهة في ساعة واحدة، أبرزها إطلاق مقاومين النار تجاه البؤرة الاستيطانية «أفيتار» في جبل صبيح في بلدة بيتا جنوب نابلس. وعلى إثر تلك التطوّرات، قرّر جيش الاحتلال تعزيز قوّاته العسكرية في الضفة بأربع كتائب إضافية، بعد يوم من استقدامه أربع كتائب أخرى، كما شنّ حملة اعتقالات عشوائية طاولت عمالاً فلسطينيين قرب مكان العملية. وبحسب مصادر «الأخبار»، فقد بدأ العدو تنفيذ حملة أمنية تستهدف سدّ ثغرات الجدار الفاصل بين الضفة والأراضي المحتلة عام 48، حيث عزّز من انتشار جنوده على مختلف هذه الثغرات، ونصب كمائن قرب عدّة محاور من الجدار في قرى فلسطينية مختلفة (أفيد مساء أمس بأن الشهيد كان اجتاز فتحة في الجدار بسيارة إسرائيلية مسروقة، وغيّر لوحة تسجيلها).

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من جهتها، سارعت فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية إلى مباركة عملية «بني براك»، واعتبارها رداً طبيعياً على الجرائم الإسرائيلية، بينما كشفت إذاعة جيش العدو أن مكتب وزير الجيش، بيني غانتس، بعث برسالة إلى مكتب رئيس السلطة الفلسطينية، محمود عباس، يتوقّع فيها منه أن يدين الهجوم، وهذا ما حدث فعلاً، إذ سارع عباس إلى استنكار العملية التي استهدفت مَن وصفهم بـ«المدنيين»، معتبراً أن «قتل المدنيين الفلسطينيين والإسرائيليين لا يؤدي إلّا إلى مزيد من تدهور الأوضاع، ونسعى جميعاً للاستقرار». هكذا، تُعيد عملية «بني براك» بوصلة الفلسطينيين مجدّداً نحو العدو الإسرائيلي، وتكشف الفجوة الكبيرة بين نهج «أبو مازن» ونهج المقاومة الذي يتبنّاه الفلسطينيون، كما وتُسخّن الأوضاع الميدانية أكثر، إذ إن تداعياتها ستقود إلى تزخيم عمليات إطلاق النار تجاه جيش العدو في جنين مجدداً، بسبب نيّة الأخير هدم منزل عائلة الشهيد حمارشة، فيما يتخوّف محلّلون إسرائيليون من أن يتّخذ شبّان آخرون من ضياء قدوة لتنفيذ سلسلة هجمات جديدة في الأيام والأسابيع المقبلة، خصوصاً أن السياق التاريخي يشي بأن العملية الناجحة دائماً ما تولّد عمليات أخرى مماثلة. ويأتي الحديث عن كلّ هذه السيناريوات في ظلّ استمرار تهديد فصائل المقاومة بالتصعيد، إذا ما أقدم العدو على «حماقات» واعتداءات أكبر على المسجد الأقصى، في حين تشير المعطيات إلى أن شهر رمضان سيكون ملتهباً هذا العام، على رغم هدوء «جبهة القدس» نسبياً.

ضياء حمارشة… من لم يَبِع أبداً

منفذ عملية «بني باراك» هو الشهيد ضياء حمارشة (27 عاماً)، من بلدة يعبد جنوب جنين. اعتُقل لمدّة نصف عام في عام 2013، بتهمة حيازة أسلحة وذخيرة بغرض الإتجار فيها. وبحسب معلومات «الأخبار»، فإن الشهيد عاش داخل أقسام حركة «فتح» آنذاك، وبعد خروجه تأثّر فكرياً بحركة «الجهاد الإسلامي»، وتحديداً جناحها العسكري. وللشهيد مهنّد الحلبي مكانة خاصة عند حمارشة، إذ كنّى الأخير نفسه بـ«أبو مهند»، ووضع صورة الحلبي كغلاف لصفحته الشخصية على «فايسبوك»، بينما وضع كـ«بروفايل» صورته في القدس بخلفيّة المسجد الأقصى. وعبر صفحته هذه، هاجم ضياء خيار التسوية والمفاوضات مع العدو، حيث كتب: «من باع أراضي الـ48 والـ67 ما رح تفرق معه يبيع باقي الأرض»، وانتقد فساد بعض المسؤولين وتفريطهم بالوطن، قائلاً: «في ناس قدمت أولادها للوطن، وفي ناس قدمت الوطن لأولادها».

من ملف : «وفي شهر آذار نمتدّ في الأرض»

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11 قتيلاً خلال أسبوع: إسرائيل في كابوسها المديد

الأربعاء 30 آذار 2022

يجتمع مساء اليوم «الكابينيت» في تل أبيب، لإجراء تقييم للوضع عقب عملية أمس (أ ف ب )

فلسطين الحدث الأخبار 

«تعمود (قف)»! بهذه الكلمة توجّه الشهيد ضياء حمارشة (27 عاماً) إلى سائق سيارة إسرائيلي، آمراً إياه بالتوقّف، قبل أن يعاجله برصاصة واحدة في رأسه، ومن ثمّ يقترب منه، ويتأكّد من مقتله ليتابع عمليته «الفدائية»، التي قُتل فيها خمسة إسرائيليين، أحدهم من عناصر شرطة العدو، في منطقتَين مختلفتَين في «بني براك» بالقرب من تل أبيب، مساء أمس. وبحسب وسائل إعلام العدو، فإن فلسطينيَين آخرين شاركا في العملية، تمّ اعتقال واحد منهما، بينما كان يجري البحث عن الثاني

مع هجوم «بني براك» أمس، يكون المشهد الفلسطيني أمام ثالث عملية نوعيّة في غضون أسبوع واحد؛ أوّلها في بئر السبع الأسبوع الفائت، وثانيها في الخضيرة أول من أمس، وآخرها قرب تل أبيب أمس. وخلّفت هذه العمليات مجتمعة، 11 قتيلاً إسرائيلياً، وعدداً من الجرحى بينهم مَن هم في حال الخطر، تاركةً العدو وأجهزته الأمنية في حالة من الصدمة والضياع، لاسيما وأن «رادار» جهاز «الشاباك» لم ينجح في كشف أو إحباط أيّ من العمليات الثلاث. وانهال مسؤولون أمنيون سابقون وحاليون في الكيان، بانتقادات شديدة على أداء الجهاز الذي ما فتئ يحذّر منذ أكثر من شهر من «التصعيد» المُحتمل في شهر رمضان وقبيله، وانعكست تحذيراته في أكثر من خطوة، شملت لقاءات على مختلف المستويات بين مثلث رام الله ـــ عمّان ـــ تل أبيب، لكن من دون أيّ نتيجة كما يبدو، حيث تمّت العمليات الفدائية بنجاح، سواءً تلك التي نفّذها أبناء المنطقة المحتلة عام 1948، أو عملية أمس التي نفّذتها – كما يبدو – خلية قادمة من الضفة الغربية.

الصدمة الكبرى لدى قادة الأجهزة الأمنية الإسرائيلية أمس، مردّها تمكّن الشهيد من تنفيذ العملية، على رغم أن أجهزة العدو رفعت منذ أول من أمس حالة التأهّب في صفوف قواتها، وشنّت حملات اعتقال مختلفة طاولت «مشتبهين ومحتملين لتنفيذ عمليات»، في أكثر من منطقة في فلسطين، بينها أم الفحم وسخنين، انطلاقاً من توقّعات «الشاباك» بأن العملية المقبلة سينفّذها فلسطينيون من هذه المناطق. لكن الشهيد حمارشة، إبن قرية يعبد في قضاء جنين شمالي الضفة الغربية المحتلة، سواء وحده أو مع شركاء له، استطاع وسط كلّ إجراءات العدو، الدخول إلى المناطق المحتلة عام 1948، التي يحدّها جدار الفصل العنصري، ومن دون تصريح مسبق. وطبقاً لتقديرات مؤسسات العدو، التي نقلها المحلل العسكري ألون بن ديفيد، فإن الخلية تنتمي إلى حركة «الجهاد الإسلامي»، بينما جرى الحديث عن انتماء الشهيد حمارشة الى «كتائب شهداء الأقصى»، الجناح العسكري لحركة «فتح».

وفي التفاصيل، أشارت «القناة 12» العبرية إلى أن الشهيد المنفّذ استقلّ دراجة نارية، وأطلق النار في ثلاث مناطق مختلفة، بينها شارع «بياليك» حيث سقط ثلاثة قتلى، قبل أن يتّجه إلى شارع «هرتسل» في منطقة «بني باراك» مطلقاً النار، مُوقعاً قتيلَين إسرائيليين آخرين بينهما ضابط في شرطة العدو، ثمّ يصل أخيراً إلى شارع «مجاديم»، حيث أطلق النار مجدداً قبل استشهاده، علماً أن أشرطة مصوّرة من أكثر من منطقة أظهرته وهو يتنقّل راجلاً وليس على درّاجة نارية. وتداول نشاطون إسرائيليون وفلسطينيون، على منصّات التواصل الاجتماعي، مقطع فيديو تظهر فيه مستوطنة إسرائيلية من مكان تنفيذ العملية، تتحدّث عن أن «المنفّذ طلب منها مع نسوة أخريات الابتعاد عن المكان»، وأنه «على ما يبدو كان لا يريد قتل نساء».

باركت فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية العملية «البطولية» بينما دانها محمود عباس

في غضون ذلك، أجرى وزير أمن العدو، بني غانتس، تقييماً للوضع، بمشاركة رئيس الأركان، أفيف كوخافي، ومنسّق عمليات الحكومة في المناطق المحتلة، غسان عليان، ورئيس «الشاباك»، رونن بار، ورئيس شعبة الاستخبارات العسكرية، ورئيس شعبة العمليات. وإثر العملية، أمر المفتش العام للشرطة، يعكوف (كوبي) شبتاي، برفع حالة تأهّب الشرطة الإسرائيلية إلى المستوى الأقصى، واستدعاء آلاف القوات في تعزيز لمهام تأمين المؤسسات والمحطات المركزية والأماكن المزدحمة. وهذه هي المرّة الأولى التي يأمر فيها بذلك منذ عملية «سيف القدس»، وهبّة الأقصى في أيار من العام الفائت. كما أوعز رئيس هيئة أركان الجيش، أفيف كوخافي، بتعزيز فرقة الضفة بأربع كتائب مقاتلة أخرى، ليصل مجموع التعزيزات الأخيرة إلى ثماني كتائب. أيضاً، من المُزمع أن ينعقد المجلس الوزاري المصغّر للشؤون الأمنية والسياسية (الكابينيت) اليوم، لمناقشة موجة العمليات الأخيرة، طبقاً لما نقله المراسل العسكري، باراك رافيد. كما أعلنت سلطات العدو وقف العمل بتصريحات العمل الممنوحة للفلسطينيين في الضفة الغربية، للعمل داخل الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948.

ومن جهتها، باركت فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية المختلفة، العملية «البطولية»، واعتبرتها رداً طبيعياً على إجراءات العدو الاستيطانية والظالمة. كما خرجت عدّة مسيرات شعبية في الضفة الغربية، وتحديداً في بلدة يعبد ومدينة جنين، تأييداً للعملية الفدائية، وتأكيداً على خيار المقاومة. أما رئيس سلطة رام الله، محمود عباس، فقد دان الهجوم، وأكد في بيانه أن «مقتل مواطنين إسرائيليين وفلسطينيين لن يؤدّي سوى إلى تدهور الوضع، حيث إن الجميع معنيٌّ بدعم الازدهار، وبشكل أساسي على خلفية حلول رمضان والأعياد اليهودية والمسيحية المرتقبة». وحذّر عباس «من استغلال هذا الحدث لتبرير الاعتداء على فلسطينيين من قبل مستوطنين». وكان كشف أكثر من تقرير إسرائيلي، في وقت سابق، عن نيّة إسرائيلية لتأجيج التوتّرات الأمنية في الأراضي المحتلة عام 1948، عبر استغلال هذه الهجمات للزجّ بالتنظيمات الاستيطانية اليهودية، وخصوصاً في مدن الساحل الفلسطيني، في مواجهة الفلسطينيين هناك.

5 قتلى إسرائيليين بينهم شرطي في عملية إطلاق نار شرقي “تل أبيب”

الثلاثاء 29 آذار 

المصدر: وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية

وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية تتحدّث عن سقوط قتلى وجرحى إسرائيليين في عملية إطلاق نار في “بني براك” في “تل أبيب”.

أفادت مراسلة الميادين في القدس المحتلة، اليوم الثلاثاء، بسقوط 5 قتلى، بينهم شرطي للاحتلال الإسرائيلي، في عملية إطلاق نار في “بني براك” في “تل أبيب”. 

وأكدت مراسلتنا أن عملية إطلاق النار وقعت في 3 نقاط في منطقة “بني براك” التي “يقطنها مستوطنون متشددون”، مشيرةً إلى أن المرحلة “الحالية تشهد موجة من التحريض العنصري الإسرائيلي ضد الفلسطينيين”.

وأعلنت وسائل الإعلام الإسرائيلية سقوط 5 قتلى في عملية إطلاق نار من مسلّح على دراجة نارية في “بني براك” شرقي “تل أبيب”.

وبحسب موقع “0404” الإسرائيلي، فإن إطلاق النار وقع في أماكن متعددة في “بني براك” في “تل أبيب”، وأن “القوات الطبية تعالج الجرحى، بينما جراح بعضهم خطيرة”.

وأعلنت شرطة الاحتلال “حالة الطوارئ ومنع التجول الشامل في شوارع تل أبيب”.

كذلك، “سادت أجواء من الخوف والهلع في صفوف المستوطنين”. ووفقاً للإعلام الإسرائيلي، فإن “منفذ عملية بني براك من سكان الضفة الغربية، وأطلق النار في ثلاثة أماكن”.

ومنفّذ العملية الذي استشهِد، هو الفلسطيني ضياء حمارشة (26 عاماً)، من يعبد في جنين في الضفة الغربية، وهو أسير محرَّر. 

ونقلت وسائل إعلام إسرائيلية أنه “في الساعة القريبة المقبلة سيُجري رئيس الحكومة ووزير الأمن ورؤساء المؤسسة الأمنية مشاورات أمنية بعد عملية بني براك”.

والأحد الماضي، قتل إسرائيليين اثنين، وأصيب 3 من عناصر شرطة الاحتلال، في إطلاق نار بمدينة الخضيرة،فيما استشهد منفذا العملية.

وشنت شرطة الاحتلال حملة اعتقالات في مدينة أم الفحم ومنطقة وادي عارة، وسخنين والناصرة والطيبة، عقب عملية الخضيرة التي أسفرت عن مقتل شرطيين من قوات الاحتلال، وإصابة 10 آخرين.

وفي 22 آذار/مارس الجاري، قتل 4 مستوطنين إسرائيليين في عمليتَيْ دهس وطعن في بئر السبع، ونقلت حينها “القناة الـ12” الإسرائيلية، عن مصدرٍ سياسي قوله: “نأمل أن لا تكون عملية بئر السبع هي براعم ما نتوقعه في شهر رمضان”.

مقالات مرتبطة

Palestine’s Land Day: In 2018 mass protests, in 2022 armed struggle

March 30 2022

Source: Al Mayadeen Net

Robert Inlakesh 

This 30th of March may more symbolically represent something very different for the youths of Palestine today than it did for those of past generations.

Land Day, first started in the 1948 territories of occupied Palestine, was revived again in 2018 and has shaped the way Palestinian youths are today opposing the occupation of their lands. Whilst mass demonstrations were used a few years ago, today we see a shift towards the use of armed struggle in order to oppose “Israel’s” settler colonialism.

In 1976 Palestinian demonstrations erupted in the Galilee, in addition to areas such as Wadi Ara and al-Naqab (the Negev). The protests inside the 1948 territories of Palestine came as a reaction to the Zionist entity’s expropriation of thousands of dunams of Palestinian land, resulting in Zionist forces killing 6 Palestinians and injuring of hundreds of others. Every year since, Palestinians have marked Land Day on the 30th of March, in order to remember the resistance of their people to “Israel’s” settler-colonial regime.

The 30th of March, however, may more symbolically represent something very different for the youths of Palestine today, than it did for those of past generations. This is also the date on which the ‘Great Return March’ was launched in 2018, where hundreds of thousands of Palestinian demonstrators in the Gaza Strip protested against the separation fence/wall between them and their lands from which over 70% of the population are originally from and are forbidden to return to. The Palestinian refugees and native Gazans hoisted up banners calling for the implementation of United Nations General Assembly resolution 194, which demanded the Palestinian right of return to their homelands. 

The Great Return March continued for over a year, it was overwhelmingly non-violent and resulted in no deaths of Israeli soldiers or settlers. Many international observers thought that this was it, the international community was finally going to be forced to break its silence and the blockade on Gaza would be put to an end. They were unfortunately wrong. The nonviolent protest movement, one of the largest in history – in terms of the percentage of the population in question – only gave Israeli snipers the opportunity for mass murder. Over 300 Palestinian civilians were massacred, more than 30,000 were injured. The international community remained silent, the Western media and governments defended “Israel”, barely even paying attention to the suffering of Gaza’s demonstrators. Women, children, infants, medical workers, journalists, disabled persons, and elderly were amongst the dead and injured, overwhelming Gaza’s already brittle health sector. 

The world sat by and did nothing as the Palestinian people did exactly what is always asked of them, nonviolent resistance, quoting international law, and asking for their rights. Not only did the world media sit by and underreport the demonstrations, when they did touch on the subject they described them as “clashes” and “border riots”. This was despite the fact that no such “border” exists between Gaza and “Israel”. As for the allegation that there were clashes; if so, where are the dead Israelis? Where are the injured Israelis? What really occurred is that a heavily militarized force sat behind mounds of dirt or military towers, behind layers of barbed wire, on top of militarized fences/walls, and shot at defenseless Palestinians like fish in a barrel, often with banned explosive bullets. This was not just the likes of Fox News that reported on the demonstrations like this, it was the BBCCNNThe New York Times, and just about every other mainstream Western news outlet you could think of.

Land Day in 2018 should have been, according to the liberal pundits who preach nonviolence for the Palestinians – but not for Ukrainians against Russia’s military of course – that ended all their oppression. Instead, it was the beginning of a massacre, a catastrophe. 

On this Land Day, the Palestinian people prepare for the month of Ramadan ahead of them, where fascist Israeli settler mobs threaten to raid Al-Aqsa Mosque, they do so in a very different environment than the one we saw in 2018. The world lied to the Palestinians when they told them they could take back their rights through nonviolent resistance, and saw last May, that the only time they can extract a win against their occupiers is through armed struggle. The younger generations are tired of the lies and a Palestinian Authority that collaborates with the Zionist occupier through security coordination, they see that there is no hope in waiting on the Oslo process. The armed struggle is now rising inside the 1948 territories, the West Bank, Al-Quds, and is no longer isolated to the ‘Joint Room’ of resistance factions in the Gaza Strip. 

The Palestinian armed struggle is undergoing a new revival and this time it will take more than empty promises to stop it. A United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) report, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch (HRW), B’Tselem, and many more have declared “Israel” an Apartheid regime and this system of injustice will be confronted by any means necessary.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

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Ziad Al-Nakhalah to Al-Ahed: Iran Is Paying the Price for Supporting Palestine

Nov 28 2022

By Mustapha Awada

“Oh, people of our Arab and Islamic nation everywhere, our people in Palestine will continue their valiant uprising and revolution despite hunger, torment, and siege. They will continue defending the nation’s last wall and waging the battle of the nation, the whole nation, in defense of its faith and its land, in defense of its freedom, uprising, and independence. So, do not abandon them, and let us all rise together instead of being killed one by one.”

These are the immortal words of the founder of the Islamic Jihad Movement Dr. Fathi Shaqaqi. These words are still applicable in the second millennium amid the ongoing struggle by the Palestinian people and the development of their resistance designed to bring out the demise of the “Israeli” occupation on all Palestinian soil.

As Land Day approaches and two months before the anniversary of the al-Quds Sword Battle, the Secretary General of the Islamic Jihad Ziad al-Nakhalah sat down with al-Ahed News. The comprehensive interview covers a range of issues including the state of the Palestinian resistance, the development of its capabilities, the escalation of individual operations inside the occupied land, the coordination with the axis of resistance, the normalization by Arab regimes, and a solid relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Al-Nakhalah stressed that “the stabbing operations and other individual operations are a manifestation of the Palestinian people’s resistance to the Zionist enemy, and they are an expression of the state of oppression that inhabits all of Palestine.” He explained that “such an action should push the resistance forces to better organize their ranks and get closer to the people who know, today more than ever, that if they do not fight today, they will be killed tomorrow.”

Al-Nakhalah told al-Ahed that “Land Day is a historic day in the life of the Palestinian people, and it is a true expression of our people’s will to uphold their rights. The fact that our people take to the streets on this day every year confirms that the flag of Palestine is carried by its people, generation after generation in Al-Quds, in the valiant West Bank, throughout the 1948 territories, in the Gaza Strip, and the Diaspora. Neither misinformation campaigns nor defeats around them were able to defeat their awareness and will, and we will remain on this path, God willing, resisting, and steadfast until we topple the banners of the enemy.”

Touching on the normalization of ties between some Arab states and “Israel” and the state of some regimes, al-Nakhalah pointed out that “the mind is unable to explain the state of collapse of the Arab system as a whole in front of the Zionist project, and they see that our besieged people can resist and fight, and with all humiliation, they go in the other direction and ally themselves with the enemy. The recent summit of Sharm el-Sheikh is but one of the scenes that show the extent of the Arab weakness.”

On the other hand, al-Nakhalah points out that “in this world that is crowded with everything except justice, the Islamic Republic of Iran stands by the Palestinian people, supporting them. I can say that it is the only one that is paying the price for its support for the Palestinian people.”

The following is the transcript of the interview:

1- Two months ahead of the anniversary of the al-Quds Sword Battle, what is your assessment of the state of the Palestinian resistance?

The Palestinian resistance today is under enormous pressure, and attempts to contain it, directly or indirectly, have not stopped.

The Al-Quds Sword Battle is supposed to have opened new horizons for the Palestinian people and for the Arab world.

Unfortunately, the Palestinian side could not use it in the context of its conflict with the Zionist project in a positive way and with a serious national vision. Meanwhile, the Arab world, which decided in advance to remove Palestine and Al-Quds from its agenda in favor of the enemy, is conspiring with the enemy to contain the resistance by all the means available, to thwart and besiege it and give it some cheap temptations so that it opens up more and more to the Zionist enemy. Instead of betting on the Palestinian people and their will to resist the occupation and confront the nation’s historical enemy, it is siding more and more with the enemy.

Palestine is no longer the Arab regime’s cause. Palestine has become a burden on it, and it wants to get rid of it. Therefore, the challenges facing the resistance have become greater and more complex, and this imposes on us a greater responsibility than before and a different performance commensurate with the challenges we face.

2- The stabbing operations inside the “Israeli” entity do not stop, and the enemy expects an escalation during the next three months, starting with the holy month of Ramadan. Are the Palestinians really coming to a sensitive security stage?

Stabbing operations and other individual operations are a manifestation of the Palestinian people’s resistance to the Zionist enemy, and they are an expression of the state of oppression that inhabits all of Palestine. However, this is not enough to stop the enemy’s intrusion on our rights. It is also not enough for all of us as political forces to praise the heroic individual actions of the creative Palestinian youth. Such an action should push the resistance forces to better organize their ranks and get closer to the people who know, today more than ever, that if they do not fight today, they will be killed tomorrow – by insults, hunger, or being shot. It makes no difference. Whoever does not fight today will see that what remains of his land and homeland will vanish. Whoever does not fight today will see with his own eyes Al-Quds become Jewish; he will see that Palestine, all of Palestine, will become “Israel”; and whoever does not fight today will see himself standing in the queue of humiliation, working in his land as a slave for the enemy.

This is the challenge that our Palestinian people are facing today, and it is present throughout the month of Ramadan and other months.

3- The movement in the occupied areas of the interior is expanding, and the confrontations in Sheikh Jarrah in the face of the settlers are intensifying. Do you expect things to explode more there?

There is always a reason or reasons for confrontations with the enemy; the presence of the enemy on our land is a permanent reason for confrontation. The persecution of people and the non-stop killing of young people throughout Palestine, the confiscation of lands, and the demolition and destruction of homes are additional reasons that push people to resist. Resistance here is obligatory as long as there is occupation. Resistance is the natural response to occupation. There is no free people who accept occupation, and the Palestinian people are always resisting the occupation and did not stop for a single day.

4- What about the recently announced national committee for the defense of the internally displaced inside occupied Palestine? Are we facing a new type of confrontation expected with the Zionists?

This body was formed to communicate with our people in Palestine occupied in 1948, and it is an expression at the same time of the unity of the Palestinian people in all their places of residence and that we are one people in the face of one enemy.

5- How would you describe the relationship with the rest of the Palestinian factions?

The Palestinian situation suffers from severe weakness, and this affects the general performance, both politically and militarily. Partisanship is still dominant despite attempts to get out of it to a broader and more welcoming vision.

The Palestinian people know the front of their true enemies, but they see that the forces that control the official framework recognized as the representative of the Palestinian people lie on the doorstep of these enemies. Our people know their rights, but they no longer know whether their national forces want a Palestinian state or autonomy in Gaza or the West Bank [according to the “Israeli” program]. This ambiguity in the Palestinian political programs makes Palestinian relations problematic and in a state of constant confusion, and we are always looking for a common denominator. However, our relations as Palestinian forces are still governed by our party programs and our interests.

Organizations that see themselves as being closer in their programs are trying to develop joint struggle programs whenever possible, and in recently, there was a joint statement issued on behalf of the Jihad – Hamas – the Popular Front. This was a positive step that we can build on, but it is not enough.

6- What is your position on what is happening in Ukraine and the war going on there?

This war is a world war in every sense of the word, even if America and NATO countries are not directly involved militarily. They, however, are pushing for this war to continue with all their might. They are also providing enormous military and economic support for Ukraine in the face of the Russian Federation.

America created this war and prepared all the conditions for it, with the aim of draining Russia and limiting its international role, which has begun to emerge strongly in recent years. But I believe that the end of the war will change the direction of international relations and will impose new alliances other than those that were arranged at the end of World War II. The world relations and the balance of power will differ from what they were before.

What causes worry and fear is the effect of these variables on the situation of the Arab and Islamic worlds. Until this moment, we have seen nothing but a state of confusion and hesitation that prevails in the Arab region as it anticipates results. What is worse is them cozying up to the Zionist enemy and allying with it. The Sharm el-Sheikh conference attended by Egypt, the Emirates, and the enemy, as well as the conference that will be held in the Zionist entity, in which some Arab countries and America will participate, are nothing but an indication of the state of affairs and the state of the Arab identity being lost in favor of the enemy. Therefore, I see that siding with the Zionist enemy and allying with it is choosing subordination in advance to the American side and the Zionist enemy.

7- How would you describe the military capabilities of the resistance, specifically the Islamic Jihad?

The resistance depends above all on the Palestinian resistance and on its popular support from which it derives the will to resist the occupation. In our Palestinian case, a person goes through two stages. In the first, he is a fighter, and in the second, he is a martyr. When you are a fighter, you must be brave, and when you are martyred, you must be a role model. Then comes the talk about military capabilities, which are basically modest capabilities compared to what the enemy possesses, but we are betting on the fighter who has a message and does not fear anything or anyone but God. Even martyrdom will be a gift from God Almighty at the end of the journey of jihad and resistance. This is our real capabilities in confronting the enemy, in addition to what the resistance’s engineers produce in its non-stop workshops, offering innovations of great value and having an important impact on the battlefield, and the Al-Quds Sword Battle is proof of that.

8- In light of the sweeping wave of Arab and Gulf normalization, where does the Palestinian resistance derive its support from?

This wave of normalization is not new. Yes, it took a more rude and more immoral form. Since the Camp David Accords with Egypt and the subsequent Wadi Araba Accords with Jordan, as well as the Oslo Accords with the Palestine Liberation Organization, Arab taboos have been broken in the face of the Zionist enemy.

This was followed by the so-called Arab Peace Initiative, which was an Arab declaration that Palestine had become “Israel”, and they were only trying to tame the Palestinian people to accept the fait accompli.

But the Palestinian people still adhere to their right to Palestine and are creative in forms of resistance, based on their absolute belief in the justice of their cause and their historical right to Palestine and the state of solidarity and sympathy from the Arab and Islamic peoples, as well as the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It has spared no effort in supporting the resistance and the Palestinian people at the political, military, and moral levels and in confronting with all force and power the Zionist project that is targeting the entire region and is seeking to end the Palestinian cause in every sense of the word.

9- How do you approach this wave, especially since some Arab capitals have become open before the enemies of the nation?

Frankly, the mind is unable to explain the state of collapse of the Arab system as a whole in front of the Zionist project, and they see that our besieged people can resist and fight, and with all humiliation, they go in the other direction and ally themselves with the enemy. The recent summit of Sharm el-Sheikh is one of the scenes that shows the extent of the Arab weakness.

The Zionist occupation entity has become a major regional state, and the enemy’s prime minister, who has Palestinian blood on his hands, has become an essential partner in drawing up the policies of the Arab region; the Arabs have become partners with those who occupied their land and massacred their sons in all wars, while they are prisoners of war.

“Israel” its issue, the godfather of normalization, the Emirates, which has become a center for laundering Jewish money, and Egypt attended the Sharm el-Sheikh summit in Egypt.

Issues regarding some aid and promises were mentioned, while the Arabs’ central issue was absent – Al-Quds and its people as well as Palestine and its occupation were absent. If Gaza or the West Bank were mentioned, it was to see how they can we subjugate its people and make them more responsive to the “Israeli” security conditions.

10- What can be said about the relationship with the Islamic Republic today? Do you think that the Arab countries have completely abandoned Palestine?

In this world that is crowded with everything except justice, the Islamic Republic of Iran stands by the Palestinian people, supporting them. I can say that it is the only one that is paying the price for its support for the Palestinian people – sieges, sanctions, and conspiracies. Despite this, its position is becoming more solid and insistent on supporting the Palestinian people and their resistance. On the other hand, the Arab regime shamelessly bows down before the Zionist enemy and abandons Palestine and Al-Quds.

11- How do you comment on the upcoming visit of the Jordanian King to Palestine and effort he is reportedly leading to prevent an escalation in the coming month of Ramadan?

Frankly, if you had not asked me, you would have excused me from this answer. Unfortunately, this is a job that Jordan is doing for the enemy for free, especially since this visit comes at the request of the Zionist enemy, with the aim of calming the situation in the West Bank, which is expected to explode in the face of the enemy on the occasion of the holy month of Ramadan.

12- Ahead of Land Day, what do you say to the Palestinian interior and its youth who write the most wonderful epics with their awareness and their confrontation of the occupation?

Land Day is a historic day in the life of the Palestinian people, and it is a true expression of our people’s will to uphold their rights. The fact that our people take to the streets on this day every year confirms that the flag of Palestine is carried by its people, generation after generation in Al-Quds, in the valiant West Bank, throughout the 1948 territories, in the Gaza Strip, and the Diaspora. Neither misinformation campaigns nor defeats around them were able to defeat their awareness and will, and we will remain on this path, God willing, resisting, and steadfast until we topple the banners of the enemy and expel it from our country. Our duty today, more than ever, is to continue the jihad and resistance until God allows us to achieve a clear victory.

13- Imam Khomeini stressed on the necessity to mark the last Friday of the blessed month of Ramadan as the International Day of al-Quds. What do you pledge to the Imam and the nation on this day?

The blessed month of Ramadan is upon us, and it is the month of jihad and the month of great victories in the history of Islam. In it is Laylat al-Qadr [the Night of Decree], which is better than a thousand months. In it is Al-Quds Day, which coincides with the great nights of decree, and which Imam Khomeini chose to be a day in which Muslims unite in word and their banners for the liberation of Al-Quds are raised. Peace be upon Imam Khomeini on the day he was born and on the day he will be resurrected.

Final Word:

In past, the white West invaded and colonized Africa, transporting people to their country and turning them into slaves. In the modern era, invaders come to us to enslave us in our country, here in the holiest country, Palestine, and turn our people into slaves to build their settlements and work in their factories. Meanwhile, Arab and Muslim countries are opened to these murderous invaders, and they are received as masters who enjoy in Arab and Muslim countries. Hotels and resorts are opened for them, and everyone is at their service, in the service of the killers.

As for the victims, they must be besieged, starved, and tamed. Under the pretext of realism, the defeated and the oppressed accept what the invaders want; those who do not want to fight accept what the killers want, and whoever does not accept is killed in front of people’s eyes and his house demolished. He’d be into an example for others and another reason for the oppressed and defeated to say: We cannot face them, and we have to surrender. We have abandoned the rules of engagement, the rules of combat, and the rules of victory that God has set for us, so humiliation befell us.

The Almighty said: {Fight them; Allah will punish them by your hands and will disgrace them and give you victory over them and satisfy the breasts of a believing people.}

Al-Khodaira attack thoroughly planned: Israeli media

27 Mar 2022

Source: Israeli Media

By Al Mayadeen Net 

Israeli media says the Al-Khudaira attack was thoroughly planned, and it destabilized the sense of security within Israeli settlers.

Israeli media said the gunmen were experienced

The attack in Al-Khudaira that took the lives of two Israeli police members and injured four others took place “at the heart of ‘Israel,'” Israeli media said Sunday, adding that it is unlike any of its predecessors.

Israeli Channel 13 said the attack carried out by two Palestinians from the ’48 occupied territories had harsh results, stressing that the Palestinians were experienced when it came to using arms.

“The Al-Khudaira attack has a natural adverse effect on the feeling of security for Israelis, as it is something that has not happened in years,” the Israeli channel said.

They also claimed that the attack was thoroughly planned, and it was far from being an act carried out by just one person.

Al Mayadeen correspondent reported Sunday that a shooting took place in Al-Khudaira, Haifa, occupied Palestine, adding that two of those wounded were in critical condition.

According to Israeli media, the foreign ministers of the Arab states participating in the Al-Naqab summit in occupied Palestine, alongside their Israeli and US counterparts, rushed to denounce the shooting.

Unprecedented blows to Israeli security…and fears of expanding operations

To Maintain Jewish Demographic Control, Israel Cloaks Family Unification Law in Security Concerns

February 25th, 2022

Amnesty International described “discriminatory laws and policies that disrupt family life” as “primarily guided by demographic – rather than security – considerations and aim[ing] to minimize Palestinian presence inside the Green Line to maintain a Jewish majority.”

By Jessica Buxbaum


OCCUPIED EAST JERUSALEM — A controversial law banning family unification between Israelis and Palestinians in the occupied territories expired last summer, but right-wing politicians are seeking to resurrect it with a vengeance. This month, the Knesset (Israel’s parliament) approved, in the first of three votes, the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, preventing Palestinians married to Israeli citizens from receiving permits to enter into 1948-occupied Palestine (or modern-day Israel).

“It’s one of the most racist, apartheid laws that was ever passed in the world,” Adi Mansour, attorney with Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, told MintPress News. “There is no other law that’s even remotely close to this law in the effects … that it has on family lives.”

Known as the family unification ban, the bill passed in 2003 and has been renewed annually since its inception — until last year. In July, the law was defeated after former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud Party voted against it to disrupt the new coalition government.

Now, right-wing Knesset members are hoping to breathe new life into the legislation by adding more restrictive amendments to a law human rights organizations already deem deeply discriminatory.

Making a harsh law even harsher

Knesset member Simcha Rothman of the far-right Religious Zionism Party negotiated with Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked to add tougher amendments to the law and get it back on the agenda.

Rothman’s applied amendments include setting a maximum yearly quota for those eligible to receive Israeli citizenship from the occupied West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Iran, Syria, Iraq and Lebanon, and requiring the Interior Ministry submit a monthly report on the number of permits granted. While this law is classified as a temporary order, the newest version also allows the government to extend its enforcement for longer than one year at a time, meaning it won’t need to be renewed annually.

“The amendment that was filed by the opposition brings to the surface the real intention of the law —  to prevent a supposed attack on the Jewish majority of the state,” Mansour said.  Rothman and the spokesperson for the Knesset did not respond to requests for comment.

Despite the law’s expiration, Shaked ordered the Population and Immigration Authority to apply the law to family unification requests. Israeli non-profit organizations HaMoked, Association for Civil Rights in Israel, and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, filed a joint petition to the Israeli Court of Administrative Affairs. The case made its way to the Supreme Court, which prompted the Interior Ministry to establish two temporary procedures. One of the procedures — HaMoked argues — simply “perpetuates the relevant provisions of the expired law, under a different name.”

More than just preventing the Palestinian right of return

HaMoked opposes the law, but Dani Shenhar, who heads HaMoked’s legal department, said that if it does pass, there are several amendments they are advocating to have attached to the bill in order to make it constitutional. These include: not applying the law to women over the age of 50, men over the age of 55, and minors; providing full government benefits to those given an entry permit; and giving permanent residency or citizenship to those applying on humanitarian grounds.

“When the law didn’t pass in July, many politicians said that it’s very important for keeping the demographics of Israel under control — not having Palestinians receive Israeli IDs,” Shenhar told MintPress. “This is the real concern of the state.”

Proponents of the law argue it’s necessary for security purposes, specifically claiming unified families are more likely to commit acts of terrorism. Shenhar explained, however, that Israel’s internal security service, the Shin Bet, said that from 2001 to 2016 only 104 individuals from families who obtained residency or citizenship through family reunification were involved in terrorist activity. From his perspective, these low numbers suggest there isn’t a security concern. “Security is an explanation used by the state because it’s easier for the court to give its green light to this law when there’s a security basis for it,” Shenhar said. “It’s more difficult to justify this kind of law on the basis of demographics or racial profiling.”

Even Minister of Interior Shaked suggested this law isn’t just for security purposes. In an interview with Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth, Shaked admitted the law is meant to prevent the “creeping [Palestinian] right of return.” “The law wants to reduce the motivation for immigration to Israel. Primarily for security reasons, and then also for demographic reasons,” Shaked said.

Adalah’s Mansour argued that family reunification isn’t about the right of return. “We want the right of return, but still when we fall in love with a person, we do not think, ‘Let’s implement the right of return.’ This is not part of the rationality of love and relationships,” he said.

Instead, Mansour argues that the narrative that the law is about the right of return is merely strategic — to better persuade the Israeli media and public of the need for such a law. “The motive to prevent the right of return is not real,” he said, emphasizing the law’s agenda is Zionist and racist. “The real motive is preventing any demographic changes and preventing Palestinians from implementing their right to family life.”

“To basically build and sustain an apartheid regime,” Mansour added.

Denying the right to family life

Earlier this month Amensty International released a comprehensive report declaring Israel an apartheid state. The organization’s analysis highlighted the family reunification ban, calling it a “clear example of how Israel fragments and segregates Palestinians through a single system.”

Amnesty International described “discriminatory laws and policies that disrupt family life” as “primarily guided by demographic – rather than security – considerations and aim[ing] to minimize Palestinian presence inside the Green Line to maintain a Jewish majority.”

“By contrast, the 2003 law explicitly did not apply to residents of Jewish settlements in the West Bank wanting to marry and live with their spouse inside Israel, making it, and the ongoing policy underpinning it, blatantly discriminatory,” Amnesty wrote. The organization also noted that information from the Ministry of Interior indicated the rejection of about 43% of family unification applications from 2000-2013.

Families affected by the legislation were unable to speak on the record to MintPress, given that the bill is still being debated and voted on. However, Amnesty collected anonymous testimonies on how this law has disrupted families’ lives.

One spouse, who moved from the West Bank to 1948-occupied Palestine, applied for family reunification but while awaiting approval and without proper documentation, she lived in a perpetual state of anxiety. “There was a constant fear in my life. I was terrified of getting sick for example, because of this fear of having to go to the hospital without the necessary documents, getting caught [by Israeli authorities], and paying lots of money to cover for any kind of procedure or treatment,” she told Amnesty. She had married in 2003 when she was 18 but, according to the Citizenship Law, couldn’t apply for family reunification until she turned 25.

Another woman was rejected when trying to renew her permanent residency. She is now confined to Jerusalem in fear of arrest if she crosses Israeli checkpoints. She told Amnesty International how the law has impacted her life:

Since 2008, I have not been able to see my children as I please, because I cannot cross Israeli military checkpoints. I can only see my children and grandchildren through video calls. I have spent 12 years of my life trying to solve this, but the [Israeli] authorities keep stalling. I have spent half of my life either at the Ministry of Interior offices or gathering papers for them. This is exhausting.”

Adalah’s Mansour detailed the various cases he’s worked on regarding family reunification and called their experiences “devastating.” One example he offered:

During corona, a woman who was from Ramallah couldn’t leave Ramallah through the checkpoint because there was a lockdown. So she had to live for at least a month away from her kids and her family because they had citizenship and could go back to where her family lived, but she had to stay in Ramallah with her parents.”

In some situations, individuals could only get a driver’s license after 10 years. In other cases, individuals couldn’t find work in 1948-occupied Palestine because they didn’t have citizenship.

Often employers are unwilling to hire individuals with the family unification permit because, since it only lasts a year, their residency status is seen as unstable. Mansour summed it up:

People fall in love and they live together and they get married and they don’t think of the consequences. But eventually what happens is either you leave the country and live abroad, which is a decision that a lot of people don’t want to take because this is their homeland. On the other side, you have people who suffer every day from the consequences of not being able to unify their family.”

Adalah has been working with families on a potential upcoming petition against the legislation. In characterizing the bill, Mansour equated it to doctrines used by the German Nazi and Italian fascist regimes during World War II, in which governments would discriminate against people because of their nationalities. “It’s a law that attacks the very existence of Palestinians for being Palestinians,” he said.

الشيخ جراح مجدّداً… سيف القدس يتجدّد

الإثنين 14 شباط 2022

عادت أمس معادلة حي الشيخ جراح في القدس للظهور مجدداً، فقد عاود المستوطنون اعتداءاتهم الوحشيّة على سكان هذا الحي المقدسي، وجاء عضو الكنيست ايتمار بن غفير أحد رموز التطرف العنصري ليفتتح مكتباً له في إحدى باحات منازل الحي، ومن بعده قيام شرطة الاحتلال بتقديم الحماية والمساعدة للاعتداءات التي طالت أهالي الحي، لتتشكل لوحة تفجير جديدة عنوانها القدس.

بدأت ردود الأفعال الدولية السياسية والحقوقية بالتصاعد، وحالات التضامن في الضفة الغربية والأراضي المحتلة عام 1948 تظهر بصورة مواجهات شعبيّة مع حواجز الاحتلال، وصدرت عن فصائل المقاومة في غزة بيانات تحذّر من المساس بسكان القدس وتعتبر استقرار سكنهم في مدينتهم خطاً أحمر، يترتب على العبث به وتعريضه للخطر تعريض أمن الكيان للاهتزاز وفقاً للمعادلة التي أرستها معركة سيف القدس.

المعادلة التي أرساها الأمين العام لحزب الله السيد حسن نصرالله، تقوم على اعتبار انتهاك أمن القدس والمقدّسات سبباً لنشوب حرب إقليمية، ليست معادلة إعلامية، وكيان الاحتلال يعرف ذلك، وقوى المقاومة في فلسطين التي تمسك دفة إطلاق الطلقة الأولى تعرف ذلك، وأهل القدس الذين يعانون من الاعتداءات يجب أن يثقوا أنهم لم يعودوا وحدهم، وأن ثباتهم وتصديهم للاعتداءات هو نقطة الانطلاق للمواجهة التي تقف قوى المقاومة على جهوزيّة كاملة لدخولها.

إما أن تتجرأ حكومة الاحتلال وتردع مستوطنيها إذا كانت تريد تفادي اختبار قوة أشد قسوة من معركة سيف القدس، وإلا فالمعركة آتية لا ريب فيها، وواهم من يظن أن الذهاب الأميركي لاتفاق حول الملف النووي مع إيران يغلّ أيدي قوى المقاومة عن الدخول في مواجهة واسعة.

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A Palestinian forced by the occupation to demolish his house in the occupied city of Tamra

Saturday, 12 February 2022 10:12 


Occupied Al-Quds, (ST) – On Saturday, the Israeli occupation forces forced a Palestinian to demolish his house in the city of Tamra in the Palestinian territories occupied in 1948.

Wafa News Agency reported that the occupation forced the Palestinian to demolish his house, leading to the displacement of his family.

 Last Sunday, the occupation forces demolished a Palestinian house in the city of Lod in the Palestinian territories occupied in 1948.

Yesterday, the city of Haifa witnessed a massive demonstration denouncing the Israeli occupation’s crimes against the Palestinians and its attempts to displace them and seize their lands.

Raghda Sawas

Shin Bet admits to sending threatening messages to ’48 Palestinians

 February 3, 2022 

Source: Agencies

By Al Mayadeen net

During the war on Gaza last May, “Israel’s” Shin Bet security service admitted using a tracking system to send threatening messages to Palestinians throughout occupied Palestine.

Israeli police in occupied Al-Quds in 2020 (EPA)

Israeli media reported Thursday that “Israel’s” Shin Bet security service admitted to using its tracking system to send threatening messages to Palestinians in both the occupied ’48 territories and the occupied West Bank last May during the war on Gaza.

According to Haaretz, the service confessed that the messages were sent to persons who were not accused of any wrongdoing and that the remarks were “inappropriately phrased”. It promised to improve its protocols on the subject.

During the war in May, thousands of occupied Al-Quds Palestinians and Palestinians from the occupied ’48 territories received SMS messages.

The text read, “You have been identified as someone who took part in violent acts at the Al-Aqsa Mosque. We will settle the score.” The text included a signature from the Israeli intelligence service.

Many of those who received the texts reported they were not in the vicinity of Al-Quds or Al-Aqsa Mosque at the time. 

Days after the messages were issued, the Association for Civil Rights in “Israel” and the non-profit Adalah petitioned the attorney-general for clarification.

The Association for Civil Rights in “Israel” wrote that “sending texts messages to worshipers during prayer just to let them know they’re under surveillance in order to threaten or deter them is illegal, which exceeds the Shin Bet’s authority.”

The Justice Ministry answered on behalf of the Shin Bet eight months after the accusations, claiming that the purpose was to “thwart illegal activity meant to harm state security.” It did, however, acknowledge that the Shin Bet committed an “error in how the action was executed.”

Israel’s secret war on the ‘48 Palestinians

Inside the 1948 borders of the Israeli occupation, Palestinians are anything but ‘ordinary citizens’, and anger is rising against Israeli ploys to criminalize their communities

January 20 2022

By Abdelrahman Nassar

Israel has launched widespread, systematic reprisals against 1948 Palestinians since the May 2021 battle sparked in JerusalemPhoto Credit: The Cradle

From the first moments after the May 2021 Sword of Jerusalem (Saif Al-Quds) battle subsided, Israeli anger began to be directed at Palestinians inside the territories occupied in 1948.

These are the Palestinian Muslims and Christians who, for better or worse, remained within Palestine after the 1948 unilateral declaration of the state of Israel, and are referred to as Israeli-Arabs, or more popularly today, as ’48 Palestinians.

For Israelis, nothing was more shocking than ’48 Palestinians joining the multi-front fight last May, triggered by Israel’s attempt to evict six families from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah, Jerusalem.

In 12 short days, the battle had undone the walls Tel Aviv had spent decades erecting: Jerusalem was once more the focal point for Palestinians everywhere, the ‘heart’ of their cause; and ’48 Palestinians had broken through a carefully-constructed psychological barrier and jumped back into their national struggle.

During ‘peace’ negotiations that followed the battle, the Israelis refused to include the ‘48 Palestinians in any discussions. Nor did they easily accept the inclusion of Jerusalem in those negotiations, according to senior Palestinian officials who spoke to The Cradle.

While Israel was eventually forced to accept a freeze on home evictions in Jerusalem’s Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, the sources say that it became intensely agitated at any mention of the ’48 Palestinians: “As soon as we raised the issue of our Palestinian brothers at home, the Israelis went crazy and refused to discuss it, saying that they were an ‘internal’ Israeli affair.”

This may be the reason for Israeli reprisals that began immediately after the conflict ended. They launched unprecedented arrests of some 1,550 ’48 Palestinians, who they believed had participated in popular revolts during the May unrest.

A ‘problematic’ population

For Israel, the 1948 Palestinians – officially, Israel citizens – are intensely ‘problematic’.

Israeli authorities have historically used different methods in dealing with the Palestinians of ‘48. One of these methods was the constant threat of home demolitions under the pretext of non-licensing.

But the most dangerous tactic Israel has focused on during the past two decades is the stealthy promotion of organized crime within the community of ’48 Palestinians.

After the May conflict, two new developments took place: first, the crime rate among Palestinians suddenly – and very unusually – escalated. Second, a wave of Israeli raids were launched last October under the pretext of fighting this alleged ‘spike in Palestinian crimes.’

The Israeli media dubbed this new maneuver, ironically, ‘The Safe Path.’

The Safe Path to serious crimes

Over the last five months, the form and nature of crimes reached unprecedented extremes.

On 22 November, the headmistress of Bukhari School in the city of Araba, Rudeineh Nassar Shalata, was injured after being shot in front of her students.

On 25 November, on the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, Rasha Stawi was killed in front of her children in Bethlehem.

On 14 November 2021, Soroka Hospital in Beersheba became a battlefield of clashes between two families. Two days later, gunmen targeted two people walking at a funeral inside the cemetery of Galjuliya. One of the funeral walkers died immediately and the other was seriously injured.

In a subsequent emergency meeting at the local town council in Galjuliya, blame was placed squarely on the Israeli police. Demands were made to close major streets to protest the increase in crimes.

Such crimes have not been without their odd occurrences, such as the theft of donations to newlyweds in the middle of a wedding at gunpoint, or the killing of brothers and cousins of the same family over the years.

Taking advantage of the crisis situation, the Israeli government seemed more concerned with promoting crime among Palestinians.

The chairman of the High Follow-up Committee, Mohammed Baraka, said that Israel’s goal is to “penetrate Arab society under the pretext of fighting crime.”

“Would spraying gasoline on fire extinguish it?” Baraka cynically asked.

The Israeli security connection

After the May conflict of 2021, the confessions of security and police officers in the Hebrew press revealed Israel’s own involvement in contributing to crime against Palestinians.

Agencies, such as the Israeli Public Security (Shabak), have strong ties to organized crime and criminal families within Israeli society.

The majority of weapons thefts reported by army soldiers are to cover up the sale of weapons by Israeli soldiers to crime organizations.

In addition, a press investigation broadcast by Israel’s Channel 13 reveals that Shabak’s own investigators use threats against young Palestinians to make them confess to crimes they did not commit.

The TV broadcast reveals how young ’48 Palestinian boys from Jaffa, arrested during recent events on charges of ‘assaulting an Israeli soldier,’ were told that if they do not confess to carrying out the attack, a  family member would be killed.

While Palestinians are aware of these occurrences, the Israeli government has worked to show that the issue of crime has become serious and must be urgently addressed.

On 11 August 2021, Israel announced a plan named ‘Sword Strike,’ for which a budget of 2.5 billion shekels has been allocated over five years. The plan provides for the launch of a special branch of the Police Saif (Sword) Division to eliminate crime.

Even if this recognition is sincere, it is too late. There is much evidence of this. The first is the clear confirmation that, in 2003, authorities were able to quickly dismantle Jewish criminal organizations when it was found that some of them were facilitating large sums for some Palestinian operations.

Other evidence reveals that the occupation authorities have not acted for two decades against Palestinian crime groups, despite having precise knowledge of them and their weapons storage sites.

Yet further evidence from human rights organizations and family statements reveals that many victims informed Israeli police that they had been threatened, and had presented evidence, only later to be found killed – with no subsequent investigation by Israeli police.

Why now?

Psychological warfare

A fundamental reason why the Israelis are enraged is because the weapons that they funneled, through mafias, to sow violent crimes among Palestinians, were turned against Israeli security forces during the May events.

Despite investigations into the hundreds of young men arrested for participating in ‘violent events’, no evidence has ever been found of their involvement in any criminal activity.

Despite lacking evidence, authorities used the opportunity to deploy cameras and surveillance in places where they could previously not, or had no urgent reason, to deploy them.

Israel also began establishing new or additional security centers in ’48 Palestinian cities and towns.

It had become clear that, previous to the May uprising, security forces had not anticipated needing or developing a strategy in dealing with rebellion and civil disobedience from inside. During the 12-day conflict, Israel had to resort to calling in border guards to supplement their internal police forces.

But this increase in security centers would instead serve only as “headquarters for recruiting agents and closely monitoring Palestinians … even managing the crime to suit the enemy,” say various Palestinian sources inside the 1948 boundaries.

And there is yet another side to the Safe Path campaign: fighting ‘economic’ crime.

Israeli authorities say police will cooperate with the tax authority to provide Palestinians suspected of committing crimes with capital recognition forms. The next step is for the police and the tax department “to examine tax entries in comparison with the standard of living, as part of their activities to dry up the sources of crime and fight tax evasion.”

Once again, this is little less than another form of collective punishment.

In addition to security and economic measures, there is a clear psychological component to Israeli actions aimed at intimidation and subjugation.

In order to achieve this goal, Israel implemented a number of measures and imposed new laws, the most important of which allows its police forces to break into private homes – within the 1948 boundaries –  without judicial authorization.

These forces also carried out raids on homes using hundreds of soldiers to terrorize the residents – as has happened, and is still happening, in the southern region of Negev against the country’s Bedouin citizens. As part of its fear campaign, Israel forces even rappelled down from helicopters onto the roofs of Palestinian homes.

After the crime, the explosion

In summary, Israel acts on revenge. What is happening today is little less than a test, Palestinian sources say, “a trick that does not fool those whose demands have for decades been ignored by authorities, but which authorities themselves have simulated as criminal activity, released among those whose lives have become unrelenting commiseration.”

Meanwhile, the scale and frequency of crimes continue to rise. Last November, criminal activity claimed 113 Palestinian lives, according to the Aman Center (Arab Center for Safe Society).

Any further pressure through punitive measures will no doubt lead to an explosive outcome.

This was the case of the 1948 Palestinians whose acts of defiance and protest during the May war surprised not only Israelis, but Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza as well.

Another war may not be needed for that explosion to occur. Israel’s forceful and deceitful handling of fabricated crimes through its own criminal actions can only lead to one thing: an intifada.

The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of The Cradle.

Israel’s new government will deepen rifts, not heal them

Mansour Abbas (R) signs a coalition agreement with Yair Lapid (L) and Naftali Bennett in Ramat Gan, near Tel Aviv, on 2 June 2021 (AFP/United Arab List)

Jonathan Cook

4 June 2021 10:03 UT

The symbolic moment of a Palestinian party sitting in government alongside settler leaders will turn sour all too soon

The photo was unprecedented. It showed Mansour Abbas, leader of an Islamist party for Palestinians in Israel, signing an agreement on Wednesday night to sit in a “government of change” alongside settler leader Naftali Bennett.

Caretaker Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will fervently try to find a way to break up the coalition in the next few days, before a parliamentary vote takes place. But if he fails, it will be the first time in the country’s 73-year history that a party led by a Palestinian citizen has joined – or been allowed to join – an Israeli government. 

There will be a reckoning for this moment, and Israel’s 1.8 million Palestinian citizens… will once again pay the heaviest price

Aside from the symbolism of the moment, there are no other grounds for celebration. In fact, the involvement of Abbas’s four-member United Arab List in shoring up a majority for a government led by Bennett and Yair Lapid is almost certain to lead to a further deterioration in majority-minority relations.

There will be a reckoning for this moment, and Israel’s 1.8 million Palestinian citizens, a fifth of the population, will once again pay the heaviest price.

The sole reason that this makeshift coalition exists – the only glue holding it together – is the hostility of the various parties towards Netanyahu. In most cases, that is not a hostility towards his political positions; simply towards him personally, and towards the corrupting stranglehold he has exerted on Israel’s political system for the past 12 years. 

The “change” referred to by this proposed government coalition begins and ends with the removal of Netanyahu.

Doubly offended

It barely needs stating again that Bennett, who will serve first as prime minister in rotation with Lapid, is even more right wing than Netanyahu. In fact, three of the new coalition’s main parties are at least, if not more, rabidly nationalistic than the Israel’s longtime leader. In any other circumstances, they would be enthusiastically heading into government with his Likud Party.

As Bennett and Mansour huddled inside a hotel near Tel Aviv to sign the coalition agreement as the clocked ticked down on Lapid’s mandate to form a government, far-right demonstrators noisily chanted outside that Bennett was joining a “government with terror supporters”.

Much of the ultra-nationalist right is so incensed by Bennett’s actions that he and other members of his Yamina party have been assigned a security detail for fear of an assassination attempt.

Bennett, set to serve first as prime minister, attends a special Knesset session on 2 June 2021 (AFP)
Bennett, set to serve first as prime minister, attends a special Knesset session on 2 June 2021 (AFP)

No one has forgotten that it was Bennett’s own settler camp that produced Yigal Amir, the man who in 1995 shot dead the then-prime minister, Yitzhak Rabin, in a bid to foil the Oslo peace accords with the Palestinians. Amir killed Rabin in large part because the latter was seen to have betrayed the Jewish people by allowing “Arabs” – Palestinian parties in parliament – to prop up his minority government from outside. They did so to pass legislation necessary to begin implementing the Oslo process.

The chain of events that followed the assassination are well-known. Israelis lurched further rightwards and elected Netanyahu. The Oslo track with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was derailed. A Palestinian intifada erupted. And – coming full circle – Netanyahu returned to power and is now Israel’s longest-serving prime minister.

Today’s potential Yigal Amirs are doubly offended by Bennett’s behaviour. They believe he has stabbed the right’s natural leader, Netanyahu, in the back, while at the same time allowing Abbas – seen by the right as Hamas’s man in the Knesset – to dictate policy to the Jewish owners of the land.

Digging in heels

It was notable that Bennett and Abbas were the last to sign the coalition agreement, after both made great play of digging in their heels at the final moment for more concessions. Each risks inflaming their own constituency by being seen to cooperate with the other. 

Commentators will try to spin this agreement between a settler leader and the head of an Islamic party as a potential moment of healing after last month’s unprecedented inter-communal fighting inside Israel.Israel’s incoming government is so unnatural only Netanyahu can keep it togetherRead More »

But such a reading is as misleading as the narrative of the recent “Jewish-Arab clashes”. In fact, protests by Palestinian youths against systematic discrimination escalated into confrontations only after Israeli police turned violent and let Jewish gangs take the law into their own hands. Just as the balance of power on the streets was weighted in favour of Jewish vigilantism, so the balance of forces in this new coalition will work solidly against Abbas.

When Bennett spoke publicly on Sunday, as the horse-trading began in earnest behind the scenes, he underscored his credentials as the former head of the Yesha Council of Jewish settlements. That will be the theme of this proposed “government of change”. 

Pact with the ‘devil’

During the coalition-building negotiations, the more moderate Labor and Meretz parties conceded time and again to the demands of the far-right and settler parties on ministerial positions and policy. That is because the moderates have nowhere else to go. 

They have built their whole electoral strategy on ousting Netanyahu at any cost, using the anti-Netanyahu street protests of the past two years as their rallying cry. They cannot afford to be seen as missing this opportunity.

By contrast, as the death threats highlight, Bennett has far more to lose. Some 60 percent of his party’s voters recently told pollsters they would not have backed him had they known he would join a coalition with Lapid. Equally at risk are Gideon Saar, whose New Hope party broke away from Likud to challenge Netanyahu, and Avigdor Lieberman, a settler politician whose right-wing base has found in him their local strongman.

The Achilles heel Netanyahu will keep prodding as viciously as he can is the fact that his rivals on the right have made a Faustian pact with the Arab ‘devil’

These three must now do everything in their power during the term of this new government – if it happens – to prove to their constituencies that they are not betraying the far-right’s favourite causes, from settlements to annexation. Baiting them from the sidelines at every turn will be Netanyahu, stirring up passions on the right – at least until he is forced to step down, either by his party or by a verdict against him in his current corruption trial

The Achilles heel Netanyahu will keep prodding as viciously as he can is the fact that his rivals on the right have made a Faustian pact with the Arab “devil”. Netanyahu has never been shy to incite against the Palestinian minority. To imagine he will restrain himself this time is fanciful. 

Bennett understands the danger, which is why he tried to legitimise his dealings with Abbas on Thursday by calling him “a brave leader”. But Bennett was also keen to emphasise that Abbas would not be involved in any security matters and that he was not interested in “nationalism” – in this case, indicating that Abbas will neither offer support to Palestinians under occupation nor seek to advance national rights for Palestinian citizens of the kind Israeli Jews enjoy. 

Early on Thursday, Netanyahu had decried the new coalition as “dangerous” and “left wing”. He will most likely be in the driving seat, even while in opposition. Far from healing the country, a “government of change” could rapidly provoke yet more street violence, especially if Netanyahu believes such a deterioration would weaken Bennett as prime minister.

Extracting benefits

Abbas, the United Arab List leader, reportedly held out until last before signing. His whole electoral strategy was built on a promise to end the permanent exclusion of Palestinian parties from Israel’s national politics. He will be keen to show how many benefits he can extract from his role inside government – even if most are privileges the Jewish majority have always enjoyed by right.

Abbas trumpeted that the agreement would “provide solutions for the burning issues in Arab society – planning, the housing crisis, and of course, fighting violence and organised crime”. He has reportedly secured some $16bn in extra budgets for development and infrastructure, and three of the many Bedouin villages the state has long refused to recognise will be given legal status.

Abbas, the United Arab List leader, is pictured in Jerusalem on 5 April 2021 (AFP)
Abbas, the United Arab List leader, is pictured in Jerusalem on 5 April 2021 (AFP)

Abbas is also pushing for the repeal of a 2017 law that makes tens of thousands of homes in Palestinian communities inside Israel vulnerable to demolition.

One of his fellow legislators, Walid Taha, observed of the United Arab List’s new role: “For decades, Arab Israelis [Palestinian citizens] have been without any influence. Now, everyone knows that we’re the deciding votes as far as politics goes.”

Abbas has every incentive to use such claims as a whip to beat his rivals in the Joint List, a coalition of several other Palestinian parties that are staying in opposition. He needs to emphasise his role in bringing about change to make them look weak and irrelevant.

Hostility and disdain

But despite the promises that lured Abbas into the new government, he will face a rough ride getting any of them translated into tangible changes on the ground.

Lapid will be busy as foreign minister, selling this as a new era in Israeli politics. Meanwhile, Benny Gantz, the current defence minister who just oversaw the destruction yet again of Gaza, will offer continuity.

Back home, the key internal ministries will be held by the far-right. Lieberman will control the purse strings through the finance ministry, directing funds to settlements before Palestinian communities inside Israel. Bennett’s partner, Ayelet Shaked, will be interior minister, meaning the settlements in the occupied West Bank will be treated as more integral to Israel than the communities of Palestinian citizens. And Saar will be justice minister, helping to drive the legal system even further to the right.Israel: Four reasons Benjamin Netanyahu’s era is not over yetRead More »

Faced with this bloc, all of them keen to be seen as upholding the values of the right, Abbas will struggle to make any progress. And that is without considering the situation he will find himself in if Bennett pushes for annexation of the West Bank, or authorises another police invasion of al-Aqsa, or oversees the expulsion of Palestinian families from Sheikh Jarrah, or launches a fresh attack on Gaza. 

Abbas put the coalition negotiations on pause during Israel’s assault on Gaza last month. He won’t be able to do the same from inside the government. He will be directly implicated. 

As a result, Palestinian citizens are likely to end up growing even more disillusioned with a political system that has always treated them with a mix of hostility and disdain. They will finally have representatives inside government, but will continue to be very much outside of it. The triggers for the protests that erupted among young Palestinians in Israel last month are not going away.  

The most likely scenario over the coming months is that Netanyahu and Bennett will engage in a furious competition for who deserves the title of champion of the right. Netanyahu will seek to break apart the coalition as quickly as possible by inciting against Abbas and the Palestinian minority, so he has another shot at power. In turn, Bennett will try to pressure Likud to abandon Netanyahu so that Bennett can collapse the “government of change” as quickly as possible and rejoin a large majority, far-right government with Likud. 

Rifts will not be healed; coexistence will not be revived. But the preeminence of the ultra-nationalist right – with or without Netanyahu – will be restored. 

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

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أسئلة من العيار الثقيل تطرحها حرب فلسطين: الحماية الدوليّة لفلسطينييّ الـ 48 وحق العودة Heavy Questions raised by the Palestine War: International protection for the 48 Palestinians and the right of return

أسئلة من العيار الثقيل تطرحها حرب فلسطين: الحماية الدوليّة لفلسطينييّ الـ 48 وحق العودة

 ناصر قنديل

يثير عدد من المهتمين بمستقبل القضية الفلسطينية قلقهم من محاولات الالتفاف التي سيتعرّض لها النضال الفلسطيني في الفترة المقبلة، سواء من باب الرهانات على احتواء حركة حماس عبر إغراءات السلطة والإعمار في غزة أو عبر الثنائي التركيّ القطريّ، أو من خلال السعي لتفعيل الدور المصري والسعودي على خط السلطة الفلسطينية وتنشيط التنسيق الأمني مقابل تفعيل مسار التفاوض، فيما يثير آخرون مخاوف من نوع آخر تتصل بالكيفية التي ستتمكّن عبرها قوى المقاومة من فرض احترام معادلتها «إن عدتم عدنا» لتثبيت حرمة المسجد الأقصى وحماية سكان الشيخ جراح، لكن جوهر هذه الأسئلة سوف ينحصر بنقطة مفصليّة، هي ما إذا كان الكيان سينجح بفعل الضغوط والإغراءات معاً بتخطي التطرف المتوحش لمستوطنيه والتقدم نحو السياسة. وفي هذه الحالة ستسجل المقاومة نصرها بفرض المعادلة التي بدأت حربها على أساسها، ويبدو عندها أن كل شيء سيلي هو مدين لما أظهرته المقاومة من قوة ويزيد المقاومة توهجاً واستعداداً لفرض المزيد بالمزيد من القوة، لتصير الإشكالية المترتبة أشد حضوراً ما سيلقاه خيار التفاوض من جرعة إنعاش بعدما كان يلفظ أنفاسه، فتصير المقاومة أمام تحدّ من نوع جديد، يتمثل بكيفية إدارة تعاملها مع الملف السياسي، وتحت أي شعار، حل الدولتين، أم التحرير الشامل، أم ماذا؟

أظهرت جولة الحرب النوعيّة، إضافة لما أظهرته من عناصر قوة للمقاومة وعناصر ضعف للكيان، حجم المفاجأة بنوعية الحراك وحجمه الذي تفجّر في الضفة والأراضي المحتلة عام 48، ومعهما النهضة العربية والدولية الواسعة حول فلسطين. وجديد هذا النهوض داخل فلسطين ومن حولها عربياً وعالمياً، دخول جيل الشباب الميدان بقوة، وهو جيل الألفية الجديدة الذي شارك بالملايين عبر العالم وبعشرات الآلاف داخل فلسطين، ومن دون مقدّمات تشير الى حجم التحول الجاري في وسط هذا الجيل، وتكشف هذه الظاهرة حجم تأثير وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي وحسن استثمارها من جهة، والعناصر المحرّكة لهذا الجيل وعوامل انخراطه في الشأن العام، بحيث يتوقف على فهم هذه المحركات قدرة المقاومة على الاحتفاظ بحضور هذا النهوض شريكاً في المعارك المقبلة، كضمانة للفوز بها مثلما كانت هذه الشراكة إحدى ركائز الفوز بهذه الجولة، وهنا لا بد من الانتباه إلى ميزة رئيسية تميز هذا الجيل، في فلسطين وخارجها، وهي ميزة الابتعاد عن السياسة بشكلها التقليدي ودخولها إليها بكل قوة ضمن شرط يرتبط بتجسّدها كقضية دفاع عن الإنسان والحقوق الطبيعية للإنسان، والأمر مشروط هنا بصدقية ووضوح الحق، وإمكانية الفرز الواضح على أساس أبيض وأسود، من دون تفرّعات وتعقيدات والتباسات.

من هذين البعدين، بُعد الملف السياسي الذي بدأت بوادر تحريكه تحت عنوان حلّ الدولتين، وبعد الحركة الشبابية المرتبطة بعنوان الحق الإنساني البائن، تنطرح أولاً خطورة التضحية مرة أخرى فلسطينيي الأراضي المحتلة عام 48، الذين لا مكان لهم في صيغة حلّ الدولتين وقد كانوا القوة الرئيسية التي نهضت على أكتافها مهمة حماية القدس والمسجد الأقصى ومشهد الانتفاضة التي أربكت الاحتلال في عمق الكيان ربما أكثر من الصواريخ، بما شهدته حيفا وعكا واللد وسواها، ومن خلالها تنطرح خطورة الانزلاق الى محاولة مزاوجة ملفّقة بين حل الدولتين ومستقبل فلسطينيي الأراضي المحتلة عام 48، بالحديث عن الحقوق المدنيّة في ظل الاحتلال، تحت شعار يبدو جاذباً اسمه إنهاء التمييز العنصري وإلغاء دولة الأبارتيد، وهو يُخفي إنهاء قضية الهوية التي تمثل جوهر الصراع في أي مقاربة لفلسطينيي الـ 48، والتي يشكل عنوانها الاحتلال الاستيطاني، الذي تمثل العنصرية أحد وجوهه ليس إلا، وهنا تنطرح قضية طلب الحماية الدولية، التي سيقاتل الكيان يكل قواه لمنعها من التداول، والتي يصعب أن تبصر النور، لكنها تبدو في الظاهر سقفاً دون الدعوة لحل الدولتين، لكنها في العمق مشروع لتفكيك الكيان، وحشد للشارع الدولي تحت شعار قابل للتسويق في ظل حجم الإجرام والعنصرية والتوحّش وما ظهر منها خلال الأيام العشرة للحرب، وبالتوازي معها قضية حق العودة للفلسطينيين الى بلدهم، كحق إنساني طبيعي، واعتبار البحث بأي حل سياسي للقضية الفلسطينية يجب ان يكون لاحقاً لتلبية هذين الحقين، الحق بالحماية الدولية والحق بالعودة الى الديار، يتلوهما البحث بحق تقرير المصير، قبل أي حديث عن حق إقامة الدولة والحديث عن طبيعتها وحدودها.

Translated by Sister Zara Ali

Heavy Questions raised by the Palestine War: International protection for the 48 Palestinians and the right of return

Nasser Kandil

– A number of those interested in the future of the Palestinian issue are concerned about the attempts to circumvent the Palestinian struggle in the coming times, whether in the interest of the bets on containing Hamas with temptation of authority and reconstruction of Gaza, the Turkish-Qatari bilateral endeavor, or by seeking to activate the Egyptian and Saudi role in the Palestinian Authority line thus initiating security coordination in exchange of activating the negotiation process. There are some others who raise concerns of another kind related to how the resistance forces will be able to impose respect for the equation “If you come back we will” to establish the sanctity of the Al-Aqsa Mosque and protect the residents of Sheikh Jarrah. But the essence of these questions will be limited and dependent on whether the Zionist entity will succeed by pressure and temptation tactics or by overcoming the brutal extremism of its settlers and advancing towards a political solution. If that is the case, the resistance will record its victory by imposing the equation on which it began its war. And then it seems what will follow shall be indebted to the strength shown by the resistance and only increase its glow and willingness to exert more force, so that the problem becomes more powerful in its presence than the option of negotiating a dose of resuscitation after it has breathed its last. The resistance is facing a challenge of a new kind. Namely how to manage its dealings in the context of politics, and under what slogan. A two-state solution, comprehensive liberation, or what?

– The qualitative round of war shed light on the force of resistance and the weakness of the entity, while the magnitude of surprise regarding the quality and the size of the movement that exploded in the West Bank and the occupied territories, together highlighted the renaissance of Palestine among the Arab and international audiences. This new advancement within and around Palestine, the revival of the Palestine issue on the Arab and international radars, and the strong entry of the millennial generation into the picture supporting the cause in their millions around the world and in tens of thousands inside Palestine. All of this is reflective of the magnitude of the transformation taking place as a new generation carries forward the legacy.

This phenomenon reveals the magnitude of the influence of social media as a good investment. On one hand as the driving force for this generation, and on the other as a tool of its engagement in public affairs. It must be understood the resistance would want to retain the impact of this advancement as a partner in upcoming battles, as a guarantee to victory, because this very partnership was one of the pillars of the first round win. Here it is necessary to pay attention to a major advantage that distinguishes this generation, in Palestine and abroad. The advantage of moving away from politics in its traditional form yet entering it with full force and manifesting the issue as that of human life and fundamental human rights, which must be addressed with sincerity, perceived with the clarity of truth, screened categorically on a black and white basis, without branching, complexities or ambiguities.

– These two dimensions, one political and moved under the slogan of a two-state solution, the other a youth movement associated with the cause of human rights, point to the danger posed by the rising willingness among Palestinians of the occupied territories to sacrifice once again, for they see no place in a two state solution. The Palestinian youth was the main force on whose shoulders the task of protecting Jerusalem and the Al-Aqsa Mosque rested, and they were the ones to face the brunt of the intifada, but they managed to deeply confuse the occupying entity, perhaps even more than the rockets, as witnessed in Haifa, Acre, Lod and other cities. The danger of slipping into a fabricated marriage attempt between the two-state solution and the future of the Palestinians in the occupied territories, under the pretext of civil rights and the slogan of “End racial discrimination and the abolition of the Apartheid State”, hides the bottom line issue of identity which is at the heart of the conflict.

Any approach to the Palestinians, under the settlement occupation with racism at its core, presents only one of aspects of the picture. There is also the issue of the request for international protection, which will fight the Zionist entity by preventing it from trading. It may not look like this would see the light of the day, but it does appear like a roof for those without a roof.

The call for a two-state solution, could be in essence a project to dismantle the entity, by mobilizing the global street power under a marketable slogan that speaks of the scale of criminality, racism and brutality, tells about what transpired during the 10 days of the war, and voices the issue of the Palestinian’s right of return to their land as a fundamental human right.

The consideration and search for any political solution to the Palestinian issue must agree to these two rights before any talk of the right to establish the State and about its nature and borders: the right to international protection and the right to return home, followed by the right to self-determination.

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