Holocaust Laws Backfire…

February 02, 2018  /  Gilad Atzmon

Tens of thousands of Israelis and Jews travel to Poland every year to visit Auschwitz, the holy grail of Jewish identification.

Tens of thousands of Israelis and Jews travel to Poland every year to visit Auschwitz, the holy grail of Jewish identification.

Short comment by Gilad Atzmon

The new Polish holocaust bill calls for a fine or up to three years in prison  for the ‘crime’ of accusing the Polish state or people of involvement with or responsibility for the Nazi occupation of Poland during World War II.

What is surprising about the reaction to this bill, is that the same people and institutions who have long been advocating laws restricting history are now upset by the concept. Voices from Israel’s right wing who championed the Nakba law (requiring the withdrawal of state funding from any institution that commemorates the Palestinian day of mourning) now claim to be defenders of ‘historical truth’ and ‘freedom of speech.’ Those who have labeled as a  ‘holocaust denier’ anyone who dared challenge the primacy of Jewish suffering, the holocaust as a religion or the traditional  Zionist narrative, are now posing as advocates for openness about the past.

However, we have good reason to believe that the new Polish holocaust bill is slightly more liberal than the Israeli legal attitude to the Nakba or the German judicial approach to the Shoah. The Polish bill exempts “scientific research into the war and artistic work.” This suggests that in Poland truth and beauty  somehow exceed the political realm.

But why are the Israelis so upset by the new Polish bill? Because Auschwitz has become the Jewish Mecca and the holocaust the new Jewish religion. Tens of thousands of Israelis and Jews travel to Poland every year to visit Auschwitz, the holy grail of Jewish identification. The Polish, it seems, have had enough. Maybe they did not mind Jews bonding with their own suffering on Polish soil, but being turned into the perpetrators was a step too far. In the wake of the new Polish law, holocaust tourism in Poland is bound to suffer a major blow.

To learn more about the central role of the holocaust in the Israeli psyche, watch this incredible documentary by Yoav Shamir:

If they want to burn it, you want to read it …

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Being in Time – A Post Political Manifesto, 

Amazon.co.uk  ,  Amazon.com  and   here  (gilad.co.uk). 


Palestine pre-1948: were Israeli families there before 1948?


Palestine before 1948, before Israel The video contains pictures of different Palestinian cities during the 1920’s and 1930’s, before the creation of the state of israel by the zionists in 1948.

Even if jews were living in palestine before 1948, still it does not legalize the bandit state called “israel”.

“If I came with a bible in one hand and a rifle in the other, knocked on your door, and said: “According to my bible, my family lived in your home two thousand years ago”, would you pack up your bags and leave?”— Dr. Norman Finkelstein

“Don’t Interfere With Our Ability To Look At The Past. Let Us Debate It Ethically.”

Gilad Atzmon on Richie Allen Show talking about `Germany, the past, the Holocaust and the Nakba. We also looked at the vision of the past in the work of David Irving, Timothy Snyder and David Cesarani.


The Nakba – Let’s Support The Campaign Against Antisemitism

December 01, 2017  /  Gilad Atzmon

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Say No to Antisemitism!

The 1948 Nakba (catastrophe) occurred when more than 700,000  indigenous  Palestinians (semites) were ethnically cleansed from their land, homes, villages and cities by the newly born Jewish State.

During the Nakba, many Palestinian villages were massacred. Between 400 and 600 Palestinian villages were wiped out while urban Palestine was almost entirely extinguished.  The Nakba was fuelled by a crude racist agenda, namely Zionism.

Seven decades later millions of Palestinians are living in refugee camps in Palestine, Gaza, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan.


Balfour Declaration, History and Concealment (video)

November 11, 2017  /  Gilad Atzmon

In this talk Atzmon elaborates on that which the historicity of Balfour is set to conceal — a century of Jewish political hegemony in Britain and beyond.

Keep Talking, London 7.11.2017


The Balfour Declaration – One Hundred Years Of (Goyim) Solitude

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A talk given at Keep Talking gathering in London,  7 November 2017

 By Gilad Atzmon

In Heidegger and the Jews, the French philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard points out that history claims to narrate the past but, in practice, what it does is conceal our collective shame. The Americans conceal slavery and imperial genocidal aggression, the Brits conceal their colonial blunders, the Jews turn their eyes away from anything that may have contributed to turning  Jewish history into an extended shoah. The real historian, claims Lyotard, is there to unveil the shame. This week marks 100 years since the Balfour declaration and today I will try to touch upon your shame, my shame, our shame. We will try to figure out what the history of the so-called  Balfour ‘Declaration’ is there to conceal.

Let’s first examine the document. Most noticeably the so-called ‘declaration’ is not printed on official British government letterhead. It is not signed by the British cabinet either. It is, instead, a letter from a sleazy British politician  (Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour) to a very rich Jew (Lord Walter Rothschild). As such, the Balfour ‘declaration’ is actually a statement  with somewhat limited significance.  What it does is  “declare[s] sympathy with Zionist aspirations.”

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Yet, we must admit that the Jewish world has managed to squeeze quite a few drops of juice out of this watery statement. The Jewish world interprets this ‘sympathetic declaration’ as a commitment to their Zionist, racist and expansionist project namely the ‘Jewish State’. They claim to regard the vague statement as a license to ethnically cleanse the entire indigenous people of the land, i.e., the Palestinians. And, as if this is not enough, the British PM Theresa May has evidently bought into the most radical Zionist interpretation of the declaration.

May announced last week that she was “proud of our pioneering role in the creation of the state of Israel.”

Let me share some of the awkward history of the Balfour Declaration with you. The ‘declaration,’ as we now understand, was actually drafted and approved by British Jews before it was sent to Lord Rothschild.

The National Library of Israel reveals the flowing:

   “Before the declaration was officially presented to Lord Rothschild by Lord Balfour, the draft was presented to Jewish leaders of every political stripe, both Zionist and non-Zionist. One of these leaders was Sir Philip Magnus, a Reform rabbi and British politician whose opinion on the declaration was sought.” (http://web.nli.org.il/sites/NLI/English/library/reading_corner/Pages/balfour.aspx)

Herbert Samuel, the British first High Commissioner of Palestine who served between 1920 and 1925  was an avid Zionist Jew and a close acquaintance of Chaim Weizmann, the leading pragmatic Zionist, the spirit behind the ‘declaration’ and later the first Israeli president.   How did the Zionists managed to plant a Zionist Jew in such a crucial and sensitive position? The answer is devastatingly simple. They were running the show.  We are talking here about Jewish domination of the relevant British foreign affairs as early as the beginning of the 20th century.

But was it really ‘The Jews,’ Moshe, Yaakov, Sarah who dominated British  Middle East affairs? Unlikely. It is more reasonable to assume that the fate of the empire and its decisions were in the hands of just a very few powerful Jews,  people like Lord Rothschild to whom Balfour actually addressed the declaration.

This tale of Jewish political domination extends well beyond the borders of Britain. In his invaluable book, The Pity of it All, Israeli historian Amos Elon suggests that the 1917 Balfour Declaration was at least partially motivated by the British government’s desire to win the support of pro-German Jewish- American bankers so that they would help push the USA into the war.

Elon argues that at the beginning of the war,  German- American Jewish financiers sided with the Germans and rejected possible alliances between the USA and England.  “Jacob H. Schiff, head of Kuhn, Loeb—at the time the largest private bank in the United States after J. P. Morgan—declared that he could no more disavow his loyalty to Germany than he could renounce his own parents. Schiff prayed for Germany’s victory. In a statement to the New York Times on November 22, 1914, he charged the British and the French with attempting to destroy Germany for reasons of trade.” (The Pity Of It All, pg. 455)

According to Elon, the Brits had encountered a Jewish problem with  American Jews. “The British government took these developments very seriously. In a fit of paranoia, the British ambassador in Washington even suspected the existence of a veritable German Jewish conspiracy in the United States directed at Britain.” (Ibid)

Thanks to the Balfour declaration German Jewish bankers in the US flipped sides. Seems that they betrayed their fatherland, no more were they German patriots. Elon’s conclusion is that: “The 1917 Balfour Declaration, calling for the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine, was at least partly motivated by the British government’s desire to win support among pro-German American Jews.” (ibid)

The take home message is rather devastating. For some time our universe has been dominated by tribal interests that are foreign to most of us. And for some reason we cannot really explore the conditions that shape our reality and dictate our doomed future.

This is, in fact, the precise meaning of Jewish power. Jewish power is the power that suppresses criticism of Jewish power. Some of the less sophisticated critics of Israel accuse Zionism and Israel of various conspiratorial doings. I, on the other hand, have said repeatedly that there are no Jewish conspiracies. All is done in the open. The Balfour ‘declaration’ that was written to a Jewish financier was quickly made public.  America was openly pushed into WWI for the sake of Zion.  The appointment of a Zionist Jew, Herbert Samuel, as the high commissioner of Palestine wasn’t a secret either. It was actually controversial at the time.

These events were as clear at the time as are contemporary Jewish lobby groups such as AIPAC, CRIF, CFI and LFI who push, in broad daylight, for Zio-driven immoral interventionist wars against Iraq, Syria, Iran and Libya. A century of constant abuse has  left us speechless. We do not know how to deal with this menace. And this is the core of our shame. This is what our history is there to conceal. This applies to you and me, but it also applies to Theresa May. To tell the truth about the Balfour Declaration is to publicly admit to 100 hundred years of Goyim solitude.

In the last few weeks, Palestinian solidarity enthusiasts have been creative in producing numerous proactive slogans. The one that grabbed my attention this week was “Balfour Declaration -100 years of ethnic cleansing.”  This week actually marks a century of Zionist domination of the Western civilisation.  But let me tell you, the real authentic Palestinians, those who live in Gaza and the West Bank may be slightly better off than the rest of us. While we are often overwhelmed by the sophistication of our masters in Tel Aviv, the Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza and Lebanon know exactly who their enemies are; they meet them in roadblocks, they recognise the sounds of their drones.  Our enemy here, in the USA, in France and in Britain, is somehow elusive: is it Zionism, is it Israel, or maybe just the Lobby? Is it really  ‘the Jews,’ or even Judaism? Where exactly does Judaism end and Jewishness start? Let me try to open your eyes. It is none of the above, and yet it might as well be all of the above and beyond.  Zionism is a sophisticated matrix and it shifts rapidly.  Zionism like Jewish anti Zionism strives for your intellectual castration. It somehow defies your opposition even before you can utter it yourself. How is this done? It obliterates your ability to act ethically and rationally. It targets your survival skills. How? It eradicates your Athenian roots and replaces them with a rigid Jerusalemite regulatory system.

In my recent book Being in Time – a post Political Manifesto  I delve into the Straussian dichotomy between Athens and Jerusalem. Athens is where we think things through, Athens is where philosophy and essentialism are celebrated. Jerusalem is the city of revelation, where Torah, Mitzvoth and commandments are accepted blindly. Athens is where ethics is explored by means of judgment. Jerusalem, on the other hand, is where ethics is replaced by laws.

Zionism, my friends, can only operate within a Jerusalemite dominated universe. A world governed by a tyranny of correctness. Was it Herzl, Ben Gurion or Netanyahu who imposed such tyrannical conditions on us?  Not at all, this is the role of the New Left, the Identitarians, the cultural Marxists, the ‘progressives’ the people who adhere to ideological collectivism. The people who in the name of diversity silence the majority. Those who instead of uniting us around that which we all share, actually seek to divide us into infinitesimal particles of biological symptoms (skin colour, sex orientation, etc.).

I started this talk with a reference to Leyotard and his Heidegger and the Jews, I conclude with a reference to the teaching of the 20th century’s  greatest Athenian: Martin Heidegger.

In opposition to the Jerusalemites of the world who in the name of ‘correctness’ tell us what to say and what to think, Martin Heidegger, the Athenian, taught us that to educate is to teach others to think for themselves and how to refine the questions (as opposed to recycling answers).

Time is overdue for us to liberate ourselves from our shame. Time is ripe to call a spade a spade. Now is the time for Alethea ( truth – Ancient Greek) and Logos to prevail.  We must emancipate ourselves and find our true voice once again.  Emancipation is opposition to the Jerusalemite oppressive condition. It is the fight for the disclosure of human unity once again.

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     If they want to burn it, you want to read it!

Being in Time – A Post Political Manifesto, Amazon.co.uk , Amazon.com and  here (gilad.co.uk).  

Abby Martin – Israel Started Palestinian Genocide Right From the Beginning !

أوقفوا تصفية قضية فلسطين بأيدي أبنائها

د. عصام نعمان

يوليو 10, 2017

ماذا بقي من فلسطين وقضيتها بعد نحو 70 عاماً من زرع الكيان الصهيوني في قلب عالم العرب؟

لم يبقَ منها سوى شعب منكوب شُرّد تحت كلّ كوكب، يعاني شظف العيش وانعدام الأمن والأمان وضمور مركزية القضية وانسداد أفق الحرية والخلاص الوطني من جهة، ومن جهة أخرى احتدام الصراع بين سلطتين تدّعيان تمثيل الشعب والقضية، واحدة في الضفة الغربية أضحت بعد اتفاق أوسلو للعام 1993 ذراع «إسرائيل» الأمنية في ما تبقّى من أرضٍ وشعب، وأخرى في غزة تكافح لإبقاء مليوني فلسطيني على قيد الحياة ونحو 370 كيلومتراً مربعاً من ترابها بمأمن من قضمٍ صهيوني زاحف على مستوى فلسطين برمّتها من النهر إلى البحر.

في إطار هذا المشهد الفلسطيني البائس، لا يفتأ أبناء القضية، ولا سيما مَن أضحى منهم ذا وظيفة وإمرة في كِلتا السلطتين، عن متابعة الصراع على أنقاض سلطة شكلية محبوسة في سجن الاحتلال الصهيوني بلغت أدنى درجات التناحر والتنابذ وقطع الأرزاق الذي هو من قطع الأعناق. فمن خفض رواتب الموظفين العاملين في قطاع غزة، الى إحالة آلاف منهم على تقاعد مبكر، الى فرض الضرائب على الوقود المخصّص لتوليد الكهرباء، الى تقليص المبالغ التي تُدفع شهرياً لتزويد القطاع بـِ 120 ميغاواط من التيار الكهربائي المستمَدّ من «إسرائيل»، الى خفض التحويلات الطبية الخارجية.

كلّ هذه العقوبات من أجل الضغط على حركة «حماس» في قطاع غزة التي تتمسّك بالسلطة وترفض تسليمها الى حكومة السلطة الأخرى في رام الله. وفيما تتهم سلطة محمود عباس سلطة «حماس» برعاية الانقسام الفلسطيني واتخاذ خطوات تقود الى الانفصال، تردّ «حماس» بأن إجراءات السلطة في رام الله غير أخلاقية وغير إنسانية ولا علاقة لها بإنهاء الانقسام.

«إسرائيل» تراقب المشهد المأساوي الفلسطيني بارتياح وغبطة. لكنها تراقب أيضاً بارتياب، لدواعٍ أمنية، ما يمكن ان يرافق تداعياته من تطورات سياسية تتناول العلاقات بين مصر و«حماس» من جهة و«حماس» وإيران من جهة أخرى. تتساءل:

ما سرّ هذا التقارب المستجدّ بين مصر و«حماس»؟ ماذا بعد فتح معبر رفح بين القطاع ومصر وتسليم أمر مراقبته إلى جماعة خصم محمود عباس اللدود محمد دحلان؟ وما ثمن موافقة «حماس» على كلّ هذه التحركات؟

«اسرائيل» لا يهمّها تراجع «حماس» عن مواقفها السابقة برفض إقامة دولة فلسطينية على خطوط وقف النار للعام 1967 واستعدادها تالياً للقبول بها حاليّاً؟ فحكومة نتنياهو تخلّت عن مشروع الدولتين وهي جادّة في تعميم الاستيطان على كامل الضفة الغربية كي لا يبقى لسلطة محمود عباس إلاّ بضع مناطق من الكثافة الفلسطينية.

ما يهمّ «إسرائيل» هو ألاّ يؤدّي التعاون السياسي والاقتصادي بين مصر و«حماس» الى فكّ ضائقة هذه الأخيرة ما يفضي تالياً الى تصليب إرادتها السياسية وتشجيعها على معاودة عملياتها القتالية ضدّ المستعمرات الصهيونية المحيطة بالقطاع. ثم مَن يدري، فلعلّ القاهرة التي تتحسّب لتداعيات فتح قناة بن غوريون بين البحر الأحمر والبحر المتوسط عبر صحراء النقب، قد تتفاهم مع «حماس» على مضاعفة عملياتها ضدّ «إسرائيل» لحملها على صرف النظر عن مشروعها المنافس لقناة السويس او لتأخير إنجازه في الأقلّ.

ثمة أمر آخر يُقلق «إسرائيل»:

هل يكون ثمن تخلّي «حماس» عن علاقتها التاريخية مع الاخوان المسلمين، وبالتالي عن قطر، قبول مصر بالتغاضي عن تنمية العلاقات بين «حماس» وإيران؟

أياً ما تكون المضاعفات الناجمة عن تحسّن العلاقة بين «حماس» ومصر، وتفعيل العلاقة بين «حماس» وإيران، فإنّ ثمة تحدّياً ماثلاً يستوجب معالجة سريعة وفاعلة. إنها مخاطر أن يُسهم الفلسطينيون، مسؤولين ومواطنين، بوعي أو من دون وعي، في تصفية القضية من خلال هذا الصراع، بل التناحر، المرير والمأساوي على السلطة بين مجموعة محمود عباس وحركة «حماس». إنّ القوى الوطنية الحيّة في الشعب الفلسطيني، المستقلة عن السلطتين المتصارعتين، مدعوةٌ الى التفكير والتدبير: التفكير في مقتضيات مواجهة هذا التحدّي المعضلة، وإقرار منهجية فعالة للمباشرة في المواجهة الوطنية المطلوبة.

أرى، في هذا المجال، أن تتوافق القوى الحيّة ذات المعرفة والخبرة على هيئة نوعية من أهل التفكير والتدبير تتولى بلا إبطاء وضع دراسة وثيقة معمّقة ومتكاملة لقضية فلسطين في واقعها ومرتجاها، واقتراح برنامج عمل مرحلي وآخر استراتيجي وبالتالي تنظيم مؤتمر وطني جامع يضمّ ممثلين عن القوى الحيّة في الوطن والشتات لمناقشة الدراسة الوثيقة والخروج بقرارات ومناهج فاعلة للعمل وواعدة بالأمل.

آن أوان الارتقاء الى مستوى الأخطار والتحديات التي تواجه الامة، وفي مقدّمها قضية فلسطين، واجتراح منهجية نوعية للعمل والكفاح تعيد وضعها في قلب الصراع ومسار التاريخ وتؤسس لمرحلة جديدة فارقة في حاضر الأمة ومستقبلها.

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