UNHCR rep in Damascus: most refugees want to return home

Nov 17, 2021

At the joint Syrian-Russian conference on the return of refugees to the Syrian Arab Republic, 16 November 2021

NSFW- Fire in her stomach, the Turkish Lira is Sick, its Immune System Collapsed… When Turkey Sold her Honor نار في بطنها .. الليرة التركية المريضة بانهيار جهاز المناعة .. عندما باعت تركيا شرفها

NSFW- Fire in her stomach, the Turkish Lira is Sick, its Immune System Collapsed… When Turkey Sold her Honor

 ARABI SOURI 

Erdogan the pimp of the Turkish Lira the whore

The Turkish Lira continues its free fall, it is now at 9.60 Liras for one US dollar, a record fall from 1.5 Liras for one US dollar in 2010 before the Turkish madman waged his terrorist war on Syria, and there’s no sign of recovery even if the Turkish madman fires everybody in the Turkish Central Bank, the finance, and the economy ministries.

Naram Serjoon describes the current situation of the Turkish economy, and its Lira in this explicitly magnificent piece, as much as I tried to maintain the wordings in the translation, the Arabic version remains more profoundly poetic:

I know that just looking at this title will provoke many Syrians from the opposition and national loyalists, and before many read the article, they will say that our Syrian Lira is made of glass and it is not permissible to throw stones at the Turkish economy, and many will revolt and rage, perhaps the two sides will unite for the first time in denouncing the article because the Syrian economy has suffered a severe blow in the past year, and the West’s efforts have succeeded in weakening the Syrian Lira through a complex and coordinated operation that began with the confiscation of food and oil wealth in the Jazira region and completed the old siege cordon by adding the bombing of the port of Beirut and the ‘bombing’ of Lebanon’s banks, which were the Syrians’ treasuries for their money, for fear of the instability of the situation in the Syrian economy, which was a war economy, and all people flee from the war economy.

But the suffering of the Syrian Lira seems temporary, and the American bet was to effect the shock and terror in the Syrian economy to explode and cause the final destruction of stability and Syrian social life, in preparation for the explosion of a popular resentment that destroys everything that blood and bodies (sacrifices) have accomplished, there are many manifestations that indicate that the ways to fix the Syrian economy have begun to move, albeit slowly and that the US has begun to loosen its grip for many considerations, which we will discuss later. The Syrian Lira is like a free woman whose slavemaster wants to corrupt and impoverish her in order to sell her chastity and honor, but she refuses, preferring poverty and death than selling her honor to him and selling her cause and her daughter Palestine to him and his whims.

But why does the Turkish lira get sick?? She gets diarrhea and loses her weight, color, and fat and looks like she has cancer and there is no cure for it?? As if she was the one who fought a ten-year war and was besieged, looted, and her factories and oil were stolen?

Turkey is not Syria, and the big lie about the miraculous economy and the seventeenth economy in the world was the crutch of the Islamists who wanted to move us by force to an Ottoman country, not under the pretext that Islam is the solution but neo-Ottomanism is the solution, and the evidence is Erdogan’s miracle, the hero who saved Turkey’s economy and turned it into a strong economy.

Erdogan the pimp of the Turkish Lira the whore

And we have always been skeptical of this Turkish miracle and we offered scientific and economic explanations, namely that the sudden flow of Western money into the veins of the Turkish economy was at a price, and that the rising Turkish economy is standing on the crutches of Western banks, which if they withdraw their crutches, this giant will fall and roll and break its bones, Although the most important factor in the rise of Erdogan’s Turkey’s economy was the Syrian openness to Turkey in support of it when it became writhing and barking in favor of Palestine, and the Syrians rewarded it with the support of Erdogan’s economy, who requested Damascus’s support and presented his credentials when he visited Damascus with Amina (his wife) and was asking and اe was asking, and his requests were answered. The Syrian economy, culture, and media opened up to Turkey, and the economies of the Arab region followed suit. This flow of Turkish products and goods, which was similar to an invasion through northern Syria, caused the recovery of the Anatolian economy, where the Islamist bloc supporting Erdogan against the economy of Istanbul, and this increased the control of the new economy that arose in Anatolia by virtue of the Syrian support, which was intended to create a ground for the Five Seas Project, which would dispense Turkey and the Arabs from Europe, and create an oriental economy that would compete with the European economy.

This is the true story of Erdogan’s miracle, but as usual, lovers do not see the defects of the beloved. The lover does not see that his beloved, who was poor and became rich overnight, has sold something dear, such as her chastity, honor, and virginity, and this is what happened with Turkey, which sold its Islamic honor and oriental virginity and accepted to fight on behalf of the West with its body, voice, and money. She put NATO poison in the dishes of Muslims, she fought the Zionist war on the entire Islamic world, in which several Arab and Islamic republics were destroyed, and she presented this achievement on a silver platter to Israel without batting an eyelid from the horror of the catastrophe that her inciting and financing behavior had inflicted on hundreds of Arab cities, millions of Arabs, and the sanctities of Arabs.

Turkish Lira Continues its Sliding in Value Thanks to Erdogan’s Failed Policies

https://syrianews.cc/turkish-lira-continues-its-sliding-in-value-due-to-erdogan-failed-policies/embed/#?secret=8fYuCX2pFq

Turkey, which appeared to have a miracle, was in the hands of a pimp named Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party gang, who pushed her to sleep in the bed of the West and became the prostitute of the East. She wears the Islamic veil, but under the veil inhabits the vice, and like all hateful prostitutes, she wants every girl who refuses shame to be molested by force, like her.

What everyone should ask is what is the reason for this slack in the Turkish Lira now, even though Turkey does not live in a war, but rather lives from the wars surrounding it and eats from the shoulders of the Arab economies that surround it in Iraq, Libya, and Syria, all the money of the Syrian and Iraqi refugees migrated to Turkey and injected the Turkish economy with hundreds of billions of dollars. This poisonous leech named Turkey has sucked the blood of Syrians and Iraqis over the past two decades because it is the neighborhood and the sanctuary close to Europe, and despite this, the Turkish Lira suffers from dengue, fatigue, yellowing, and fever as if it had contracted malaria.

And Turkey injected it with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the Gulf states at the beginning of the war (on Syria) with tens of billions of dollars, as Hamad bin Jabr said (in the famous hadith of the prey), because the 137 billion dollars that were passed to support the ‘rebels’ and chaos in Syria, most of it passed through Turkey as the most important transit country for the militants who flocked by their tens of thousands and slept in its cities and hotels and used its airports and airlines and spent their huge salaries on its goods and in its cities and all the money transferred to them passed through the Turkish banks that were sated with banknotes, meaning that no less than a hundred billion dollars passed to Turkey at least, and with this, the Lira seems today is as if she is drinking castor oil, and remains in a state of permanent diarrhea,

Erdogan Sending Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Terrorists to Afghanistan

https://syrianews.cc/erdogan-sending-syrian-muslim-brotherhood-terrorists-to-afghanistan/embed/#?secret=SMELVnQsT7

Turkey openly stole Syrian oil through ISIS and the Kurds, stole crops and antiquities, and even became the largest center for the export of human organs from the Syrian victims. It stole thousands of Syrian factories and destroyed all competing Syrian industries in the east, giving way for the rise of the economy of Turkish industrialists, who became unrivaled after the destruction of Aleppo factories, which were the factory for the Middle East, however, the Turkish lira is weakening and emaciated, the bones of its face and the ribs of its chest protrude, and its stomach is swollen to resemble the children of the African famine.

And Turkey sold the Syrian refugees for billions of dollars, as it begged in their name from Europe and left them to live in the most despicable living conditions. And despite this, the Turkish citizen seems poorer than the Syrian refugee and became jealous of him.

Flip-Flop Erdogan Fails his Commitments in an International Treaty, Again

https://syrianews.cc/flip-flop-erdogan-fails-his-commitments-in-an-international-treaty-again/embed/#?secret=R1v3F7PQwG

The Syrian Lira seems more stubborn in the face of the dollar than the Turkish Lira which every day takes off some of her clothes in front of the dollar hoping that he will marry her or make love to her, but the dollar is not tempted by the Turkish lira, nor is he tempted by her tender flesh, and the euro is packing his bags and confiscating her clothes and leaving her naked.

The Turkish lira is very sick and panting, and the reason is not Corona, because the strong economies are still resilient, while the fake and forged economies are starting to get exposed because there is no real economy in Turkey, but an economy of thieves, the thieves of the Justice and Development Party, the Erdogan family, and the neo-Ottoman thieves that tried to build the Ottoman as it was built by its first pioneer sultans by robbing peoples and looting and enslaving them. When the idea succeeded, it became an empire of thieves, and the process of theft and enslavement lasted for 400 years.

The problem of the Turkish lira is Erdogan’s adventure towards the south, and it will not have a chance, and all the money that was injected into the Turkish stock exchange from Western banks has stopped, not because it wants to punish Erdogan for his Islamic honor, as some want to picture, rather, it was because the Western banks gave the Justice and Development Party everything it wanted in order to make the project of overthrowing the Syrian state succeed and attaching the East to the Turkish model, which is reconciliation between Islam and Zionism and an alliance between them under the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood, but the project has eroded or collapsed and it has done everything in its power and is no longer able to provide more.

Western banks are not naive to inject a false economy with money, the game is over and there is no need to support this rogue economy, the Lira began to feel that all supporting injections had stopped and that the Gulf funds had stopped because there were no longer fighters migrating to Turkey to spending on them, and the movement of donations for the so-called Syrian revolution had stopped, remittances to fighters whom tens of thousands of them have been killed and tens of thousands are missing have stopped, and jihadist immigration to Turkey has largely stopped, especially after Erdogan excelled in blackmailing the Saudis and Emiratis in the Khashoggi case, which was a very stupid move by Erdogan that caused the depletion of Gulf transfers, although in the first months he received bribes of billions from the Saudis to cover the issue, which raised the Turkish Lira a few points, but, with his greed and rapacity, he insisted on completing the disclosure of the scandal at an Israeli and American request, because this would facilitate forcing the Saudis and Emiratis to publicly reveal relations and normalization (with Israel) after they were secret, because Israel wanted to enter the Gulf through the Emirates gate, penetrate the entire economy, spread the Mossad in the Arab communities, and start normalization with immigrants and recruit many of them as spies for the next stage, every Arab immigrant in the Gulf has become a Mossad spy project.

Whoever is waiting for the recovery of the Turkish Lira, we tell him, advising, it is funny dreams, do not be stubborn. The Turkish Lira is very sick, and Erdogan is trying to inject it with the elixir of life, reading the Qur’an and incantations and writing amulets for it, fleeing to wars with the Syrians and the Kurds, bombing the streets of Damascus and overnight buses to force us to accept negotiating with him. But nothing will help him, as she has destroyed her immune system, and she has a terminal disease, and this terminal disease is the one that will pass to the Justice and Development Party and will spread in the whole Turkish society, which is bidding farewell to the days of glory and prosperity when Erdogan was selling it promises and borrowing from the West to build the lie of the rich Turkish economy, albeit it were loans, aid, and privatization of the public sector.

And again, advice to everyone who puts his money in Turkey, flee with your skin and your money quickly, before you are surprised by a collapse as Beirut’s banks collapsed and the sultans’ decisions to seize your money, and perhaps you will find that the place from which you fled to the whole world is the safest place for your money, that is, invest in your country that at the height of the war did not stab you and did not declare its bankruptcy, and do not bet on Erdogan’s Lira. All indications and prophecies in Turkey’s ‘crystal ball’ say that it is a Lira that will enter intensive care because she ate from the money of the orphans, the widows, and the poor, it was like someone who eats fire in his stomach, that the fire is in the belly of the Turkish Lira, and we will contemplate it with pleasure, joy, and happiness as it burns before our eyes from its stomach, rather, we will put our coffee on that fire and heat the tea.. and drink Turkish coffee in this winter in front of this feverish body.

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نار في بطنها .. الليرة التركية المريضة بانهيار جهاز المناعة .. عندما باعت تركيا شرفها

 2021/10/23

نارام سرجون

أعرف ان مجرد النظر الى هذا العنوان سيستفز كثيرين من السوريين من المعارضين والموالين الوطنيين .. وقبل أن يقرأ كثيرون المقال سيقولون ان ليرتنا السورية من زجاج ولايجوز ان ترمي الاقتصاد التركي بالحجارة .. وسيثور كثيرون ويهيجون .. وربما يتوحد الطرفان لأول مرة في استهجان المقال لأن الاقتصاد السوري تعرض لضربة قوية في السنة الاخيرة ونجحت جهود الغرب في اضعاف الليرة السورية عبر عملية معقدة ومنسقة بدأت بمصادرة الثروة الغذائية والنفطية في الجزيرة واكملت طوق الحصار القديم باضافة تفجير ميناء بيروت وتفجير بنوك لبنان التي كانت خزانات السوريين وأموالهم خوفا من عدم استقرار الوضع في الاقتصاد السوري الذي كان اقتصاد حرب .. وكل الناس تفر من اقتصاد الحرب ..
ولكن معاناة الليرة السورية تبدو مؤقتة والرهان الامريكي كان احداث الصدمة والروع في الاقتصاد السوري ليتفجر ويتسبب في تدمير الاستقرار والحياة الاجتماعية السورية نهائيا تمهيدا لتفجير نقمة شعبية تدمر كل ماأنجزته الدماء والاجساد .. وهناك مظاهر كثيرة تشير الى ان طرق معالجة الاقتصاد السوري بدأت تتحرك ولو بشكل بطيء وان الامريكي بدأ يرخي قبضته لاعتبارات عديدة سنتطرق اليها لاحقا .. انها مثل المرأة الحرة التي يريد نخاس افسادها وافقارها كي تبيع عفتها وعرضها فترفض .. تفضل الفقر والموت على ان تبيع شرفها له .. وتبيع قضيتها وابنتها فلسطين له ولنزواته ..


ولكن لماذا تصاب الليرة التركية بالمرض؟؟ وتصاب بالاسهال وتفقد من وزنها ولونها وشحمها وتبدو وكأنها مصابة بالسرطان ولاعلاج لها؟؟ وكأنها هي التي خاضت حرب عشر سنوات وحوصرت ونهبت وسرقت معاملها ونفطها ؟؟
تركيا ليست سورية .. وكانت الكذبة الكبيرة عن الاقتصاد المعجزة والاقتصاد السابع عشر في العالم هي عكازة الاسلاميين الذين أرادوا تجويلنا بالقوة الى بلاد عثمانية ليس بذريعة ان الاسلام هو الحل .. فليس اي اسلام هو الحل بل العثمانية الجديدة هي الحل .. والدليل معجزة أردوغان .. البطل الذي أنقذ اقتصاد تركيا وحوله الى اقتصاد قوي ..


وكنا دوما نشكك بهذه المعجزة التركية ونقدم تفسيرات علمية واقتصادية وهي ان تدفق الاموال الغربية فجأة الى عروق الاقتصاد التركي كان مقابل ثمن .. وان الاقتصاد التركي الناهض يقف على عكازات البنوك الغربية التي ان سحبت عكازاتها فان هذا العملاق سيقع ويتدحرج وتتكسر عظامه .. رغم ان اهم عامل في نهوض اقتصاد تركيا اردوغان كان الانفتاح السوري على تركيا دعما لها عندما صارت تجعجع وتنبح لصالح فلسطين .. وكافأها السوريون بدعم اقتصاد أردوغان الذي طلب دعم دمشق وقدم اوراق اعتماده عندما زار دمشق مع أمينة .. وكان يطلب فيجاب .. وانفتح الاقتصاد والثقافة والاعلام السوري على تركيا ولحقته اقتصادات المنطقة العربية .. وكان هذا التدفق في السلع والبضائع التركية الذي كان يشبه الغزو عبر الشمال السوري سببا في انتعاش اقتصاد الاناضول حيث الكتلة الاسلامية الداعمة لاردوغان ضد اقتصاد استانبول .. وهذا زاد من سيطرة الاقتصاد الجديد الذي نشأ في الاناضول بحكم الدعم السوري الذي كان بغاية خلق أرضية لمشروع البحار الخمسة الذي سيغني تركيا والعرب عن اوروبة .. ويخلق اقتصادا مشرقيا ينافس اقتصاد اوروبة ..


هذه هي القصة الحقيقية لمعجزة أردوغان .. ولكن كالعادة فان المحبين لايرون عيوب المحبوب .. فالعاشق لايرى ان حبيبته التي كانت فقيرة وصارت تبدو كالاغنياء بين عشية وضحاها انما باعت شيئا عزيزا .. مثل عفتها وشرفها وبكارتها .. وهذا ماحدث مع تركيا التي باعت شرفها الاسلامي وبكارتها الشرقية وقبلت ان تحارب نيابة عن الغرب بجسدها وصوتها ومالها .. ودست السم الناتوي في أطباق المسلمين .. وخاضت الحرب الصهيونية على كل العالم الاسلامي ودمرت فيها عدة جمهوريات عربية اسلامية وقدمت هذا الانجاز على طبق من فضة لاسرائيل دون ان يرف لها جفن من هول الكارثة التي ألحقها سلوكها التحريضي والتمويلي بمئات المدن العربية وملايين العرب .. ومقدسات العرب ..
تركيا التي ظهرت صاحبة معجزة كانت في يد قواد اسمه رجب طيب اردوغان وعصابة حزب العدالة والتنمية .. دفعها دفعا للنوم في فراش الغرب وصارت عاهرة الشرق .. ترتدي الحجاب الاسلامي ولكن تحت الحجاب تسكن الرذيلة .. وصارت مثل كل العاهرات الحاقدات .. تريد كل صبية ترفض العار ان تهتك عرضها مثلها بالقوة ..
الذي يجب ان يسأله اي شخص عن سبب هذا الترهل في الليرة التركية الآن رغم ان تركيا لاتعيش حربا .. بل هي التي تعيش من الحروب المحيطة بها وتأكل من أكتاف الاقتصادات العربية التي تحيط بها في العراق وليبيا وسورية .. فكل اموال اللاجئين السوريين والعراقيين هاجرت الى تركيا وحقنت الاقتصاد التركي بمئات المليارات من الدولارات .. وامتصت هذه العلقة المسماة تركيا دم السوريين والعراقيين طوال العقدين الماضيين بحكم انها الجوار والملاذ القريب من اوروبة .. ومع هذا فالليرة التركية تصاب بالضنك والتعب والاصفرار والحمى وكأنها اصيبت بالملاريا ..
وتركيا حقنتها السعودية وقطر ودول الخليج في بدايات الحرب بعشرات مليارات الدولارات كما قال حمد بن جبر (في حديث الصيدة الشهير) لان 137 مليار التي مررت لدعم المتمردين والفوضى في سورية كانت معظمها تمر عبر تركيا كأهم دولة مرور للمسلحين الذين توافدوا بعشرات الالاف وناموا في مدنها وفنادقها واستعملوا مطاراتهم وشركات طيرانها وأنفقوا رواتبهم الضخمة في بضائعها و في مدنها وكانت كل الاموال المحولة اليهم تمر عبر البنوك التركية التي أتخمت بالبنكنوت .. اي ان مالايقل عن مئة مليار دولار مررت الى تركيا على الاقل .. ومع هذا تبدو الليرة التركية اليوم وكأنها تشرب زيت الخروع .. وتبقى في حالة اسهال دائم ..


وتركيا سرقت علنا النفط السوري عبر داعش والاكراد .. وسرقت المحاصيل والاثار وحنى انها صارت اكبر مركز لتصدير الاعضاء البشرية من الضحايا السوريين .. وسرقت آلاف المعامل السورية ودمرت كل الصناعات السورية المنافسة في الشرق .. لينهض اقتصاد الصناعيين الاتراك الذي صاروا بلا منافس بعد تدمير معامل حلب التي كانت تمثل مصنع الشرق الاوسط .. ومع هذا فان الليرة التركية تضعف وتصاب بالهزال وتبرز عظام وجهها وأضلاع صدرها ويتورم بطنها الى مايشبه اطفال المجاعة الافريقية ..
وتركيا باعت اللاجئين السوريين بمليارات الدولارات حيث تسولت باسمهم من اوروبة وتركتهم يعيشون في أحقر الظروف المعيشية .. ومع هذا فان المواطن التركي يبدو أفقر من اللاجئ السوري حتى صار يحقد عليه .. وتبدو الليرة السورية أكثر عنادا في مواجهة الدولار من الليرة التركية التي في كل يوم تخلع بعضا من ثيابها امام الدولار عله يتزوجها او يطارحها الغرام .. ولكن الدولار لاتغريه الليرة التركية ولايغريه لحمها الغض البض وهاهو اليورو يحزم حقائبه ويصادر ثيابها ويتركها عارية ..
الليرة التركية مريضة جدا وتلهث وليس السبب هو كورونا لأن الاقتصادات القوية لاتزال صامدة بينما الاقتصادات المزيفة والمزورة بدأت تنكشف لأنه لايوجد اقتصاد حقيقي في تركيا بل اقتصاد لصوص .. لصوص حزب العدالة والتنمية وعائلة اردوغان ولصوص العثمانية الجديدة التي حاولت بناء العثمانية كما بناها روادها الاوائل من السلاطين بسرقة الشعوب ونهبها واستعبادها .. وعندما نجحت الفكرة صارت امبراطورية للصوص دامت عملية السرقة والاستعباد 400 سنة ..


مشكلة الليرة التركية هي مغامرة اردوغان نحو الجنوب .. ولن تقوم لها قائمة .. وكل الاموال التي حقنت في البورصة التركية من البنوك الغربية توقفت .. ليس لأنها تريد ان تعاقب اردوغان على شرفه الاسلامي كما يريد البعض ان يصور .. بل لأن البنوك الغربية اعطت حزب العدالة والتنمية كل مايريد من أجل انجاح مشروع اسقاط الدولة السورية والحاق الشرق بالنموذج التركي الذي هو مصالحة بين الاسلام والصهيونية وتحالف بينهما تحت قيادة الاخوان المسلمين .. ولكن المشروع تآكل او تداعى وفعل كل مافي وسعه ولم يعد قادرا على ان يقدم المزيد .. والبنوك الغربية ليست بالساذجة كي تحقن اقتصادا كاذبا بالمال .. فاللعبة انتهت ولاداعي لدعم هذا الاقتصاد المارق .. وبدأت الليرة تحس ان كل الحقن الداعمة توقفت .. وأن اموال الخليج توقفت لأنه لم يعد هناك مقاتلون يهاجرون الى تركيا وينفق عليهم .. وتوقفت حركة التبرعات لما يسمى الثورة السورية .. وتوقفت التحويلات للمقاتلين الذين قتل عشرات الالاف منهم وفقد عشرات الالاف وتوقفت الهجرة الجهادية الى تركيا الى حد كبير خاصة بعد ان أبدع اردوغان في ابتزاز السعوديين والاماراتيين في قضية الخاشقجي التي كانت حركة غبية جدا من اردوغان تسببت في نضوب التحويلات الخليجية رغم انه تلقى في الأشهر الاولى رشوات بالمليارات من السعودديين للملمة القضية مما رفع الليرة التركية بضع نقاط .. ولكنه بجشعه وطمعه أصر على اكمال كشف الفضيحة بطلب اسرائيلي وامريكي لأن ذلك سيسهل ارغام السعوديين والاماراتيين على اظهار العلاقات والتطبيع علنا بعد ان كانت سرية لأن اسرائيل كانت تريد دخول الخليج من بوابة الامارات واختراق كل الاقتصاد ونشر الموساد في الجاليات العربية وبدء التطبيع مع المهاجرين وتجنيد كثيرين منهم كجواسيس للمرحلة القادمة .. فكل مهاجر عربي في الخليج صار مشروع جاسوس لدى الموساد ..
من ينتظر شفاء الليرة التركية فاننا نقول له ناصحين .. انها أحلام مضحكة فلا تعاند .. الليرة التركية مريضة جدا .. ويحاول اردوغان حقنها باكسير الحياة .. وقراءة القرآن والتعويذات ويكتب الحجابات لها والهروب الى حروب مع السوريين والاكراد وتفجير شوارع دمشق وباصات المبيت لارغامنا على قبول التفاوض معه .. ولكن لن ينفعه شيء .. فهي دمرت في جهازها المناعي .. وأصيبت بمرض عضال .. وهذا المرض العضال هو الذي سينتقل الى حزب العدالة والتنمية .. وسينتشر في المجتمع التركي كله الذي يودع ايام العز والرفاه يوم كان اردوغان يبيعه وعودا ويستدين من الغرب لبناء كذبة الاقتصاد الثري التركي .. رغم انه كان قروضا ومساعدات وخصخصة للقطاع العام ..


ومن جديد .. نصيحة لكل من يضع أمواله في تركيا .. اهرب بجلدك وأموالك بسرعة .. قبل ان تفاجأ بانهيار كما انهارت بنوك بيروت وبقرارات السلاطين بالاستيلاء على اموالك .. وربما ستجد ان المكان الذي هربت منه الى كل العالم هو أكثر الأماكن أمنا لأموالك .. أي استثمر في بلادك التي في ذروة الحرب لم تطعنك ولم تعلن افلاسها .. ولاتراهن على ليرة اردوغان .. كل المؤشرات والنبوءات التي في فنجان تركيا تقول انها ليرة ستدخل العناية المشددة .. لأنها أكلت من أموال اليتامى والأيامى والفقراء .. فكانت كمن يأكل في بطنه النار .. ان النار في بطن الليرة التركية .. وسنتأملها بتلذذ وحبور وسعادة وهي تحترق أمام عيوننا من بطنها .. بل سنضع قهوتنا على تلك النار ونسخن الشاي .. ونشرب ونحتسي في هذا الشتاء قهوة تركية امام هذا الجسد المحموم ..

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Al-Assad: Extremism Tied to EU’s Failed Policies in Middle East

22 Aug 2021

Source: Al Mayadeen

Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad discusses recent developments in Syria and the region with European Parliament Member, Thierry Mariani, and his accompanying delegation.

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Syrian President Bashar al-Assad attributes spread of extremism to the European Union’s ‘failed policies’ in the Middle East. 

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad stated that the Syrian people have found new ways to overcome the odds.

SANA news agency tweets: Al-Assad delivered his speech after being greeted by Thierry Mariani, a member of the European Parliament and a member of the French National Rally party, as well as a delegation accompanying him.

During the meeting, a discussion on the developments of the situation in Syria and the region took place. Al-Assad answered the delegation members’ questions about the situation and the difficult conditions experienced by Syrians as a result of the sanctions and the unjust siege imposed on them. He noted that despite all the troubles this sieges afflicts on all aspects of life, the Syrian people are resilient.

President al-Assad considered it necessary to have a dialogue at parliamentary, intellectual and cultural levels to analyze and understand the developments and changes taking place in the region and the world. He emphasized the importance of parliamentary and cultural delegations visiting Syria and the region to see things as they are, and to be able to link political statements to the current situation. Such dialogue is important because as Europe grapples with the refugee crisis, terrorism and extremism seem to be the result of its failed policies in the Middle East.

The discussion touched on the role of nationalism in the Arab region, identity, and the relationship between religion and politics, as well as the major challenges confronting nations as a result of extremism that has infiltrated many societies, including European ones. This spread of extremism comes as a result of the EU’s failure to develop appropriate policies to ensure immigrants’ integration into Europe while preserving their original identity.

Russia’s position at the seventy-sixth session of the UN General Assembly

August 05, 2021

Russia’s position at the seventy-sixth session of the UN General Assembly

https://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/4834791

1.      The goal of the 76-th session of the UN General Assembly (GA) is to reaffirm the central and coordinating role of the Organization in international affairs. Owing to its representativeness and universality, the UN is rightfully viewed as a unique platform for an equitable dialogue aimed at reaching compromise solutions with due regard to different opinions. Attempts to undermine the authority and legitimacy of the UN are, in our view, extremely dangerous, as they can lead to the dismantlement of the multipolar system of international relations.

2.      We have consistently advocated the strengthening of the genuine multilateral framework of international relations and world economy based on the norms of international law, including the UN Charter, with an emphasis on the unconditional respect for the sovereignty of States and non-interference in their internal affairs. We deem unacceptable the attempts of Western States to replace the universally recognized international legal principles with the so-called “rules-based world order” elaborated behind the scenes.

3.      We support the coordinated efforts of the international community to curb the spread of the new coronavirus infection as well as to mitigate its consequences in the political, health care, social and economic sectors. In this regard, we consider it unacceptable to politicize the issue of COVID-19 dissemination. We also stress the importance of showing unity and solidarity among all Member States and organizations of the United Nations system in the face of a common challenge. Russia stands for a gradual return to the face-to-face format of events at the UN as the epidemiological situation in the world improves.

4.      Preventing conflicts and addressing their consequences is our first priority. However, effective international assistance in this sphere, including from the UN, is only possible with the consent of the States concerned and in line with the UN Charter. This applies equally to good offices, preventive diplomacy and mediation, which should be conducted impartially and with respect for the sovereignty of States. It is crucial that there should be no universal “conflict indicators”: each situation calls for a delicate and unbiased approach as well as a thorough search for a tailored solution that would take into account the roots and history of the conflict.

5.        We believe that the goal of the UN Security Council reform is to increase the representation of developing States from Africa, Asia and Latin America in the Council without prejudice to its effectiveness and operational efficiency. Efforts to identify the best reform model, which would enjoy consensus or at least the support of the overwhelming majority of Member States, should continue in the current format of Intergovernmental Negotiations. The prerogatives of the UNSC permanent members shall not be subject to revision. The veto power is a unique tool that encourages the necessary compromises and allows the Council to reach well-considered and balanced decisions.

6.        We support realistic initiatives to revitalize the work of the UN General Assembly within the relevant Ad Hoc Working Group. We attach particular importance to fine-tuning the UNGA working methods, streamlining its overloaded agenda and strengthening multilingualism. Any innovation should be reasonable and correspond to the current needs. Any redistribution of the powers of other statutory bodies, especially the Security Council, in favour of the General Assembly is unacceptable.

7.      We support increased cooperation between the UN and regional and sub-regional organizations in line with the UN Charter, first and foremost, its Chapter VIII. The activities of regional associations, according to the UN Charter, should be in conformity with their objectives and principles. It is essential to further enhance partnership between the UN and such organizations as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the BRICS and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The biennial resolutions on cooperation between the UN and the CIS, the CSTO and the SCO, uunanimously adopted at the previous 75th UNGA Session, prove the relevance of this task.

8.      The distortion of history and revision of the outcomes of World War II are unacceptable. We attach particular importance to the annual UNGA draft resolution on Combating Glorification of Nazism, neo-Nazism and Other Practices that Contribute to Fuelling Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. This document has traditionally enjoyed the support of the majority of UN Member States. We call on the delegations that abstained or voted against this initiative last year to reconsider their position.

9.      The destructive policies of certain extra-regional players in the Middle East and North Africa are clearly part of a global strategy to destroy the UN‑centric architecture established after World War II and replace it with a completely illegitimate “rules-based world order”.

We support the international legal parameters for resolving conflicts in this region agreed upon at the UN and implemented solely through political and diplomatic means. Our proposal to create a regional security architecture in the Persian Gulf and, in the longer term, throughout the whole Middle East remains on the table.

10.      One of the top priorities in the Middle East is the Syrian settlement. Achieving lasting and long-term stabilisation and security in the country is only possible through the full restoration of the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty over its national territory. The continuation of the fight against international terrorist groups recognized as such by the UN Security Council remains critical.

On the political track, we support the promotion of a Syrian-led settlement process implemented by the Syrian people themselves with the UN assistance, as provided for in UNSC resolution 2254. We have consistently supported the relevant work of the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for Syria, Geir Pedersen, but also stressed that his efforts should not go beyond the mandate defined by the Security Council.

There is growing concern about the significant deterioration of the humanitarian and socio-economic situation in the Syrian Arab Republic against the backdrop of tougher unilateral sanctions and the COVID-19 pandemic. We call on responsible members of the international community to refrain from politicising purely humanitarian issues and render assistance to all Syrians in coordination with Damascus, provide for sanctions exemptions for reconstruction projects and facilitate the return of refugees and IDPs.

11.       We are convinced that one of the foundations for establishing peace and security in the Middle East is the revival of the Middle East settlement process with the resolution of the Palestinian problem at its core.

We attach key importance to preventing an escalation of violence between Palestinians and Israelis and to providing extensive humanitarian assistance to those affected and in need in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. At the same time, we advocate for the restart of direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations on all issues concerning the final status on the universally recognized international legal basis, including a two-State solution. We call on the parties to show restraint, to refrain from unilateral steps and provocative actions (forced evictions, expropriation of houses and land, settlement construction, arbitrary arrests and any forms of violence) as well as to respect the special status and integrity of the Holy Sites of Jerusalem.

We consider it imperative to step up efforts within the framework of the Middle East Quartet, including its interaction with regional actors. We support the arrangement of a Quartet meeting at the ministerial level.

12.    We believe that there is no alternative to a political settlement in Libya. We highlight the need to take into account the views of all Libyan sides, including while planning for international assistance aimed at putting an end to the conflict. We engage with all parties and call for an early cessation of hostilities and the restoration of sustainable and integrated state institutions, including security agencies.

We support the observance of the ceasefire and a political and diplomatic settlement in Libya. All influential political forces should be heard and involved in the political life of the country. We welcome the formation of the Government of National Unity aimed at making arrangements for the national elections scheduled for December 2021. We encourage Libyan actors to seek compromise and to establish strong and effective unified authorities. We support the activities of Special Envoy Ján Kubiš.

13.    We advocate for the cessation of hostilities in Yemen, which exacerbate the dire humanitarian situation in the country. We urge the States involved to engage in the dialogue with a view to reaching a comprehensive settlement which would be accepted by all stakeholders in Yemen.

14.    We support the Iraqi leadership’s efforts to stabilize security situation and implement long-term social and economic reforms. We emphasize the significance of the forthcoming parliamentary elections. It is important that they contribute to bridging the divide between various ethnic and religious groups and political forces. We welcome the dialogue between Baghdad and Erbil. We believe that Iraq should not be subject to external interference and become an arena for regional rivalries.

15.    We consistently pursue the policy aimed at facilitating the process of national reconciliation in Afghanistan. We provide assistance in building a country free from terrorism and drug-related crime. We are seriously concerned about the continuing influence of ISIS in the north and north east of the country as well as the threat of the spillover of terrorist activities into Central Asia and the use of a deteriorating domestic political environment to undermine the peace process. Together with our partners within the “Troika Plus” and with the participation of both Afghan negotiating teams we are working to advance national reconciliation in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. We attach particular importance to regional co-operation, primarily through the SCO and the CSTO. We note the continuing relevance of the Moscow format of consultations on Afghanistan. We support the work of the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA).

16.    There is no alternative to the Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements, enshrined in UNSC resolution 2202, as a framework for the internal settlement in Ukraine. Effective international assistance, including through the UN, should be aimed at implementing this decision and supporting the current settlement format, which includes the Contact Group in Minsk and the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission.

Sustainable political and diplomatic settlement of the internal crisis in Ukraine can only be achieved through a direct dialogue between Kiev and Donbass, while taking into account the legitimate demands of all the regions of Ukraine and its linguistic, ethnic and sectarian groups at the constitutional level. We will continue to actively assist in addressing the acute humanitarian situation in eastern Ukraine, which has persisted for many years and was brought about by the actions of the authorities in Kiev.

We insist on a full, thorough and independent international investigation of the MH17 plane crash over the Ukrainian territory based on irrefutable facts and in line with UNSC resolution 2166. Neither the technical investigation into the causes of the Malaysian Boeing crash conducted by the Dutch Safety Board nor the criminal investigation by the Joint Investigation Team meet these criteria.

We expect that all cases of violence against civilians and journalists that have occurred since the beginning of the internal crisis in Ukraine will be investigated fairly and impartially, and that all those responsible will be brought to justice.

17.       The territorial status of Crimea was definitively determined by the Crimean population itself during a referendum in March 2014. Any discussions on the situation in this Russian region that do not involve its residents bear no relation to reality. This issue as well as the situation around the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, which lies within the scope of the Russian-Ukrainian bilateral relations, cannot be part of the UN-led discussion on the developments in Ukraine.

We condemn the efforts of the Ukrainian delegation to introduce the Crimean issue in the UNGA through a politicized resolution on the “militarization” of the peninsula as well as parts of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov.           The resolution is built on groundless, unacceptable accusations against Russia and is intended to put the blame for all of Ukraine’s internal problems on the mythical “Russian aggression”. The document contains Kiev’s twisted interpretation of the provocation it carried out on 25 November 2018, when three Ukrainian vessels attempted to enter the Kerch Strait without first notifying the Russian side. The allegations on the alleged militarization of Crimea and parts of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov contained in the aforementioned resolution also contradict the truth.

In case this odious draft resolution is again introduced in the UNGA, we call on all States to vote firmly against its adoption.

18.    The implementation of the trilateral statements of 9 November 2020 and 11 January 2021 is a priority for normalizing the situation in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict area. We consider it useful to involve UN agencies and in particular the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in humanitarian activities in the Russian peacekeeping operation area. The parameters for their possible work should be agreed upon in direct coordination with Baku and Yerevan.

19.    The problem of the Korean Peninsula should be resolved by political and diplomatic means. Building up sanctions pressure is counterproductive. The creation of a new security architecture in North-East Asia that would take into account the legitimate interests of all States in the region, including the DPRK itself, is key to achieving the settlement of this issue. Various Russian-Chinese initiatives, including the relevant “Roadmap’, the “Action Plan” and a UNSC political resolution are all important tools in this regard.

20.    The early restoration of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) aimed at settling the situation with the Iranian nuclear program is a priority task. We call on the US to return as soon as possible to full compliance with UNSC resolution 2231 and to implement the JCPOA, including through lifting the unilateral anti-Iranian sanctions imposed after the withdrawal of Washington from the “nuclear deal”.

21.    The solution to the Cyprus issue should be elaborated by the Cypriot communities themselves without any external pressure. Russia is guided by relevant UNSC resolutions which call for the formation of a bicommunal, bizonal federation with a single international legal personality, sovereignty and citizenship. The existing security guarantee system has become obsolete, is no longer able to alleviate the concerns of the parties involved and should be replaced with the guarantees from the UN Security Council.

22.    Russia fully supports the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the principle of equality of the three state-constituting peoples and the two entities with broad constitutional powers in full compliance with the 1995 Dayton Accords. In this context, we strongly disagree with the so-called appointment of a new High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Steering Board of the Peace Implementation Council. Without the UNSC approval this decision has no executive force. Moreover, the abolition of the Office of the High Representative is long overdue.

23.    The settlement of the Kosovo issue should be based on international law, first and foremost on UNSC resolution 1244. Belgrade and Pristina should come to an agreement themselves, while the task of the international community is to help the parties find mutually acceptable solutions without external pressure. The EU, as a mediator in the dialogue in accordance with UNGA resolution 64/298 of 9 September 2010, should seek to ensure that the parties implement the agreed decisions, primarily, the establishment of the Community of Serb municipalities in Kosovo (the CSMK; the agreement reached in 2013 has still not been implemented). We support the work of the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK).

24.    Internal disputes in Venezuela can only be resolved by the Venezuelans themselves, through a broad and direct dialogue and with full respect for the country’s Constitution. Effective international cooperation is possible only if it is aimed at supporting such a dialogue.

The illegal unilateral coercive measures imposed against Venezuela undermine the efforts of the Venezuelan authorities to effectively combat the pandemic, as well as impede the normalization of the humanitarian situation in the country and the improvement of the migration situation in the region. Humanitarian assistance should be provided without politicisation and in accordance with the UN guiding principles enshrined in UNGA resolution 46/182.

We will continue to oppose any attempts to question the mandates of Venezuela’s official delegations at various international organizations.

25.    We learned with deep sorrow the news of the assassination of the President of Haiti Jovenel Moïse. We have been closely following the investigation into this crime. We are seriously concerned about information regarding the involvement of foreign nationals, including from the US and Colombia, in this brutal murder. This indicates that once again external forces are trying to exploit the purely internal conflict to promote their destructive interests.

We are convinced that the only way to normalize the situation in the country is to reach broad internal political consensus in strict conformity with the universally recognized norms and principles of international law. It is important that all decisions should be taken through peaceful political means by the Haitians themselves, with international support but without destructive external interference in order to elaborate solutions acceptable to the opposing parties.

26.    The Final Peace Agreement is the international legal basis for the settlement in Colombia. This document made it possible for the UNSC and the UN Secretary-General to support the peace process. Unilateral attempts to alter the substance of its provisions are unacceptable. Comprehensive sustainable settlement in Colombia is impossible without involving the National Liberation Army (ELN) in the peace process.

27.    We call on all parties to the conflict in Myanmar to put an end to violence and launch a constructive dialogue in order to move towards national reconciliation. International community should avoid politicising the issue, refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of a sovereign State and abandon sanctions threats. We emphasize the ASEAN special role in the peace process. The current situation in Myanmar does not pose any threat to international peace and security, thus the only issue on the UNSC agenda in this context should be the situation in the Rakhine State.

28.    We support the aspiration of India and Pakistan to normalize relations in the context of the situation in the Kashmir region. We hope that a new escalation along the line of control will be prevented. Only direct negotiations between New Delhi and Islamabad can form the basis for a long-term settlement of this sensitive issue.

29.    We believe that conflict settlement in Africa should be based on a leading role of the countries of the African continent and supported by the international community. We call for the strengthening of cooperation between the UN and the African Union as well as the continent’s sub-regional organizations. As a permanent member of the UNSC, we will continue to facilitate a political resolution of the crises in the CAR, the DRC, South Sudan, Somalia, Mali and the Sahara-Sahel region as a whole.

We are firmly committed to actively supporting the efforts of the CAR authorities to improve governance and provide security on the basis of the 2019 peace agreement. At the same time, we will keep engaging constructively with all responsible stakeholders that support stabilisation in the country.

In cooperation with like-minded partners, it is important to assist Sudan in implementing the tasks of the transition period. We insist that the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS) should always take into account the views of the authorities in Khartoum.

We stand for in an early normalization of the situation in the Ethiopian region of Tigray. Restoring stability in Ethiopia is certain to have a positive effect on the entire Horn of Africa. We consider the decision of the Federal Government of Ethiopia to establish a ceasefire in the region a step in the right direction. We call on all those involved to support this initiative of the authorities in order to stop the bloodshed and improve the humanitarian and social and economic situation.

30.    The UNGA Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24) will remain relevant until a definitive solution to the issue of all 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories is reached. We will continue to actively participate in the work of this body.

31.    UN peacekeeping should fully comply with the basic principles of the UN work in this area (consent of the parties, impartiality and non-use of force, except for self-defence and defence of the mandate) as well as with the UN Charter. The primary task is to promote political settlement of conflicts and national reconciliation. The adaptation of UN peacekeeping operations to contemporary realities should be implemented in strict accordance with the decisions agreed upon in the intergovernmental format. This includes, inter alia, the issues of “peacekeeping intelligence” and the use of new technologies, which should serve the sole purpose of ensuring peacekeepers’ safety and protection of civilians. Vesting peacekeeping operations with additional powers, including with respect to the use of force, is only possible upon a UNSC decision that takes into account the specific situation in each country.

The UNGA Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations (C-34) should be responsible for defining the further development of UN peacekeeping activities.         Peacebuilding and peacekeeping are inextricably linked and based on the principle of national ownership in prioritising post-conflict reconstruction and development. International support should only be provided upon request of the host government and be aimed at enhancing the States’ own capacity.

32.    The UNSC sanctions, as one of the strongest instruments of ‘targeted action’ to tackle threats to international peace and security, should not be abused. As a measure of last resort in the area of conflict resolution, they cannot be applied without first taking into account the full range of their possible humanitarian, social and economic and human rights consequences. It is unacceptable to use them as a means of unfair competition and pressure on “undesirable regimes”. The functions of the existing institution of the Ombudsperson should be expanded to protect the interests of all the entities on the Security Council sanctions list. It is unacceptable to supplement Security Council sanctions with unilateral restrictions, especially those of an extraterritorial nature.

33.    We believe that all Member States should join efforts in the fight against terrorism, with the UN playing a central coordinating role. We firmly reject any double standards or hidden agendas in this area. We are convinced that the issue of terrorism should be addressed through the implementation of the relevant universal conventions and protocols, the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and relevant UNSC and UNGA resolutions.

Support for the counter-terrorism bodies of the United Nations system, first and foremost the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT), remains a priority. We advocate for the expansion of the UNOCT financing from the UN regular budget. We also intend to increase our voluntary contributions to the Office and call on other Member States to do the same. We believe that law enforcement and prevention-oriented initiatives should remain at the core of the UNOCT programme and project activities.

We consider it critical to make greater use of the tools of the specialized subsidiary UNSC bodies, primarily its Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC), the sanctions committees on ISIL, Al-Qaida and the Taliban Movement. We are committed to a constructive dialogue with regard to the review of the mandate of the CTC Executive Directorate.

We call for ensuring full compliance with UNSC resolutions against the financing of terrorism, as well as with the standards of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

We intend to step up efforts to cut off weapons, financial and material support for terrorists, to stop the spread of terrorist propaganda, including through the use of modern information and communication technologies, and to eliminate links between terrorist groups and drug trafficking and other organized crime groups. It is necessary to strengthen cooperation between countries in countering foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and bringing them to justice more quickly.

We oppose the dilution of the international legal framework by non-consensual concepts, such as “countering violent extremism“, which allow for the interference in the internal affairs of States and the reorientation of international cooperation on counter-terrorism towards secondary gender and human rights issues. We believe it necessary to enhance efforts to combat various manifestations of extremism, including right-wing radicalism, while countering attempts to use this issue for political purposes and as an excuse to increase anti-Russian sanctions pressure.

34.    We strongly oppose the revision and weakening of the current international drug control system, including by legalising all recreational (non-medical) drug use, as well as imposing questionable drug treatment practices as a “universal standard” and promoting drug use as a socially acceptable norm.

We advocate the strengthening of the policy-making role of the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) in the area of drug control. We intend to further continue to actively oppose efforts aimed at creating and institutionalising mechanisms that duplicate the CND work, and at imposing an alternative strategy for addressing the world drug problem bypassing the CND. We emphasize the need for States to strictly comply with the international anti-drug conventions. In view of the re-election to the CND for the period of 2022-2025, the Russian Federation will continue to promote a consistent line on the Commission’s platform as well as in negotiating the resolutions and decisions of the 76th UNGA Session.

We are concerned about the drastic deterioration of the drug situation in Afghanistan and its possible projection into increased smuggling of opiates into Russia and Central Asian countries. In the context of the withdrawal of NATO troops from the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, international and regional anti-drug efforts, such as the Paris Pact, the SCO, the CIS, and the CARICC, are of particular importance. We believe that consistent, effective anti-drug efforts by the Afghan leadership based on the principle of common and shared responsibility of States, are essential for achieving security in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.

35.    We support the key role of the United Nations in consolidating international efforts to combat transnational organised crime. We note the importance of an impartial Mechanism for the Review of the Implementation of the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime. We advocate strengthening the legal framework of international cooperation, including the development of new international legal instruments in a number of areas, including cybercrime, asset recovery, extradition and mutual legal assistance.

36.    We facilitate the development of the international anti-corruption cooperation, with the UN playing the central and coordinating role, based on the unique universal agreement, the UN Convention against Corruption (CAC). We support the effective functioning of the Mechanism for the Review of the Convention Implementation. We welcome the results of the first UNGA Special Session against Corruption which took place in June 2021. We consider it important that the political declaration of the UNGA Special Session confirmed the existence of gaps in international law governing the return from abroad of assets obtained as a result of corruption offences. We emphasise the need to develop an international legal instrument on asset recovery under the auspices of the UN to complement the UN Convention against Corruption.

37.    We support the key role of the UN in consolidating joint efforts to ensure international information security (IIS). They should result in the elaboration and adoption under the UN auspices of universal and comprehensive rules of responsible behaviour of States in information space aimed at preventing conflicts therein and promoting the use of information and communications technologies (ICTs) for peaceful purposes.

We welcome the adoption of the consensus reports of the UN Open-Ended Working Group (OEWG) and the UN Group of Governmental Experts on IIS. We note the unique spirit of the constructive dialogue at these platforms.

During the 76th UNGA Session, we intend to introduce in its First Committee an updated draft resolution on “Developments in the Field of Information and Telecommunications in the Context of International Security” welcoming the successful conclusion of the work of both groups as well as the launch of a new Russia-initiated OEWG on Security in the Use of ICTs and ICTs themselves 2021-2025 (in accordance with UNGA resolution 75/240).

We assume that the new Group will ensure the continuity and consistency of an inclusive and truly democratic negotiation process on IIS under the UN auspices within a single mechanism. We call on all States to take an active part in the work of the OEWG 2021-2025 and contribute to building a fair and equitable IIS system.

In line with the relevant UNGA resolutions adopted at the initiative of the Russian Federation, we advocate for an early drafting, under the auspices of the UN, of an international convention countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes. The consensus modalities set out while preparing for the negotiation process in the relevant UNGA Ad Hoc Committee enable us to count on constructive and comprehensive participation of the entire international community in developing a universal and effective instrument to counter digital crime.

We call on our partners to support our First Committee draft resolution as well as to unequivocally endorse full implementation of the mandates of the new OEWG and the Ad Hoc Committee.

38. We have consistently advocated strengthening the existing treaty regimes and developing, through consensus, new arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation (ACDNP) regimes. The UN and its multilateral disarmament mechanism should play a central role in this process. We are committed to ensuring the coherence and improving the performance of its three key elements – the First Committee of the UN General Assembly, the Conference on Disarmament and the UN Disarmament Commission – while unconditionally respecting the mandates of these forums.

We deem it necessary to counter any attempts to revise the existing disarmament architecture by means of unilateral coercive measures that bypass the UN Security Council.

The main focus of multilateral efforts and fundamentally new approaches to address the whole range of problems in the field of the ACDNP may be considered at a summit of the permanent members of the UN Security Council which Russia has proposed to hold.

39. We strictly comply with our obligations under the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and advocate for its early entry into force. We call on the eight states on which the launch of the Treaty depends to sign and/or ratify it without delay. We believe that the key destructive factor here is the position of the United States which is the only state to have officially refused to ratify the Treaty. We expect Washington to reconsider its approach to the CTBT.

40. We support the noble cause of shaping a world free of nuclear weapons. We make a substantial practical contribution to achieving this goal. However, we are convinced there is a need for a balanced approach that takes into account all factors affecting strategic stability, including disruptive US steps aimed at undermining the existing ACDNP architecture. We do not support radical initiatives on introducing an early nuclear weapons ban (namely, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, TPNW).

41. We consider the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to be the most important international legal instrument for ensuring international security and one of the pillars of the modern world order. Our common task is to prevent the final collapse of the system of international disarmament and arms control agreements that has been developed over decades and the regimes based upon them.

In this regard, we attach primary importance to the viability of the NPT. We call on all States Parties to make every effort at the 10th Review Conference postponed until 2022 because of the new coronavirus pandemic to strengthen the Treaty and to help achieve its goals rather than cause more controversy around it. The ultimate goal is to draft a document that would reaffirm the viability of the Treaty and the willingness of the States Parties to strictly abide by their commitments.

We fully support the work of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as an international organisation that possesses the necessary authority and competence to monitor the observance of the non-proliferation obligations under the NPT through the application of Agency safeguards, which, in its turn, is an important condition for the States to exercise their right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.

We believe that further development of the IAEA safeguards system serves to strengthen the non-proliferation regime, provided that it keeps intact the basic principles of verification – impartiality, technical feasibility, and transparency.

We are concerned about the recent tendency to politicise the IAEA safeguards system. As a result, claims are being made against States based on the ‘very likely/highly likely’ approach while deployment of nuclear weapons belonging to some countries in the territory of other formally non-nuclear States is being ignored.

The IAEA should not be turned into a nuclear disarmament verification tool, as this is neither a statutory purpose nor a function of the Agency. We believe that the participation of the IAEA Secretariat staff in the January 2022 Meeting of States Parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) in Vienna is inappropriate.

42. We regard the Conference on the Establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction held in New York on 18-22 November 2019 as a landmark event both in terms of ensuring stability and sustainability in the region and in the context of global efforts towards WMD non-proliferation. We intend to further support the idea of such conferences. We believe that efforts to elaborate a legally binding agreement on creating a WMD-free zone in the Middle East serve the interests of all states in the region.

We hope that the second Conference on the establishment of a WMD-free zone due to be held in New York in November 2020 but postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic will take place this year, which would allow to kick start a somewhat stagnant process.

43. We are confident that there is still potential for political and diplomatic settlement of the situation arising from the termination of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF Treaty) based on Russia’s initiative to ensure predictability and restraint in the missile sphere.

We intend to maintain a unilateral moratorium on the deployment of land-based intermediate-range or shorter-range missiles in regions where no similar US-made weapons would appear. Despite the absence of a constructive response to this initiative on the part of NATO, we still consider a moratorium to be a promising idea that would make it possible to avoid new ‘missile crises’. We propose that the US and their NATO allies take on a similar commitment.

We reaffirm our commitment to the strict compliance with the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (the New START) and welcome its extension for five years without any preconditions – something that the Russian Federation has long and consistently called for. The extension of this Treaty set the stage for resuming a comprehensive dialogue with the United States on future arms control and the maintenance of strategic stability. At the Russian-US summit in Geneva on June 16, 2021 it was agreed to launch such a dialogue in the near future, as reflected in the Joint Statement by the Presidents at the meeting.

We believe that the goal of this engagement is to develop a new ‘security formula’ that takes into account all major factors of strategic stability, covers offensive and defensive nuclear and non-nuclear weapons capable of meeting strategic challenges, as well as the emergence of new technologies and new weapons.

44. We highly commend efforts of the UN Security Council and its ad-hoc 1540 Committee on the WMD non-proliferation. We are determined to engage in a substantive and constructive dialogue in the framework of the comprehensive review of the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1540. We expect that the procedure will result in the confirmation of the 1540 Committee’s current mandate.

45. Russia has initiated the development of important multilateral agreements in the ACDNP area, such as the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space Treaty (PAROS) and the International Convention on the Suppression of Acts of Chemical and Biological Terrorism. We believe that a constructive dialogue on these issues will provide an opportunity to engage in substantive work (including negotiations) at the UN platform.

The imperative of preserving space for peaceful purposes and taking cooperative practical measures to this end is shared by the vast majority of States. We consider the globalisation of the no-first placement of weapons in outer space initiative to be an important but only interim step on the way towards the conclusion of an international treaty on the prevention of placement of weapons in outer space on the basis of a relevant Chinese-Russian draft treaty on the prevention of the placement of weapons in outer space and the threat or use of force against outer space objects.

At the 76th session of the General Assembly, we will traditionally submit to the First Committee draft resolutions on no first placement of weapons in outer space, transparency and confidence-building measures in space activities and further practical measures to prevent an arms race in outer space.

46. We consider it necessary to continue strengthening the central and coordinating role of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS). We are against the practice of addressing issues that fall within the competence of the Committee at other non-specialised international fora. We are concerned about the trend towards the consolidation of unilateral approaches in the policies of certain States aimed at establishing of a regime for the research, development and use of space resources, which carries serious risks for international cooperation, including with respect to outer space.

We continue to actively engage in the work of COPUOS to improve the security regime for space operations. We have succeeded in establishing the Working Group on the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities. The Group’s mandate is to implement the existing and develop new guidelines on long-term sustainability of outer space activities, which is of particular importance against the background of the rapidly changing environment in which space activities take place.

We are against moving the issues traditionally on the COPUOS agenda to parallel platforms, including the First Committee of the UN General Assembly, as part of the concept of the so-called ‘responsible behaviours in outer space’. Neglecting the Committee’s key role with regard to space debris and space traffic management may negatively affect the adoption of balanced consensus decisions in these areas.

We are in favour of the successful completion of efforts to develop the Space-2030 agenda and its implementation plan, with a view to presenting this document at the current session of the General Assembly.

47. We are in favour of strengthening the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention, the 1925 Geneva Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, as well as the Secretary-General’s Mechanism for Investigation of Alleged Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons.

In order to ensure the effective operation of this UN Secretary-General’s Mechanism, at the 76th session of the General Assembly we will submit a relevant draft resolution to the First Committee.

We come out against attempts by Western states to politicise the work of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in violation of the norms set in the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). We regard as illegitimate their actions aimed at vesting the Technical Secretariat of the OPCW with the function of ‘identifying those responsible’ for the use of chemical weapons (attribution), including the creation of an illegitimate Investigation and Identification Team (IIT). We strongly disagree with its biased conclusions. We also have a whole range of complaints about the work of other OPCW inspection missions in the Syrian Arab Republic which violate the methods of investigation set out in the CWC. We urge the OPCW leadership to take action as soon as possible to rectify this deplorable situation.

We support impartial and highly professional investigations into chemical provocations by anti-government forces in Syria and all manifestations of ‘chemical terrorism’ in the Middle East in strict accordance with the high standards of the CWC.

48. We note the negative impact on international security of yet another destructive step by the United States – the decision to withdraw from the Treaty on Open Skies (OST) under the pretext of alleged violations of the Treaty by Russia. Alongside the US withdrawal from the INF Treaty, as a consequence of which the Treaty ceased to have effect, this step is fully in line with Washington’s policy of destroying the whole range of arms control agreements and causes real damage to the European security system. The United States have upset the balance of rights and obligations of the States Parties to the OST, that is why Russia was forced to take measures to protect its national security interests and begin the procedure of withdrawal from the Treaty (to be completed by 18 December this year).

49. We continue to underline the unique role of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea as a universal instrument creating a comprehensive legal regime for international cooperation of States in the World Ocean. We highly appreciate the work of such conventional mechanisms as the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and the International Seabed Authority. We believe it is vital that they work strictly within their mandates under the Convention avoiding any broad interpretation of the competence granted to them or politicising their decisions.

50. The Russian Federation supports the work of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as the main judicial body of the United Nations and is ready to assist the creation of conditions enabling its effective and unbiased functioning.

We closely follow the situation around the implementation of the provisions of the UNGA resolution of May 22, 2019 concerning the Chagos Archipelago, adopted in accordance with the relevant advisory opinion of the ICJ. We view the above-mentioned General Assembly decision in the context of the completion of the decolonisation processes.

Elections to the ICJ are planned for the autumn of 2023 at the Security Council and the 78th session of the UNGA. The Russian group in the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) decided to nominate sitting judge K.Gevorgyan for re-election to the ICJ for the period 2024-2033. We are counting on the support of our candidate by the Member States of the Organisation in the forthcoming elections.

51. The Russian Federation facilitates the work of the International Law Commission (ILC) which contributes significantly to the codification and progressive development of international law. We believe that the UN should further build on its most valuable outputs.

In the autumn of 2021, during the 76th session of the UN General Assembly, elections to the ILC are scheduled to take place. The Russian Federation nominated the current member of the Commission, Director of the Legal Department of the MFA of Russia E.Zagaynov, for re-election to the Commission for the period 2023–2027. We hope that the UN Member States will support our candidate in the upcoming elections.

52. The credibility of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is steadily declining. It is becoming more politically biased and one-sided. We note the low quality of its work and the lack of any tangible contribution to conflict settlement.

53. We underline that the mandate of the Residual Mechanism is strictly limited, and it is necessary to complete its activity as soon as possible. We have to acknowledge yet again that the Mechanism inherited the worst practices from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, which is demonstrated by its consistent anti-Serbian attitudes. We monitor respect for the rights of persons accused and convicted by the Residual Mechanism. We do not consider it expedient at this point to establish new judicial bodies of this kind.

54. We continue to assume the legal nullity of the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011 established by the UN General Assembly acting beyond its authority. We object to the funding of the Mechanism from the UN regular budget and to the Mechanism gaining access to the archives of the OPCW-UN Joint Mechanism.

55. We continue to regard the issue of “the rule of law” with an emphasis on its international dimension, i.e. the primacy of international law, particularly the UN Charter. We continue to oppose attempts to use it to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign States under the pretext of strengthening the “rule of law” at the national level.

Given the confrontational incorporation of the permanent item “responsibility to protect” (R2P) in the UNGA agenda, we underline the loss of the consensual nature of this concept. We will continue to block attempts to legitimise it.

56. It is States that bear the primary responsibility for promoting and protecting human rights, while the UN executive structures are to play a supporting role. We believe that equal cooperation between States based on the rule of international law, respect for sovereignty and equality of States should be the main principle in the work of the United Nations to promote and protect human rights. It is inadmissible to duplicate the work of the main bodies of the United Nations through unjustified integration of the human rights agenda into all areas of the UN activities. We are against strengthening the link between the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) and the UN Security Council. We oppose attempts to reform the HRC in order to turn it into a quasi-judicial monitoring mechanism.

We consider it unacceptable to include politicised country-specific resolutions and topics outside the scope of their mandate in the agenda of United Nations human rights mechanisms. We condemn the use of human rights issues as a pretext for interfering in the internal affairs of States and undermining the principles of international law. It is in this light that we regard the resolution on the situation of human rights in Crimea, which, since 2016, has been regularly submitted to the Third Committee of the UN General Assembly by the Ukrainian delegation. This document has nothing to do with the actual situation in this region of the Russian Federation. We will vote against this resolution during the 76th session of the UNGA, and we call on our partners to do the same.

The work of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) should become more transparent and accountable to the UN Member States in order to avoid politically motivated approaches to assessing human rights situations in different countries.

We will continue to promote intercivilisational, intercultural and interreligious dialogue and due respect for the diversity of cultures, civilisations, traditions and historical developments in the promotion and protection of human rights.

57. We strongly condemn all forms and manifestations of discrimination. The ban on discrimination enshrined in international human rights instruments is universal and applies to all persons without exception. We see no value added in defining new vulnerable groups (such as members of the LGBT community, human rights activists, bloggers) that allegedly require a special legal protection regime or new categories of rights. Such steps by a number of countries only lead to de-universalization of legal protection regimes and increased politicisation and confrontation within the UN human rights mechanisms.

58. Active practical work in the area of social development aimed at eradicating poverty, promoting social integration, ensuring full employment and decent work for all will facilitate effective implementation of the decisions adopted at the World Summit for Social Development and the 24th special session of the UN General Assembly.

We consider the UN Commission for Social Development to be the main UN coordinating body that develops framework for harmonised actions on general issues of social protection, ensuring equal opportunities for persons with disabilities, problems of ageing population, improving the situation of young people and strengthening the role of the traditional family. We resolutely oppose any initiatives that undermine its role, as well as the calls for its dissolution.

59. The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) remains the main intergovernmental platform for discussion of a broad range of issues relating to improvement of the status of women and achieving gender equality in particular. We believe it is important to avoid politicization of these issues or their automatic inclusion into the UN documents focusing on other topics. Special attention in documents on improving the status of women should be devoted to social and economic rights, as well as social protection and support for women and their families.

We believe that gender equality issues should be taken into account in the work of the UN system in a balanced manner, without absolute prioritisation or selective use.

We commend the work of UN Women which should render assistance only within the framework of its mandate, upon request and with the consent of the States concerned. We will continue to interact actively with it within the framework of the Executive Board.

60. We reaffirm the need for strengthening international cooperation in the promotion and protection of the rights of the child on the basis of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the outcome document of the 27th special session of the United Nations General Assembly entitled “A World Fit for Children”. We consider unacceptable attempts by a number of countries to deprive parents and legal guardians of their role in the upbringing of children and the development of their potential, including by granting young children autonomy in their decision-making. Programmes to support the family in its traditional sense, to ensure access to education and healthcare are important for the successful upbringing of children.

We devote close attention to the problem of children in armed conflict. We support the mandate of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict and develop cooperation with her, including as part of the programme for repatriation of Russian children from Syria and Iraq.

61. We support discussion at the United Nations General Assembly of the problems of interreligious and intercultural interaction and the development of intercivilisational dialogue, especially within the framework of the Alliance of Civilisations (AoC). We regard the establishment of a culture of peace as an essential prerequisite for peaceful co-existence and global cooperation for the sake of peace and development.

We are actively preparing for holding the World Conference on Intercultural and Interreligious Dialogue (St Petersburg, May 2022).

62. We are ready for the cooperation on the UN agenda issues with all interested relevant non-governmental organizations. Their involvement in the work of the United Nations should take place within the framework of the established practice, which requires the obligatory consent of Member States. We encourage the adequate representation of the Russian non-governmental corps in the activities of the relevant segments, bodies and structures of the United Nations.

63. To overcome the consequences of migration crises affecting individual countries and regions of the world, global efforts are required under the central coordinating role of the United Nations.

We commend the work of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) on ensuring more effective international protection for refugees and other categories of persons under its responsibility. We consider the work of the UNHCR particularly important in situations of major humanitarian crises.

Russia makes a significant contribution to international efforts to improve the situation of refugees, including by accepting forcibly displaced persons from Ukraine and also through programmes for the return of Syrian refugees to their homeland. Each year our country voluntarily contributes some $2 million to the UNHCR budget.

We reaffirm our commitment to the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) and the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, which should form the basis of comprehensive long-term cooperation aimed at creating legal channels for migration and countering irregular flows.

Russia took an active part in the first meeting of the Global Refugee Forum. We expect that this platform will help to attract the attention of the international community to the problems of refugees and to consolidate efforts to implement the GCR.

We welcome the strengthening of the UN migration pillar under the coordinating role of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM). We support a comprehensive approach of the UNHCR and IOM to the prevention of the spread of COVID-19 among persons of concern. We are convinced that one of the effective measures to combat the pandemic should be large-scale vaccination of the population, including forcibly displaced persons.

We note the effectiveness of the UNHCR’s work with Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). We look forward to the world community pursuing a non-politicized approach in dealing with this issue and providing greater assistance in rebuilding infrastructure and ensuring conditions for their early return.

We appreciate and contribute, including financially, to the UNHCR’s efforts to address the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of the internal Ukrainian crisis. We support the UNHCR programmes aimed at eliminating statelessness, in particular in European countries.

We are interested in the UNHCR facilitating the return of IDPs and refugees to Nagorny Karabakh and the surrounding areas.

64. We consider the Georgian UNGA resolution on the status of internally displaced persons and refugees from Abkhazia and South Ossetia to be counter-productive and to entail the risk of aggravating the situation “on the ground” and further stalling the Geneva discussions, which remain the only negotiation platform enabling direct dialogue between the representatives of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Georgia. We also note that at a time when the Abkhaz and South Ossetian representatives are deprived of the opportunity to convey their position to the General Assembly because of the systematic refusal of the United States authorities to grant them entry visas, discussions in New York on the topic of “refugees from Abkhazia and South Ossetia” without their direct participation are meaningless.

65. We consistently advocate for the strengthening of UNESCO‘s international standing. We believe that the adaptation of UNESCO’s working methods to the emerging challenges, including in the context of the new coronavirus pandemic, should be in line with the intergovernmental nature of the Organisation and be based on unconditional compliance with the provisions of the UNESCO Constitution, rules of procedure and directives of the decision-making bodies.

We oppose to the artificial integration of human rights issues in UNESCO’s activities in order to avoid duplication of functions of other UN specialised agencies. We aim to increase the effectiveness of the Organisation by depoliticising it and removing from its agenda issues of territorial integrity and sovereignty that do not belong to it.

Russia contributes significantly to UNESCO activities. In 2022, Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan, will host one of the largest and most significant UNESCO events – the 45th Anniversary Session of the World Heritage Committee, which will coincide with the 50th anniversary of the 1972 Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage.

66. We view cooperation in sports and the promotion of sport ideals worldwide as effective ways to foster respect and mutual understanding among nations.

We believe that politicisation of sports and discrimination of athletes, including Paralympians, in the form of collective punishment are unacceptable. We advocate the development of a universal system of international sports cooperation based on the principles of independence and autonomy of sports.

67.    In the context of international cooperation to address social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, we support intensified efforts to implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (the 2030 Agenda) as a holistic and balanced strategy to guide the work of the UN in the social, economic, environmental and related fields. We underline the integrated, non-politicised and indivisible nature of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), with poverty eradication being the key objective.

We support stronger coordination between the UNGA and ECOSOC, including through the dialogue platform of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF). The HLPF is designed to serve as a forum that brings together all stakeholders, including members of the business community (not only NGOs), to review the progress made in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda at the global level. Russia’s first Voluntary National Review on the implementation of the SDGs presented in 2020 has been a significant contribution to these efforts.

We promote a balanced approach in the energy sector with a focus on ensuring universal access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy sources in line with SDG 7. We recognise the urgent need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, while believing that it should be fulfilled not only through the transition to renewable energy sources but also through the introduction of advanced low-carbon technologies in the use of all types of energy sources, including fossil fuels. In this context, we advocate increased use of natural gas as the most environmentally acceptable fossil fuel, as well as the recognition of nuclear power and hydropower as clean energy sources due to the absence of a carbon footprint. In this spirit, we intend to ensure Russia’s participation in the High-Level Dialogue on Energy in September 2021.

68.    We will continue to uphold the basic parameters for international humanitarian assistance outlined in UNGA resolution 46/182 and other decisions of the General Assembly and ECOSOC. We will oppose revision of fundamental principles, in particular the respect for the sovereignty of an affected state and the need to obtain its consent for assistance. We will continue to urge UN humanitarian agencies to act as “honest brokers” and base their work on carefully verified data about the humanitarian situation “on the ground”.

We are concerned about the worsening of humanitarian crises triggered by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. As humanitarian needs grow considerably, we believe it crucial to avoid politicising humanitarian assistance.

69.    We condemn individual countries’ practice of imposing unilateral coercive measures contrary to the United Nations Charter and international law. We therefore support the idea of joining efforts of sanctioned countries in line with the Russian President’s initiative to create sanctions-free “green corridors” to provide countries with access to medicines and essential goods.

70.    We call for accelerated implementation of the Addis-Ababa Action Agenda decisions on financing for development in order to mobilise and make effective use of resources to achieve the SDGs.

We support the principle of prioritising the interests of international development assistance recipients. We offer assistance to interested countries based on a de-politicised approach, promoting domestic innovation and expertise.

We recognise the importance of reaching international consensus on global taxation, in particular in the fight against tax evasion. We support the increased intergovernmental cooperation in curbing illicit financial flows and repatriation of income generated from illegal activities.

71.    We oppose attempts by individual countries to reduce socio-economic development solely to the achievement of environmental protection goals, namely climate change. We see such a one-sided position as an indication of unfair competition and trade protectionism, which are inconsistent with the World Trade Organisation (WTO) principles of a universal, open, non-discriminatory multilateral trading system.

72.    We welcome the further strengthening of the work of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) to achieve sustainable development of the United Nations.

We support the consolidation of UNEP’s role as the key universal intergovernmental platform establishing the integrated global environmental agenda.

We advocate greater efficiency and stronger financial discipline within UN-Habitat as part of the Programme’s structural reform implemented in accordance with resolution 73/239 of the General Assembly.

We stress the need for strict adherence to the principle of equitable geographical representation in the staffing of UNEP and UN-Habitat and the inadmissibility of politicisation of these programmes’ mandates.

73.    We stand for the continued leadership of the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO), the UN World Food Programme (WFP) and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in coordinating international efforts to eliminate hunger, improve nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture. We will encourage these Rome-based organisations to engage in a closer inter-agency cooperation within the UN system in addressing these issues.

In practical terms, we are actively involved in preparations for the 2021 UN Food Systems Summit. We expect it to deliver a comprehensive analysis of optimal agri-food chain models to help eradicate hunger and improve food security, including the provision of healthy food for the population. We believe that commonly agreed and universally supported sectoral approaches and proposals should be reflected in the Summit outcome documents in a balanced way. We hope that the upcoming event will set the course for the transformation of global food systems, particularly in the context of overcoming the consequences of the new coronavirus pandemic, and give further impetus to the implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

We pay careful attention to preventing the risk of a food crisis, namely in view of the negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. We will continue to provide humanitarian food aid to countries most in need, first of all to those of the former Soviet Union, as well as in Africa and Latin America.

74.    We attach great importance to the work carried out by the UNGA to support the multilateral efforts in combating the COVID-19 pandemic and overcoming its impact. We advocate a universal, equitable, fair and unhindered access to medical technologies as well as safe, high-quality, effective and affordable vaccines and medicines for the new coronavirus infection.

We consider increasing global preparedness and response capacity for health emergencies to be a priority task. We are ready for a constructive dialogue with all partners in the framework of the relevant formats. Yet we believe that the World Health Organisation (WHO) should continue to be the main forum for discussing global health issues.

We consistently support WHO as the focal point for the international human health cooperation. We call for enhancing the efficiency of its work through increased transparency and accountability to Member States.

75.    We will further strengthen the multi-stakeholder partnership for disaster risk reduction under the Sendai Framework 2015–2030. Amid the ongoing pandemic, we believe that special attention should be paid to building States’ capacity to respond to emergencies, including in health care.

76.    We seek to keep down the growth of the UN regular programme budget for 2022, as well as estimates for peacekeeping operations and the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals. We propose targeted and justified reductions in requested resources. Any requests for additional funding should first undergo careful internal scrutiny. At the same time, the Secretariat should step up its efforts to improve the efficiency of its working methods in order to minimise the associated costs of achieving UN’s objectives. We insist on stronger accountability, strict budgetary discipline and improved transparency in the Secretariat’s work.

77.    Ensuring parity among the six official UN languages in conference services and information and communication activities remains one of the priorities in our interaction with the Organisation’s Secretariat. The principle of multilingualism should be given primary consideration when implementing all media projects and information campaigns as well as allocating financial and human resources to the language services of the UN Secretariat.

Syria Sitrep: Joint Statement by the Representatives of Iran, Russia and Turkey

Syria Sitrep:  Joint Statement by the Representatives of Iran, Russia and Turkey

JULY 08, 2021

Joint Statement by the Representatives of Iran, Russia and Turkey on the 16th International Meeting on Syria in the Astana Format, Nur-Sultan, 7-8 July 2021
https://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/4809709

The representatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Turkey as guarantors of the Astana format:

Reaffirmed their strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic as well as to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and highlighted that these principles should be universally respected and complied with;

Expressed their determination to continue working together to combat terrorism in all forms and manifestations and stand against separatist agendas aimed at undermining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria as well as threatening the national security of neighboring countries. Condemned the increasing terrorist activities in various parts of Syria which result in loss of innocent lives including the attacks targeting civilian facilities. Agreed to continue their cooperation in order to ultimately eliminate DAESH/ISIL, Al-Nusra Front and all other individuals, groups, undertakings and entities associated with Al-Qaeda or DAESH/ISIL, and other terrorist groups, as designated by the UN Security Council, while ensuring the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure in accordance with international humanitarian law. Expressed serious concern with the increased presence and terrorist activity of “Hayat Tahrir al‑Sham” and other affiliated terrorist groups as designated by the UN Security Council that pose threat to civilians inside and outside the Idlib de-escalation area;

Reviewed in detail the situation in the Idlib de-escalation area and highlighted the necessity to maintain calm on the ground by fully implementing all agreements on Idlib;

Discussed the situation in the northeast of Syria and agreed that long-term security and stability in this region can only be achieved on the basis of preservation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. Rejected all attempts to create new realities on the ground, including illegitimate self-rule initiatives under the pretext of combating terrorism. Reaffirmed their determination to stand against separatist agendas in the east of the Euphrates aimed at undermining the unity of Syria as well as threatening the national security of neighboring countries. Expressed concern, in this regard, with the increasing hostilities against civilians. Reiterated their opposition to the illegal seizure and transfer of oil revenues that should belong to the Syrian Arab Republic;

Condemned continuing Israeli military attacks in Syria which violate the international law, international humanitarian law, the sovereignty of Syria and neighboring countries, endanger the stability and security in the region and called for cessation of them;

Expressed their conviction that there could be no military solution to the Syrian conflict and reaffirmed their commitment to advance viable and lasting Syrian-led and Syrian-owned, UN-facilitated political process in line with the UN Security Council Resolution 2254;

Emphasized the important role of the Constitutional Committee in Geneva, created as a result of the decisive contribution of the Astana guarantors and in furtherance of the decisions of the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi;

Expressed the need for the early holding of the 6th round of the Drafting Commission of the Syrian Constitutional Committee in Geneva. In this regard, reaffirmed their determination to support the Committee’s work through continuous interaction with the Syrian parties to the Constitutional Committee and the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Syria Geir O. Pedersen, as facilitator, in order to ensure its sustainable and effective functioning;

Expressed the conviction that the Committee in its work should respect the Terms of Reference and Core Rules of Procedure to enable the Committee to implement its mandate of preparing and drafting for popular approval a constitutional reform as well as achieving progress in its work and be governed by a sense of compromise and constructive engagement without foreign interference and externally imposed timelines aimed at reaching general agreement of its members;

Reiterated grave concern at the humanitarian situation in Syria and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, which presents a profound challenge to all Syria’s health system, socio-economic and humanitarian situations. Rejected all unilateral sanctions, which are in contravention of international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter, particularly in the face of the pandemic.

Emphasized the need to increase humanitarian assistance to all Syrians throughout the country without discrimination, politicization and preconditions. In order to support the improvement of the humanitarian situation in Syria and the progress in the process of the political settlement, called upon the international community, the United Nations and its humanitarian agencies, to enhance the assistance to Syria, inter alia by developing early recovery projects, including the restoration of basic infrastructure assets – water and power supply facilities, schools and hospitals as well as the humanitarian mine action in accordance with the international humanitarian law;

Highlighted the need to facilitate safe and voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their original places of residence in Syria, ensuring their right to return and right to be supported. In this regard, called upon the international community to provide the necessary assistance to Syrian refugees and IDPs and reaffirmed their readiness to continue interaction with all relevant parties, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other specialized international agencies;

Welcomed the successful operation on mutual release of detainees on 2 July within the framework of the Working Group on the Release of Detainees / Abductees, Handover of Bodies and Identification of Missing Persons. The operation confirmed the willingness of Syrian parties to strengthen the mutual trust with the assistance of the Astana guarantors. It also reaffirmed the determination of the Astana guarantors to increase and expand their cooperation within the Working Group.

Took note with appreciation the participation of delegations of Jordan, Iraq and Lebanon as observers of the Astana format as well as representatives of the United Nations and the ICRC;

Expressed their sincere gratitude to the Kazakh authorities for hosting in Nur-Sultan the 16th International Meeting on Syria in the Astana format;

Decided to convene the 17th International Meeting on Syria in the Astana format in Nur-Sultan before the end of 2021 taking into consideration the pandemic situation. Also recalled the Joint Statement of 1 July 2020 to hold the next Tripartite Summit in the Islamic Republic of Iran as soon as conditions permit.

Talking Syria’s Presidential Elections, With Laith Marouf & Myself (in Damascus)

 

Eva Bartlett

Brief conversation I had last night with geopolitical analyst Laith Marouf about yesterday’s Syrian presidential elections. I visited eastern Ghouta towns yesterday and saw jubilation among Syrians on the streets, including in Douma, singing and dancing.

No matter what the lame corporate media is saying about the elections, Syrians wanted them and are still celebrating today. Hell, in 2014, a week after the elections, I saw a party raging in Homs, what the pro-“revolution” crowd used to call the “capitol of the revolution”.

Laith:

“Syrians in the US went to the embassy at the UN and voted. That was a direct challenged to American hegemony, since the Americans closed the Syrian embassy in DC. But there is still a Syrian embassy at the UN, and that they can’t touch, the Americans. So many people showed up at the UN headquarters, waiving flags, and so on. The other two countries that host the majority of Syrian refugees or immigrant populations, Germany and Turkey, again the blocked the Syrian votes from happening.

At the same time, countries that were responsible for the war in Syria, like the UAE, opened the embassy, allowed Syrians to vote.

Last week in Lebanon, tens of thousands of Syrian residents of Lebanon went to Syrian embassy in Beirut. The fact on the ground is that Syrian people are out in the millions voting in these elections.”

الكاردينال الراعي في مواجهة صراعات داخليّة خطيرة

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 د.وفيق إبراهيم

يتمرّد الكاردينال المارونيّ بطرس الراعي كالعادة على حيادية رجال الدين مصراً على الانخراط في مواقف تضع الكنيسة المارونية في قلب النزاعات الأساسية التي تجعله مؤيداً للسياسات الفرنسية الأميركيّة، وصنيعة سياسية داخلية فيه هيمنة مارونية شبيهة بمرحلة 1920.

كذلك فإنه لا ينسى قط عداءه للأحزاب القومية (السورية والعربية) ومثيلاتها، ورفضه أي تقارب مع سورية وإيران وحزب الله.

هذه مواقف يتمسك بها الراعي معتقداً ان الزمن السياسي في لبنان لم يتغيّر، وبذلك يمكن له الإمساك بحزب القوات اللبنانية التابع لسمير جعجع والكتائب ومرتكزاً على السياسات الفرنسيّة والأميركيّة.

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إلا أنّ أخطر ما زال يتمسك به هو إصراره على طرد النازحين السوريين من لبنان مقابل تقارب مع محاولات إسرائيلية لديها القدرة على التسلل الى الداخل اللبناني عبر أمثال القوات اللبنانية وأحزاب مشابهة لها، وكذلك عبر الصراع السنيّ الشيعيّ الذي يرتدي أشكال صراعات دينية بين دور إفتاء أو قتال سوري – إيراني من جهة وإسرائيلي من جهة ثانية تحمله الأدوار الأميركية العالمية الى مختلف الشرق الاوسط.

الكاردينال الراعي موجود اذاً في قلب النزاعات الفرنسية – الأميركية والدور الروسيّ، متقرّباً من بناءات سعودية – خليجية تحاول تأسيس حلف كبير يربط الخليج بالأردن و»إسرائيل» ومصر مقابل الحلف الناهض السوري الإيراني مع حزب الله وهو بناء قوي جداً له اساساته المتمكنة في محور بلاد الشام ومنتصباً في وجه «إسرائيل» وحلفائها.

فهل يستطيع الكاردينال دفع لبنانه الخاص نحو صيغة جديدة لـ 1920؟

يحاول الراعي إعادة ضبط الحزبية المسيحية وتوجيهها نحو صدام مع الأحزاب الوطنية.

أليس هذا ما فعله بمحاولة اختلاق صدام بين القوات وبين القوميين الاجتماعيين؟ وفعل مثله عبر تأييد الصدامات بين مواطنين مسيحيين مدنيين وحزبيين مع مواطنين سوريين كانوا ينتقلون في شوارع المناطق المسيحية لانتخاب رئيس لبلادهم عبر المناطق الجبلية. وكاد أن يتسبّب بصراعات مفتوحة بين القوات الجعجعية والمواطنين السوريين الى ان انتهى بكيل شتائم للسوريين المدنيين داعياً الى طردهم نحو سورية.

كما يحاول الكاردينال إعادة الدفع بصيغة سياسية تشبه صيغة 1920 وهو العليم بعمق أن هذا أصبح من المستحيلات.

لكنه يحاول وبعنف الاستعانة بالطرفين الأميركي – الفرنسي نحو إعادة إحياء الصيغ الفاشلة بالتعاون مع الطرف السعودي – الخليجي، وذلك عبر تشكيل تحالف جديد يستند الى البطريركية المارونيّة والسعوديّة وذلك بانتفاء زعامة سنية جديدة تقف الى جانب القوات وتلعب دور المتصدّي بعنف للأدوار السورية – الإيرانية.

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لذلك بدا الكاردينال شديد العنف في هجومه على الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي الذي وجد فيه صاحب دور يجمع بين إمكانية أداء دور إقليمي وحركة داخلية نشطة، ما استفزه لأنّ هذا الحزب يجمع بين اللبنانية الشديدة الحركة والإطلالة على الدور السوري والفلسطيني وهذا ما يستفزّ الراعي ومعه القوات اللبنانية، ونفراً كبيراً من الأحزاب الطائفية التي ترفض ايّ تقارب مع الجوار السوري – الإيراني وتعاكس أيذ دور لحزب الله.

هذا ما يؤكد أن الكاردينال لا يزال معتقداً أنّ الزمن السياسي اللبناني لم يتغيّر، وذلك على الرغم من كلّ الانتصارات التي أنجزها حزب الله في لبنان وسورية بالتحالف مع الحزب القوميّ وبقية الأحزاب القوميّة ولم يعرف الراعي اليوم أنّ التركيبة السياسية اللبنانية لم تعُد صالحة لإدارة سياسة لبنان في زمن سقطت فيه صيغة 1920 وأصبحت أية صيغة جديدة تحتاج الى أدوار حزبية لقوى لبنانية تكاد تمسك بالأسس اللبنانية الأصلية.

لبنان الجديد اذاً يحتاج الى دور كبير للكنيسة المارونية تؤدي فيه مركز عصبية سياسية ليس لجعجع أي دور كبير فيها، بقدر ما تحتاج لدور كنسيّ بوسعه الاستعانة بالفاتيكان مع نظام تحالفات ماروني مع الطوائف اللبنانية الأخرى وذلك على اساس نظام تعادلي يدفع نحو لبنان جديد وقويّ بوسعه استدراج القوى الأوروبية وسورية وإيران وروسيا وأميركا نحو دعم اقتصاد لبناني قوي يقود لبنان نحو الازدهار والتطور.

جعجع… قاطع الطرق

فراس الشوفي

الجمعة 21 أيار 2021

جعجع... قاطع الطرق
(هيثم الموسوي)

يمتهن سمير جعجع قطع الطرقات، ولذلك هو قاطع طرق. قطع في الماضي الطريق على السلم الأهلي، واليوم يحاول قطع الطريق على التغيّرات الإقليمية وانعكاساتها في لبنان، كما قطع قبل عام ونصف العام الطريق على اللبنانيين وبالأمس على السوريين بهراوات من الحقد، وحجارة من الجهل، اعتدى عددٌ من أنصار حزب القوات اللبنانية في منطقتي نهر الكلب وجل الديب، على سياراتٍ وحافلات تقلّ ناخبين سوريين أثناء توجّههم للمشاركة في الانتخابات الرئاسية السورية، في مقرّ السفارة في اليرزة.

BBC

وبالتوازي، كانت مجموعات أخرى، تضمّ خليطاً من «متعصّبين» في بلدتي سعدنايل وتعلبايا، وعلى خط الساحل الجنوبي في خلدة والناعمة من بقايا مجموعات أحمد الأسير، تعترض أيضاً طريق السوريين، في عملٍ هجين من العنف والجهل، أنتج ما لا يقل عن عشرين جريحاً تعرّضوا للضرب بآلات حادة.

هذا المشهد، لم يأت من فراغ، إنّما من قرار تخريبي اتخذه رئيس حزب القوات اللبنانية سمير جعجع قبل يومين، وعبّر عنه أول من أمس بسلسلة تغريدات دعا فيها إلى طرد الناخبين الذين يقترعون لصالح الرئيس بشّار الأسد في الانتخابات، معطياً الضوء الأخضر لمجموعات الشغب للاعتداء على الأبرياء لمجرّد أنّهم يمارسون حقّهم في التعبير عن موقفهم السياسي. كلام جعجع، سرعان ما لاقاه بيانٌ تحريضي آخر من النائب السابق خالد الضاهر، صاحب بطولات التحريض على القوميين الاجتماعيين في حلبا، والتي أنتجت مجزرةً بحقّ 11 شهيداً عام 2008. الضاهر لم يتكف بالتحريض، إنّما لفّق موقفاً عن لسان مفوضية شؤون اللاجئين التابعة للأمم المتّحدة، إذ ذكر في بيانه أن المفوضيّة تطالب بقائمة أسماء الناخبين لتزيلهم من لوائح النازحين الخاصة بها، في محاولة لثنيهم عن الاقتراع. في المقابل، أكّدت الناطقة باسم المفوضية ليزا أبو خالد لـ«الأخبار» أن كلام الضاهر عارٍ من الصّحة، وأن «التصويت لن يؤدّي إلى فقدان صفة اللاجئ».

لا يمكن قراءة حركة جعجع، إلّا من ضمن سياق الخيبات السياسيّة التي تعرّض لها مشروعه في الآونة الأخيرة، محليّاً وإقليمياً ودولياً. ومن التأثير النفسي لمشهد الناخبين السوريين وما يعنيه الأمر من إعلان استفتاء على الشرعيّة الشعبية والدولية للرئيس بشّار الأسد، التي ظهرت من خلال فتح السفارات السورية مقراتها في العديد من دول العالم للناخبين، لا سيّما في دول الخليج وعلى رأسها الإمارات.

لطالما استند جعجع منذ خروجه من السجن في 2003، إلى تطرّف الموقف الخليجي، لكي يبني موقفه الهجومي على سوريا والمقاومة وإيران، مستفيداً من الرغبة الأميركية في التصعيد بالداخل اللبناني. ثم لاحقاً، تسلّح جعجع بالنازحين لابتزاز الدولة السورية بمواطنيها، وسعى، مع آخرين، إلى تخريب كل جهود عودتهم بالمواقف المتطرّفة كجزء من حملة الاستغلال الدولية بالسوريين في آتون الحرب. وهو أيضاً اشترك في دعم المجموعات الإرهابية، على الأقل إعلامياً، فيما يملك أكثر من طرف لبناني، معطيات عن علاقات ربطت أمنيين (سابقين؟) في القوات بمقاتلين من «جبهة النصرة»، لتمرير الأسلحة وتأمين أماكن آمنة لهم في عددٍ من المناطق الجبلية.

ليس تشبيهاً قاسياً مقارنة موقف «إسرائيل» من المتغيّرات الدولية والإقليمية وموقف جعجع

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صحيح أن جعجع يمثّل ما تبقّى من تيار شوفيني لبناني – مسيحي متطرّف في الشكل ضد «الغريب»، لكنّه في المضمون يختار «الغريب» على هواه. فإذا كان الغريب معادياً لسوريا والمقاومة، فهو محلّ ترحيب، أمّا إن كان القريب مؤيّداً للمقاومة، فهو غريبٌ وخصمٌ وجب مهاجمته والتحريض عليه. تماماً، كما كانت علاقة جعجع بياسر عرفات نهاية الثمانينات: عداء للمقاومة الفلسطينية، ثم علاقات مفتوحة وتلقّي الأموال من حركة فتح عندما اشتعل الخلاف بين أبو عمار ودمشق.

ومن لا يذكر دعوات جعجع لـ«حكم الإخوان»، ودفاعه عن «غزوة الأشرفية» وكلام مي شدياق عن أن «عودة النازحين السوريين لن تتمّ ولو على دمائنا»؟

بكل الأحوال، إن الأجواء الدولية والإقليمية، تجعل جعجع في موقفٍ متوتّر. فالاندفاعة العربية نحو سوريا بعد انتصارها على الإرهاب وثبات الدولة وتوسّع الغول التركي، يصيب جعجع بخسارةٍ كبيرة. كما أن الحوار الإيراني – السعودي المستمر بمعزلٍ عن مفاوضات الملفّ النووي الإيراني، والغضب السعودي على الرئيس سعد الحريري، تعني أيضاً سقوطاً لخطاب جعجع التحريضي ضد إيران وحزب الله، وتعني مستقبلاً تهدئةً في لبنان أو تسويةً بالحدّ الأدنى، لا مكان لجعجع فيها، لا سيّما في ظلّ خطوط الاتصال الجديدة بين الرئيس ميشال عون والمملكة العربية السعودية، بعد أن راهن جعجع على سقوط العهد في الشارع.

أما على أرض فلسطين المحتلة، فإن التحوّلات التي واكبت انتفاضة الفلسطينيين على كامل التراب الفلسطيني، والقلق الوجودي الذي تعيشه «إسرائيل» الآن، يعني أن كل الخطط التي بنيت على مرحلة ما بعد إعلان يهودية الدولة، قد تعرضّت لانتكاسة كبرى، فسقطت صفقة القرن بالضربة القاضية.

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ليس تشبيهاً قاسياً، إن جرت مقارنة موقف «إسرائيل» من سلسلة المتغيّرات الدولية والإقليمية، وموقف جعجع، بحيث تبدو إسرائيل أكبر الخاسرين في الإقليم، ويبدو جعجع أكبر الخاسرين في لبنان.

من هنا، يمكن تفكيك سلوك جعجع أمس، وفي الأيام والأسابيع المقبلة، والنزعة التخريبية عنده. فلا شيء يمكن أن يوقف التحوّلات سوى فتنةً كبرى في لبنان، لا يبدو أن أحداً مستعداً لها غير جعجع، تماماً كما كان موقفه في العام 1994، عندما حاول قطع الطريق على مشهد استقرار ما بعد الحرب. ربّما برّأ المجلس العدلي جعجع من جريمة تفجير كنيسة سيّدة النجاة، التي اعترف العميل اللحدي جريس الخوري بوضع المتفجّرة فيها، لكنّه أدان رئيس القوّات بـ«تأليف عصابة أشرار».

اليوم أيضاً، جعجع ألّف عصابة أشرار هدفها قطع الطرقات، قطع الطرقات على الناس وقطع الطرقت على التهدئة وقطع الطرقات لمنع التحوّلات الإقليمية من أن تنعكس على لبنان. وهي مارست أيضاً قطع الطرقات على مدى العامين الأخيرين مستغلةً حالة الغضب الشعبي. قد تردّ القوات اليوم بنفي علاقتها بما حصل بالأمس، إلّا أنها فعلت الأمر عينه طوال العامين الماضين بالتبرؤ من قطع الطرقات، حتى خرج قبل أيام الوزير ملحم رياشي وأكّد المؤكّد. فهل ننتظر رياشي بعد عام أو عامين ليكشف عن دور القوات في الاعتداء على السوريين الآمنين أمس؟


الانتخابات السورية في الخارج: علامات تحوّل وأصوات نشاز

19/05/2021

 ناصر قنديل

على إيقاع المشهد الفلسطيني المتفجر تجري اليوم الانتخابات الرئاسية السورية خارج سورية، وحيث لم يعُد ممكناً لأحد إنكار الصلة بين الحرب التي شنت على سورية وجيشها ورئيسها، وبين موقف سورية وجيشها ورئيسها من القضية الفلسطينية والصراع مع كيان الاحتلال وخيار المقاومة، بعدما شكلت سورية العقدة المركزية التي تقف عائقاً أمام ما خطط وتم إعداد المسرح لتظهيره لتصفية القضية الفلسطينية ومحاصرة خيار المقاومة، وتعميم التطبيع، كذلك لم يعُد ممكناً الفصل بين النهوض الجديد لخيار الانتفاضة والمقاومة في فلسطين، وبين الروح المعنوية التي بثتها انتصارات محور المقاومة وتنامي قوته، وقد شكلت انتصارات سورية العنصر الحاسم في هذا التحوّل المعنوي في صورة محور المقاومة بعيون الفلسطينيين، وكان الصاروخ السوري الذي بلغ ديمونا واحتفل به الفلسطينيون آخر علامات هذا الحضور.

السوريون خارج سورية وقد تعدّدت أسباب نزوحهم عن بلدهم يعيشون زمن التحوّلات أيضاً، وقد برزت بداياتها قبل سنوات، وكان لبنان مسرحاً لتظهير مبكر لها مع انتخابات الرئاسة السورية عام 2014 ومشهد الطوفان البشري أمام مقر السفارة السورية، وما قاله فيه الكثيرون على مستوى صناع القرار العالمي كمؤشر على وجهة الرأي العام السوري، وتسبّب بهيستيريا المتورّطين بالحرب على سورية من رموز بقايا النظريات الفاشية العنصرية المتصهينة، والذين يكرّرون عصابهم مجدداً، لكن التحوّل في الرأي العام السوري هذه المرّة سيكون أوضح وأشمل، وليس المشهد الفلسطيني العامل الوحيد في منح الزخم لهذا التحول، بصفته التعبير الجديد عن صعود محور المقاومة الذي تشكل سورية قلعته، بل لأن ما تشهده عواصم عربية وغربية تموضعت على ضفاف العداء لسورية، يقول للسوريين إن العالم يتغيّر.

عندما تجري الانتخابات الرئاسية في السفارات السورية، في فيينا واستكهولم وابو ظبي والقاهرة وعمان وموسكو ومينسك وبكين ونيودلهي وبيونس آيرس ومسقط ويرفان وإسلام أباد وطهران وبيروت وتنضمّ باريس الى المشهد الإنتخابي، فهذا ليس أمراً عادياً، لأن أكثر من نصف السفارات السورية التي ستشهد الانتخابات، كانت ممنوعة من استضافة الناخبين في الاستحقاق الرئاسي السابق، والأهم أنها في عواصم لدول لعبت دوراً فاعلاً في الحرب على سورية، ويشكل موقفها بالسماح باستضافة السفارات للعملية الانتخابية تعبيراً قاطعاً عن حجم التحول الجاري في المشهد العربي والدولي من حول سورية، وفي الحصيلة يشكل اعترافاً ضمنياً بشرعيّة العملية الانتخابيّة وما ينتج عنها، وإلا لماذا منعت العملية سابقاً وسُمح بها اليوم؟ وهذا يعني أن التشكيك بشرعية الانتخابات ونتائجها سيتراجع عن المشهد السياسي، ولو بقي بالنسبة للبعض من باب رفع العتب، أو توزيع الأدوار.

من الطبيعي أن يترك هذا التحول العربي والدولي أثراً على تزخيم التحول الجاري في الرأي العام السوري خارج سورية، لجهة إعلان نهاية مرحلة الابتزاز السياسي لسورية بملف النزوح، الذي كان أصل الاستثمار فيه بخلفية توظيف النازحين ككتل ناخبة، بربط عودتهم بالحل السياسي الشامل ومشاركة المعارضة في الانتخابات، وبسقوط هذا العامل واقعياً تسقط مبررات الاحتفاظ بموقف دولي سلبي من عودة النازحين، كان يترجم بربط أي مساعدة مالية للنازحين ببقائهم في بلدان النزوح، بينما طالبت سورية دائماً بالسماح بتوفير هذه المساعدة للعائدين منهم، وهو ما طالب به لبنان مراراً، وكانت ترفضه مع الأصوات الخارجية أصوات نشاز في الداخل اللبناني، هي الأصوات ذاتها التي تهدّد النازحين بترحيلهم إذا شاركوا بالانتخابات، كتعبير عن الغيظ الناتج عن الرهانات الخاسرة التي اعتادها أصحاب هذه الأصوات النشاز، بدلاً من أن تنطلق حساب المصلحة الوطنية، وترى في كثافة المشاركة الانتخابية مؤشراً على رغبة النازحين بالعودة، فتضمّ صوتها للمطالبة بتحويل المساعدات التي يتلقونها في لبنان كنازحين، ليحصلوا عليها في سورية كعائدين، لكن البعض يرتكب الحماقات ليفضح حقيقة موقفه الذي يريد تخيير السوريين بين استضافة مشروطة بالعداء لبلدهم والتوطين من بعده، أو التهجير القسري، بينما الطبيعي أن يقول للعالم، انظروا إليهم ها هم راغبون بالعودة ويثقون بدولتهم فلم لا تعطونهم المساعدات في بلدهم فيرتاحون من ظلم النزوح ويرتاح لبنان من عبء الاستضافة

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FSA Terrorist Aakef Zaki Killed by Unknown Gunmen in Daraa Countryside

 ARABI SOURI

NATO terrorist Aakef Zaki killed in Daraa

FSA terrorist and top wanted by the Syrian authorities in Daraa the so-called Aakef Zaki was killed in East Karak town in the eastern Daraa countryside south of Syria.

The NATO terrorist and former commander of the so-called ‘Martyrs of Eastern Karak’, one of the armed groups of the Al Qaeda FSA terrorist organization was shot dead in front of his house yesterday 7th of December, by unknown gunmen.

Aakef refused to join the large-scale reconciliation efforts in the southern Syrian province, the reconciliation led by the Russian Reconciliation Center in Syria returned thousands of people to their normal lives, some of the radical commanders refused to join the reconciliation and continued their attacks against the Syrian authorities, civilians, and notables in the region, taking advantage of the protection provided by Trump forces in the Tanf area southeast of Syria.

The killed terrorist was responsible for a number of attacks, kidnaps, field executions, and lootings in the southern Syrian provinces of Daraa and Sweida. On the 8th of last month, November, an armed terrorist group carried out an attack against a Syrian Army checkpoint to the west of the Eastern Karak town.

There were at least 34 terrorist attacks in the southern region post the reconciliation, they included the assassination of 24 persons, wounding of 8 others, two failed assassination attempts, including 18 of his former colleagues of the FSA fighters who joined the reconciliation. The terrorists shot dead 22 of the targeted victims while committed field execution of two others who were shot after being kidnapped.

Trump maintains a large number of his forces in Syria, mainly in the northeastern region bordering Iraq, and the southeastern region of Tanf in the depth of the Syrian desert bordering Iraq and Jordan. The Trump forces in the Tanf area protect members of the ISIS-affiliated group Maghawir Thawra which also runs the infamous Rukban concentration camp where thousands of Syrian refugees are held against their will in horrific conditions. Trump forces illegally positioned in Tanf also facilitated some of Israel’s bombings inside Syria and Iraq.

ISIS terrorists who committed the heinous massacre in the remote desert villages of Sweida province in the early morning hours of July 25th, 2018 fled to the same protected area by the Trump forces in Tanf. The Sweida massacre resulted in slaughtering 215 residents in their houses, injuring 180 others, and kidnapped 27 women and children.

The killing of Aakef Zaki will not help in uncovering much of the information needed by the Syrian authorities about the massacres and crimes committed in the southern region, it would have been much better if he was arrested to expose his accomplices and tell their whereabouts.

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Dr. Bashar Al-Jaafari’s Statement During the Security Council Session on the Political and Humanitarian Situation in Syria Bashar al-Jaafari at the Security Council 11/25/2020

Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360° on 

Al-Jaafari: countries hostile to Syria, particularly the US and Turkey, support terrorist organizations and separatist militias

25 November، 2020
New York, SANA

Syria’s permanent representative to the UN, Dr. Bashar al-Jaafari, said that countries hostile to Syria, on top of them the US and Turkey, continue their violations of the international law, UN conventions and Security council resolutions relevant to the crisis in Syria through supporting the terrorist organizations, separatist militias and perpetrating crimes against the Syrian people and looting their resources.

“The US occupation and its tools of separatist militias continue their practices aiming at looting the Syrian State resources, furthermore, the US occupation forces have lately excavated the antiquities in Hasaka and stolen large quantities of treasures and gold in the presence of French and Israeli experts at archaeological site in al-Malkiyah city and unearthed 12 historic tombs dating back to the Roman era,” al-Jaafari added in a statement to the UN Security council through video on the situation in Syria.

He added that the stolen priceless antiquities which date back to thousands of years are being smuggled through northern Iraq and Turkey in a preparation for transporting them to other destinations, stressing that these crimes are part of continued ones being perpetrated by the terrorist organization of Daesh with the aim of securing the financial resources for its terrorist acts.

Al-Jaafari reiterated that the political process, facilitated by the UN, is possessed and led by the Syrians and that making the work of the Committee for Discussing the Constitution a success entails respecting its principles being agreed upon, in addition to refusing any external interferences and any attempts by some states to impose timetables, adding that only the Syrian people have the right to determine their destiny.

He also renewed Syria’s condemnation, in the strongest terms, the visit of the US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, to the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Syrian Golan and the West Bank on Nov 19th, referring that this visit emphasizes the absolute bias of the current US administration until the very end of its mandate to the Israeli occupation Entity.

Regarding the International Conference on the return of Syrian Refugees recently held in Damascus on 11th and 12th of November, al-Jaafari affirmed that it has constituted a significant step to the efforts of Syrian State and its allies to ensure the voluntary, safe and good return of the displaced to their areas and their original residences.

Baraa Ali/ Mazen Eyon

Washington Seeks to Divide Syria through the Use of Terrorists

November 24, 2020

By Vladimir Platov
Source: New Eastern Outlook

Recent events clearly show the real goals of Washington’s policy in Syria, aimed not at finding a peaceful solution to the Syrian conflict and returning Syrian refugees to their homeland, but at continuing to plunder. The United States refused to participate in the International Conference in Damascus held by Moscow on November 11-12 to facilitate Syrian refugees and internally displaced persons and attempted to interfere with the event.

Simultaneously, the American military, in every possible way, protects and encourages the Kurdish militants. The US pumps oil in the northeast stealing Syria’s natural resources and national property and considers the Syrian Arab Republic a cheap resource. So, according to the Syrian Arab news agency SANA, the US armed forces, with the help of Kurdish militants of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), on October 28, took another batch of Syrian oil from Syria to Iraq in 37 oil tankers from the settlement of As Suwayda to the north of Iraq through the Al Waleed border crossing. They were accompanied by a convoy of cars and armored personnel carriers from Kurdish SDF fighters. US troops, together with SDF fighters, control most of the oil fields in eastern Syria, where a large number of trucks with weapons have been transferred in recent months.

Earlier, the United States tried to unilaterally “legalize” SAR’s oil flow by creating a fictitious company called Delta Crescent Energy LLC. The fact that the American military’s actions in Syria are an “international state racketeering” and cannot be justified by their fight against the terrorist group DAESH (banned in the Russian Federation – ed.) has already been repeatedly stated from the official tribunes by the governments of Syria, Turkey, Iran, and Russia, including before the UN.

Not only outright robbery characterizes US policy in Syria. According to a report published by the Qatar-based Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), attacks by the US-led “anti-terrorist coalition” have killed more than 3,000 Syrian civilians since 2014. The fate of 8,000 is unknown. Over six years of intervention, so-called “fighters against terrorism” have reportedly committed mass murder at least 172 times, bombed schools and markets, and put their allies, whose local core are Kurdish militants, in charge of the “liberated” regions.

It is necessary to pay special attention to the fact that, over the past year, the American administration, to implement its plan to fragment Syria, has been especially actively working to reconcile the Syrian Kurds’ political factions. In particular, Washington acted as an intermediary between the Kurdish national unity parties, the largest of which is the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which is the political arm of the People’s Self-Defense Forces (YPG), which are the backbone of the SDF and the Kurdish National Council in Syria (KNC). Washington’s primary goal is to create Kurdish “autonomy” while creating preconditions for a US military presence in the country. Especially in the oil-producing region of Syria, which, no doubt, the United States will attach particular importance to in any post-war agreements.

To further destabilize Syria’s situation and implement plans to divide this country, Kurdish militants of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), on instructions from Washington, released from prisons more than 500 terrorists in eastern Syria in early November. As a result, the activity of terrorist cells has noticeably increased throughout Syria. For example, the London-based non-governmental organization Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), citing Syrian sources, reported severe losses of government troops due to a large-scale attack by the terrorist group Daesh’s militants in the east of Hama province. Twenty-one Syrian soldiers were killed in the attack near the Abu Fayyad dam east of the city of Salamiyah in the countryside of Hama, and the terrorists themselves lost more than 40 people. After the failed attack, the militants fled south towards the desert area of ​​Badiya al-Sham.

On November 12, a convoy of Turkish Armed Forces heading from Kafr Shil was blown up in the north Syrian province of Aleppo, in outskirts of Afrin.

Almost simultaneously, an incident occurred in the south of the country – in the region of Daraa. A convoy of Russian Armed Forces accompanied by Syrian security forces was heading from Izraa to Sahwat al-Qamh when an improvised explosive device was detonated near the settlement of Musseifra.

On November 13, militants of the DAESH terrorist group (banned in the Russian Federation – ed.) attacked a Syrian Arab Army unit near the city of Al Sukhnah  in the province of Homs, killing eleven soldiers and capturing and subsequently executing one soldier. According to observers’ estimates, all three events may have common roots associated with the consolidation of the Kurdish militants and DAESH’s efforts after releasing 500 militants from the American occupation administration prisons. According to published Al-Monitor reports, many DAESH “sleeping cells” have been deployed in villages on the Euphrates River banks, such as Al-Shuhayl, Hajin, Al-Susa, and Al-Baguz, and the recent release of 500 terrorists by SDF has helped with recruitment.

The situation becomes more complicated because Kurdish militants do not want to fight the terrorist underground in Syria’s occupied territory. The SDF wants the region to remain volatile to continue to receive support from the United States, Al-Monitor emphasizes. Besides, judging by previous reports from sources, Kurdish groups continue to get a share in the theft and smuggling of Syrian oil – and need to at all costs maintain their presence in the oil-rich region by simulating the fight against DAESH, which, by the way, fully satisfies Washington’s plans.

Vladimir Platov, expert on the Middle East, especially for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

Syria’s International Conference On Refugees Is A Masterclass In Balancing

12 NOVEMBER 2020

By Andrew Korybko

American political analyst

Syria

The kinetic phase of the Hybrid War of Terror on Syria has mostly drawn to a close, as evidenced by the milestone event of the country hosting an international conference on the return of refugees, which resulted in several significant outcomes that speak to the masterful execution of its “balancing” strategy and raise hope that the Arab Republic will eventually transform into the Eastern Mediterranean terminal point of China’s visionary W-CPEC+ corridor across Eurasia.

Strategically Disarming “Weapons Of Mass Migration”

Syria’s international conference on the return of refugees is a milestone event for the country’s war which shows that the kinetic phase of the Hybrid War of Terror against it has mostly drawn to a close. President Assad’s keynote speech saw the Syrian leader thanking his Russian and Iranian wartime allies for their help getting to this point and encouraging his compatriots abroad to finally return home. He claimed that some of their host countries are exploiting them for financial and other reasons, strongly hinting that they’re being used against their will as “Weapons of Mass Migration” like Ivy League scholar Kelly M. Greenhill earlier described such a phenomenon. In connection with that, President Assad condemned those states which continue to impose illegal sanctions against the Arab Republic, which has disincentivized some refugees from returning home and thus results in artificially perpetuating this historic humanitarian crisis that was initially sparked by their external war of regime change aggression against his people through terrorist means.

Syria’s “Balancing” Act

Thankfully, Syria can count on its Russian and Iranian wartime allies to help reconstruct the ruined country and thus facilitate the return of millions of refugees to their homeland. To this end, Russia promised to allocate $1 billion as well as open up a trade mission in Damascus while Iran suggested setting up an international fund for this purpose. Both countries seem poised to enter into a “friendly competition” with one another for reconstruction contracts and market space which can only work out to Syria’s ultimate benefit. The Arab Republic is therefore expected to retain its carefully calibrated “balancing” act between them, wisely doing its utmost to prevent the emergence of any complete dependence on either of them in the future. This strategy is consistent with what it’s always pursued over the decades and represents its masterful execution which too many other small- and medium-sized states previously attempted but to no avail. Even worse, many of Syria’s peers saw this strategy backfire on them, thus leading to either their ruin or full dependence on one partner.

Full credit goes to Syria’s world-class diplomats for being able to manage such a difficult policy with such success. Not only are they “balancing” between Russia and Iran, but they also managed to attract the important participation of other countries in their international refugee conference, most curious of which for some observers is Pakistan. Those who only casually follow Syrian affairs might have missed it, but Islamabad recently dispatched massive medical aid to the Arab Republic. This and its participation in the international conference show that the “global pivot state” (which the author previously referred to it as) is capable of bold foreign policy moves independent of its close American, Saudi, and Turkish partners. Pakistan, just like Syria, is also practicing its own “balancing” act between its aforementioned three traditional partners and its three newest ones of Russia, China, and Iran. In fact, it can be argued that Pakistan and Syria are in the process of synergizing their respective “balancing” strategies for the betterment of Eurasia.

Pakistan’s Serendipitous Chance In Syria”

To explain, not only is Syria “balancing” between Russia and Iran, but also between India and Pakistan too. Although Damascus and Delhi have a long history of close relations, Presidential Advisor Bouthaina Shabaan told the Hindustan Times in August 2017 that her country is becoming hesitant about India’s role in its reconstruction after Prime Minister Modi’s highly publicized trip to “Israel” where he did everything from sign intergovernmental deals solidifying their de-facto alliance to even walking barefoot with Netanyahu along the beach. The author realized at the time that this is “Pakistan’s Serendipitous Chance In Syria” whereby Islamabad could flex its anti-Zionist credentials to present itself as a much more credible partner than pro-Zionist Delhi in pursuit of strengthening the two state’s historic relations that reached their high point in 1974 after a Pakistani pilot flying a Syrian jet shot down an “Israeli” fighter flying over the occupied Golan Heights. Syria’s diplomats were evidently receptive to Pakistan’s outreaches, hence the steady improvement of ties.

The Winding Road To W-CPEC+

It’s not just nostalgia for their Old Cold War-era ties nor their shared hatred of “Israel” that’s bringing them closer together nowadays, but pro-Chinese Silk Road pragmatism. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the flagship project of China’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI), and its western branch corridor (W-CPEC+) through Iran has the chance of not only reaching Russia by running parallel with the stalled North-South Transport Corridor (NSTC) across Azerbaijan but can also extend as far as Syria via Iraq. China is the little-discussed third economic force apart from Russia and Iran which is engaged in a “friendly competition” with its partners to develop Syria, and the improvement of Syrian-Pakistani relations as is presently happening could result in W-CPEC+ extending from the Pacific Ocean to the Eastern Mediterranean through Iran, Iraq, and Syria, all of which are allied with one another. It’ll of course take a lot of political will from all sides — not least of all Pakistan — to see this ambitious vision through, but if successful, then it could revolutionize Mideast geopolitics.

All five countries — China, Pakistan, Iran, Russia, and Syria — would benefit from this outcome. The People’s Republic is the world’s second-largest economy and actively eyeing more positions in the Eastern Mediterranean to complement its prospective ones in “Israel”, albeit via more geopolitically reliable mainland routes than the maritime ones connecting it to the self-professed “Jewish State”. Pakistan has an interest in bolstering its credential as the “global pivot state” by having CPEC serve as the platform for integrating Eurasia more closely together. Iran, which is desperately seeking all manner of sanctions relief, is reportedly negotiating a gargantuan economic agreement with China and would certainly benefit by facilitating more East-West trade through its territory. As for Russia, its recent control over Tartus means that it could profit from any Syrian export of Chinese products through that port. As for the Arab Republic itself, its expected benefit is that this vision would accelerate its reconstruction and allow it to finally actualize its pre-war “Five Seas Strategy”.

Concluding Thoughts

All told, Syria’s international conference on the return of refugees was about much more than just its titular topic. Reading between the lines of the details that have since been revealed about this milestone event, it was actually a masterclass in Syria’s “balancing” strategy. The Arab Republic proved that its diplomats are among the most highly skilled in the world after successfully “balancing” between Russia and Iran, as well as India and Pakistan, all with the aim of fulfilling its visionary “Five Seas Strategy” which some argue was partially responsible for provoking the Hybrid War of Terror that’s been viciously waged against it for almost an entire decade already. In the best-case scenario, Syria will eventually serve as the Eastern Mediterranean terminal point of the W-CPEC+ corridor connecting that strategic body of water with the Pacific Ocean via a several-country-long mainland commercial corridor. The successful fulfillment of this vision would revolutionize not only Mideast geopolitics, but also Eurasian geopolitics as a whole, which thus makes it an urgent priority for all.

Syria’s International Conference On Refugees Is A Masterclass In Balancing

By Andrew Korybko

Source

The kinetic phase of the Hybrid War of Terror on Syria has mostly drawn to a close, as evidenced by the milestone event of the country hosting an international conference on the return of refugees, which resulted in several significant outcomes that speak to the masterful execution of its “balancing” strategy and raise hope that the Arab Republic will eventually transform into the Eastern Mediterranean terminal point of China’s visionary W-CPEC+ corridor across Eurasia.

Strategically Disarming “Weapons Of Mass Migration”

Syria’s international conference on the return of refugees is a milestone event for the country’s war which shows that the kinetic phase of the Hybrid War of Terror against it has mostly drawn to a close. President Assad’s keynote speech saw the Syrian leader thanking his Russian and Iranian wartime allies for their help getting to this point and encouraging his compatriots abroad to finally return home. He claimed that some of their host countries are exploiting them for financial and other reasons, strongly hinting that they’re being used against their will as “Weapons of Mass Migration” like Ivy League scholar Kelly M. Greenhill earlier described such a phenomenon. In connection with that, President Assad condemned those states which continue to impose illegal sanctions against the Arab Republic, which has disincentivized some refugees from returning home and thus results in artificially perpetuating this historic humanitarian crisis that was initially sparked by their external war of regime change aggression against his people through terrorist means.

Syria’s “Balancing” Act

Thankfully, Syria can count on its Russian and Iranian wartime allies to help reconstruct the ruined country and thus facilitate the return of millions of refugees to their homeland. To this end, Russia promised to allocate $1 billion as well as open up a trade mission in Damascus while Iran suggested setting up an international fund for this purpose. Both countries seem poised to enter into a “friendly competition” with one another for reconstruction contracts and market space which can only work out to Syria’s ultimate benefit. The Arab Republic is therefore expected to retain its carefully calibrated “balancing” act between them, wisely doing its utmost to prevent the emergence of any complete dependence on either of them in the future. This strategy is consistent with what it’s always pursued over the decades and represents its masterful execution which too many other small- and medium-sized states previously attempted but to no avail. Even worse, many of Syria’s peers saw this strategy backfire on them, thus leading to either their ruin or full dependence on one partner.

Full credit goes to Syria’s world-class diplomats for being able to manage such a difficult policy with such success. Not only are they “balancing” between Russia and Iran, but they also managed to attract the important participation of other countries in their international refugee conference, most curious of which for some observers is Pakistan. Those who only casually follow Syrian affairs might have missed it, but Islamabad recently dispatched massive medical aid to the Arab Republic. This and its participation in the international conference show that the “global pivot state” (which the author previously referred to it as) is capable of bold foreign policy moves independent of its close American, Saudi, and Turkish partners. Pakistan, just like Syria, is also practicing its own “balancing” act between its aforementioned three traditional partners and its three newest ones of Russia, China, and Iran. In fact, it can be argued that Pakistan and Syria are in the process of synergizing their respective “balancing” strategies for the betterment of Eurasia.

Pakistan’s Serendipitous Chance In Syria”

To explain, not only is Syria “balancing” between Russia and Iran, but also between India and Pakistan too. Although Damascus and Delhi have a long history of close relations, Presidential Advisor Bouthaina Shabaan told the Hindustan Times in August 2017 that her country is becoming hesitant about India’s role in its reconstruction after Prime Minister Modi’s highly publicized trip to “Israel” where he did everything from sign intergovernmental deals solidifying their de-facto alliance to even walking barefoot with Netanyahu along the beach. The author realized at the time that this is “Pakistan’s Serendipitous Chance In Syria” whereby Islamabad could flex its anti-Zionist credentials to present itself as a much more credible partner than pro-Zionist Delhi in pursuit of strengthening the two state’s historic relations that reached their high point in 1974 after a Pakistani pilot flying a Syrian jet shot down an “Israeli” fighter flying over the occupied Golan Heights. Syria’s diplomats were evidently receptive to Pakistan’s outreaches, hence the steady improvement of ties.

The Winding Road To W-CPEC+

It’s not just nostalgia for their Old Cold War-era ties nor their shared hatred of “Israel” that’s bringing them closer together nowadays, but pro-Chinese Silk Road pragmatism. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the flagship project of China’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI), and its western branch corridor (W-CPEC+) through Iran has the chance of not only reaching Russia by running parallel with the stalled North-South Transport Corridor (NSTC) across Azerbaijan but can also extend as far as Syria via Iraq. China is the little-discussed third economic force apart from Russia and Iran which is engaged in a “friendly competition” with its partners to develop Syria, and the improvement of Syrian-Pakistani relations as is presently happening could result in W-CPEC+ extending from the Pacific Ocean to the Eastern Mediterranean through Iran, Iraq, and Syria, all of which are allied with one another. It’ll of course take a lot of political will from all sides — not least of all Pakistan — to see this ambitious vision through, but if successful, then it could revolutionize Mideast geopolitics.

All five countries — China, Pakistan, Iran, Russia, and Syria — would benefit from this outcome. The People’s Republic is the world’s second-largest economy and actively eyeing more positions in the Eastern Mediterranean to complement its prospective ones in “Israel”, albeit via more geopolitically reliable mainland routes than the maritime ones connecting it to the self-professed “Jewish State”. Pakistan has an interest in bolstering its credential as the “global pivot state” by having CPEC serve as the platform for integrating Eurasia more closely together. Iran, which is desperately seeking all manner of sanctions relief, is reportedly negotiating a gargantuan economic agreement with China and would certainly benefit by facilitating more East-West trade through its territory. As for Russia, its recent control over Tartus means that it could profit from any Syrian export of Chinese products through that port. As for the Arab Republic itself, its expected benefit is that this vision would accelerate its reconstruction and allow it to finally actualize its pre-war “Five Seas Strategy”.

Concluding Thoughts

All told, Syria’s international conference on the return of refugees was about much more than just its titular topic. Reading between the lines of the details that have since been revealed about this milestone event, it was actually a masterclass in Syria’s “balancing” strategy. The Arab Republic proved that its diplomats are among the most highly skilled in the world after successfully “balancing” between Russia and Iran, as well as India and Pakistan, all with the aim of fulfilling its visionary “Five Seas Strategy” which some argue was partially responsible for provoking the Hybrid War of Terror that’s been viciously waged against it for almost an entire decade already. In the best-case scenario, Syria will eventually serve as the Eastern Mediterranean terminal point of the W-CPEC+ corridor connecting that strategic body of water with the Pacific Ocean via a several-country-long mainland commercial corridor. The successful fulfillment of this vision would revolutionize not only Mideast geopolitics, but also Eurasian geopolitics as a whole, which thus makes it an urgent priority for all.

President Assad Speech to the Int’l Conference on Refugees Return

The video is also available on BitChute 

November 11, 2020 Arabi Souri

President Bashar Assad addressing Refugees Return Conference in Damascus

Damascus is hosting the International Conference on the Return of the Syrian Refugees with the participation of a number of countries in person or through video conference.

The camp led by the United States of America, the usual hypocrites for humanity, boycotting the conference and preventing the return of the Syrian refugees.

President Bashar Al Assad addressed the attendees of the International Conference on the Return of the Syrian Refugees that started today with the following speech.

Transcript of the English translation of President Assad speech:

Ladies and gentlemen, representatives of the countries participating in the conference,

I welcome you in Damascus dear guests, welcome in Syria which although, it has bled from long years of war, the cruelty of the siege, and the criminality of terrorism, it still cheers for meeting its true lovers and those who are truly loyal and who bear in their hearts, minds, and conscience the cause of humanity in every time and place.

In the beginning, I thank our Russian friends for their great efforts in supporting the convening of this conference despite all international attempts to foil it.

I also thank the Iranian friends for their efforts in this regard and for their true support which have contributed to easing the repercussions of the war and the impacts of the blockade.

I highly appreciate your coming to Damascus and your participation in this conference, and I mainly thank the states which have received Syrian refugees and embraced them, and whose people have shared their livelihood and job opportunities with the Syrians despite the economic suffering in those countries.

Dear participants, some states embraced the refugees based on ethical principles while other states in the West and in our region also are exploiting them in the ugliest way through transforming their humanitarian issue into a political paper for bargaining, in addition to making them as a source for money quenching their officials’ corruption without taking into consideration the real suffering lived by the Syrians abroad.

Instead of the actual work to create the appropriate conditions for their return, they forced them to stay through temptation sometimes or through exerting pressures on them or intimidating them, and this isn’t surprising as those governments have worked hard for spreading terrorism in Syria which caused the death of hundreds of thousands of its people, and displaced millions of them, those states can’t be logically the same ones which are the reason and the road for their return to their homeland, and their rejection to participate in this conference is the best evidence on that, the conference that seeks the goal for which they are crying falsely, which is the return of refugees.

If the issue of refugees according to the world is a humanitarian issue, it is for us, in addition to being a humanitarian issue, it is a national issue, we have managed over the past few years in achieving the return of hundreds of thousands of refugees, and today, we are still working relentlessly for the return of every refugee who wants to return and to contribute to building his/her homeland, but the obstacles are large as in addition to the pressures exerted on the Syrian refugees abroad to prevent them from returning, the illegitimate economic sanctions and the siege imposed by the US regime and its allies hinder the efforts exerted by the institutions of the Syrian state which aim to rehabilitate the infrastructure in the areas which had been destroyed by terrorism so as the refugees can return and live a decent life in normal conditions, and this is the main reason for the reluctance of many of them to return to their areas and villages due to the absence of the minimum basic requirements for life.

Despite all of that, the overwhelming majority of Syrians abroad today more than ever want to return to their homeland because they reject to be a ‘number’ on the political investment lists and a ‘paper’ in the hand of regimes which support terrorism against their homeland.

The issue of the refugees in Syria is a fabricated issue as Syria’s history and from centuries ago hasn’t witnessed any case of collective asylum, and despite that Syria, throughout its ancient and modern history, has suffered from successive occupations and continuous disturbances till the sixties of the last century, yet it has remained the place to which those who flee the disturbances and different crises resort, especially since the beginning of the twentieth century and the Ottoman massacres till the invasion of Iraq in the year 2003, and all of that history hasn’t mentioned any wars among the Syrians for ethnic, religious or sectarian reasons, neither before nor after the establishment of the Syrian state.

And as the objective conditions don’t lead to the creation of a situation of asylum, it was necessary for the Western regimes led by the American regime and the states which are subordinate to it from the neighboring countries, particularly Turkey to create fabricated conditions to push the Syrians to collectively get out of Syria, to find a justification for the interference in the Syrian affairs, and later to divide the state and transform it into a subordinate state that works for achieving their interests instead of the interests of its people.

Spreading terrorism was the easiest way, and it started by establishing the Islamic State terrorist organization in Iraq in the year 2006 under the patronage of the US which during the war on Syria joined other terrorist organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Jabhat al-Nusra, and others, and they destroyed the infrastructure and killed the innocent people, in addition to paralyzing the public services intimidating the Syrians and forcing them to leave their homeland.

In the year 2014, and when the Syrian state seemed to be on its way to restore security and stability, these countries mobilized ISIS terrorist group with the aim of dispersing the armed forces and enabling terrorists to control a large part of the Syrian territory, the largest part of which has been restored thanks to the sacrifices of our national army and the support of our friends, this support which had played a great role in defeating terrorists and liberating many areas.

Today we are facing an issue which consists of three interconnected elements; millions of refugees who want to return, destroyed infrastructure worth hundreds of billions and which were built throughout decades, and terrorism which is still tampering with some Syrian areas.

The Syrian State institutions have managed to achieve acceptable leaps compared with their potentials in dealing with such a big challenge, along with the continued war against terrorism, it has offered facilitation and guarantees for the return of hundreds of thousands of refugees to their homeland through several legislations such as delaying the compulsory military service for a year for the returnees, in addition to issuing a number of amnesty decrees from which a number of those who are inside the homeland or abroad have benefited.

In parallel with and despite the illegal siege, the Syrian state has been able to restore the minimum of the infrastructure in many areas such as water, electricity, schools, roads, and other public services to enable the returnees from living even with the minimum necessities of life.

The more the potentials increase, these steps will be faster certainly, and their increase is connected to the receding in the obstacles represented by the economic siege and the sanctions which deprive the state of the simplest necessary means for the reconstruction and leads to the deterioration of the economic and living conditions in a way that deprives citizens of the decent livelihood and deprives the refugees of the chance to return due to the decrease in the job opportunities.

I am confident that this conference will create the appropriate ground for cooperation among us in the upcoming stage for ending this humanitarian crisis which was caused by the largest barbaric Western aggression which the world has ever known in modern history. This crisis, which at every moment affects every home in Syria and the conscience of every honest person in the world, will remain for us as Syrians a deep wound which will not be healed until all those who were displaced by the war, terrorism, and siege return.

I wish for the activities of the conference success through reaching recommendations and proposals which directly contribute to the return of the Syrians to their homeland so as Syria will become, by them and by those who stayed and remained steadfast over ten years, better than ever.

Again, thank you for attending, and God bless you.

End of the transcript.
Credit: Syria news agency SANA staff contributed to the translation.

The conference is attended by 27 countries and boycotted by the USA and its stooges who do not want to relieve the Syrian refugees suffering, they want to continue to invest in that suffering by blackmailing the Syrian government to give away concessions, mainly to recognize Israel, to decrease its cooperation with Iran and Russia, to abandon the Lebanese and Palestinian people’s right for resistance and return to their homelands, and to join the US camp of aggressors against other sovereign countries, and to achieve that, the USA and through its regional stooges want to either replace the Syrian leadership and Syrian government with a puppet regime or at least install its agents in decision-making posts in the Syrian government, and those are exactly what the Syrian people refused to do and have stood up for the USA and its camp of evil satellite states and has paid and still paying a hefty price for stopping the aggressors and reversing the domino effect of the anti-Islamic Muslim Brotherhood-led colored revolutions in the Arab world dubbed the ‘Arab Spring’.

During the conference, Russia pledged 1 billion dollars to help rehabilitate Syria’s electricity and basic services, Iran suggested to establish a fund for helping Syria rebuild its infrastructure, and Lebanese ministers cried of the economic pressure the Syrian refugees have caused on their economy, yet the Lebanese Minister of Foreign Affairs through a video call from Beirut and the Lebanese Minister of Labor from within the conference hall in Damascus failed to mention the criminal contribution of former Lebanese governments and Lebanese warlords in facilitating the terrorist attacks against Syria and abusing the Syrian refugees suffering in their country.

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تحالف خماسيّ دوليّ في وجه القطبيّة الأميركيّة وأعوانها

د. وفيق إبراهيم

التمرد الدولي على الأحادية القطبية الاميركية يتأجج في أميركا الجنوبية والقوقاز وبحر السلع والتنافسات الاقتصادية، لكنه يرتدي في الشرق الأوسط شكل استعادة سورية لسيادتها بشكل كامل، وذلك من خلال الإمساك بوجهي أزمتها الداخلي المتعلق بالميادين العسكرية والخارجي المتجسد بنحو ستة ملايين نازح سوريّ ينتشرون في تركيا والأردن ولبنان وأوروبا ومصر وأنحاء اخرى متوزعة.

واذا كانت الدولة السورية نجحت في الانتصار مع تحالفاتها الروسية والإيرانية وحزب الله على المشروع الإرهابي المدعوم خليجياً وأميركياً فإنها تعمل على استعادة النازحين ضمن إطارها الوطني.

إلا أنها تصطدم بعجزها الاقتصاديّ عن استيعاب هذه الأعداد الكبيرة نتيجة لتدمير معظم مناطقها. هذا بالإضافة الى الحصار والعقوبات الأميركية، الاوروبية والخليجية التي تصيب بنيوياً الاقتصاد السوري بما يؤدي الى تراجع إمكانياته بمعدلات كبيرة.

هناك أمثلة على المحاولات الاميركية لمنع الدولة السورية من استكمال سيادتها، يكفي أن الأميركيين مارسوا ضغوطاً لمنع مصر والإمارات ودول اخرى في اوروبا من حضور المؤتمر الدولي الذي اعدته سورية قبل يومين لمعالجة أزمة النازحين منها.

واتفقوا مع اوروبا والخليج على ممارسة ضغوط في كل الاتجاهات لمنع نجاحه في معالجة ازمة النازحين.

هؤلاء جميعاً مقتنعون بوجهة النظر الاميركية التي تجزم ان استكمال سورية لسيادتها الدستورية والشعبية لن تقتصر تداعياتها على الشرق العربي.

فسورية حليف لاتجاه دولي إقليمي وعربي يعمل على مكافحة النفوذ الاميركي والادوار الاوروبية والخليجية المنصاعة له.

هنا يقدم الاميركيون نموذجاً عن قوة سورية، يظهر بوضوح في قدرتها على جمع 26 بلداً في مؤتمرها الخاص للنازحين ونجاحها في التمهيد لحلف خماسي يرفع شعار كسر الحظر الأميركي مع تحالفاته في السماح بعودتهم الى ديارهم.

مَن هو هذا الخماسي؟ وما هو مشروعه الفعلي؟ إنه سورية وروسيا وإيران والصين وفنزويلا، يرفعون شعار العمل الجدي والحازم على دفع أكبر كمية ممكنة من النازحين للعودة الى ديارهم.

هذا جانب هام جداً من المشروع الخماسيّ، إلا ان هذا الجانب يعمل على توطيد أواصر العلاقات الدولية لهذا الخماسي في مواجهة القطبية الأميركية.

بما يؤدي الى توتير أميركي – خليجي – إسرائيلي مع ضياع اوروبي لم يعُد يعرف ماذا يفعل.

لذلك يحاول الاميركيون بزخم شديد عرقلة إعادة النازحين الى ديارهم في إطار خطة عميقة لإجهاض هذه الخماسية. ويرى الاميركيون ان هذه الخماسية تتضمن بشكل عملي خمسة مشاريع، الاول هو مشروع الدولة السورية المعروف والثاني هو الطموح الروسي للعودة الى القطبية العالمية من خلال دور بلاده في آسيا الوسطى وسورية وفنزويلا وعلاقاته العميقة بكل من الصين وايران.

أما المشروع الثالث فهو الصين التي تعتقد ان هيمنتها الاقتصادية على العالم لم تعد بعيدة وقد لا تتأخر عن 2025، بما يؤكد حاجتها الى تحالفات وازنة في مختلف القارات كإسناد يمنع الأميركيين من الاستفراد بها. لذلك نراها وللمرة الأولى تلتحق بمؤتمر النازحين «السوري» وتتبنى مواقف جذريّة من الصراع مع الأميركيين.

لجهة المشروع الرابع فهو إيران التي نجحت ببناء تحالفات قوية من افغانستان الى باكستان واليمن والعراق وسورية وصولاً الى حليفها القوي حزب الله، هذا رغم الحصار المضروب عليها من قبل الخليجيين والاوروبيين والاميركيين.

هذا ما يدفع ايران الى الإصرار على حماية الدولة السورية حليفتها الاساسية في مجابهة الاميركيين والاسرائيليين، بما يؤدي الى تزخيم جبهة التصدي بالتعاون مع روسيا والصين وفنزويلا في قلب اميركا الجنوبية المجاورة للأميركيين في الشمال.

يتبقى المشروع الخامس الخاص بفنزويلا التي تتعرّض منذ 15 سنة لحصار اميركي يعمل على إسقاط دولتها للسيطرة على أكبر آبار للنفط في العالم تختزنها في اراضيها.

هذه الدول الخمس التي اجتمعت مع 21 دولة اخرى في مؤتمر النازحين في دمشق بدأت تتحضر جدياً لبناء آليات تعرقل القطبية الاميركية الأحادية، التي لا تعمل إلا وقف برنامج يقوم على نهب ثروات العالم وتدمير الدول التي ترفض هذا الاجتياح الاميركي المستمر من 1990.

فهل تنجح هذه الخماسية؟

هذه الدول ليس لديها خيارات كثيرة، فإما ان يهزمها الاميركي نهائياً ويلحقها بمستعمراته او تنتصر عليه وتصمد لتمهّد الطريق نحو نظام قطبي جديد يمنع العربدة واحتلال الدول واستعمال لغة الحروب والحصار والمقاطعات لتركيع الدول.

بما يؤكد أن هذه الخماسية ماضية نحو مجابهة الأميركية لإعادة استقرار نسبي كبير للعلاقات الدولية.

روسيا وتركيا وسورية والوقت الأميركيّ الحرج هل يستفيد لبنان؟

ناصر قنديل

بينما كان العالم منشغلاً في معرفة اسم المرشح الرئاسي الأميركي الذي تؤيده موسكو، كنا منشغلين بوضع اللمسات الأخيرة على خطة شهور الانتقال بين ولايتين رئاسيتين أميركيتين، سواء للرئيس نفسه أو لرئيس آخر، هذا الكلام المنسوب لمسؤول في الفريق الروسي المتابع للسياسة الدولية، تبدو ترجمته قد بدأت عملياً على جبهتين محوريتين في مفهوم الأمن القومي الروسي، هما جبهة القوقاز والجبهة السورية، حيث ليس من باب المصادفة أن يتزامن ظهور دور الراعي الروسي في تثبيت وقف النار في ناغورني قره باغ مع انعقاد المؤتمر الخاص بعودة النازحين السوريين الى بلادهم، وليس خافياً أن الحركة الروسية في الملفين تقتنص الإنجاز من موقع الاشتباك مع مصالح وسياسات أميركية وإسرائيلية واضحة، وبالاحتكاك مع حركة تركية لا تنضبط تحت السقف الروسي وتسير على حافة خطوط التماس.

في أذربيجان قواعد عسكرية أميركية ونقاط ارتكاز إسرائيلية تتصل بمشروع الحرب مع إيران، وفي أرمينيا حكم يدور في الفلك الأميركي، وفي حرب ناغورني قره باغ بين أذربيجان وأرمينيا تمثل تركيا مشروعاً خاصاً بالتنسيق مع أذربيجان في مواجهة أرمينيا، والحركة الروسية تتوّج سريعاً وبأمر عمليات ينقل مئات الجنود من الشرطة العسكرية الروسية وآلياتهم، لفرض وقف للنار، في منطقة تتوسط دولتين غير مواليتين، للسياسات الروسية ولكن في بيئة جغرافية استراتيجية لم يعد ممكناً تجاهل ثقل الحضور الروسي فيها، خصوصاً مع متغيرات السنوات الأخيرة وما شهدته من تصاعد في الحضور العسكري الروسي، وترسم موسكو خطوطاً حمراء للدور التركي، وتضع أرمينيا مجدداً تحت إبطها، وتنتشر قواتها على خط تماس مع أذربيجان وبرضا حكومتها، بصورة تجعل مشهد الانتشار الأميركي والروسي في جغرافيا واحدة شبيهاً بالمشهد السوري.

في سورية يتصدّر الرئيسان السوري بشار الأسد والروسي فلاديمير بوتين، الدعوة لانعقاد مؤتمر النازحين عبر لقاء جمعهما قبل يوم من انعقاد المؤتمر المخصّص لعودة النازحين، وملف العودة منذ سنتين موضوع اهتمام الرئيس الروسي الذي أطلق مبادرة خاصة تجمّدت عند خطوط الاشتباك مع الأميركي، والالتزام العربي والأوروبي والأممي بالسقوف الأميركية، لكن هذه المرة نجح المؤتمر باجتذاب مشاركة الأمم المتحدة، ودولة الإمارات، ومشاركة لبنانية وازنة، وبدا أن المؤتمر قد تزامن مع قرارات سوريّة تشجيعيّة ذات أهمية لضمان العودة الواسعة، سواء عبر ما أعلنه الرئيس الأسد من اتجاه لاتخاذ إجراءات تتصل بالإعفاءات، أو بضمانات أمنية للذين كانوا على ضفاف المعارضة، أو عبر ما ترجمه كلام نائب وزير الخارجية السورية فيصل المقداد بالإعلان عن توجيهات الرئيس الأسد بتأمين المسكن والمدرسة والطبابة للعائدين.

خلال شهور ستكون أميركا في وضع حرج، في التعامل مع خيارات صعبة لمرحلة الانتقال، وموسكو المستعدّة لفرضيات متشائمة لا تعتقد بإمكانية تحققها عبر حماقات عسكرية وأمنية تخرج الوضع عن السيطرة، تضع ثقلها لفرض حقائق ووقائع جديدة، عنوانها وضع سورية على سكة مسار السلم الداخلي، وفقاً لضوابط جديدة للدور التركي، وملف عودة النازحين ومن خلفه مشروع إعادة الإعمار سيكونان على الطاولة، مع دعوة مفتوحة للأميركيين للانسحاب وللإسرائيليين بالتوقف عن العبث، ودعوة موازية للأوروبيين والعرب للانضمام لخيار السلم في سورية، بينما على ضفة موازية تتجه موسكو لحسم الوضع في القوقاز، الذي يشكل الانسحاب الأميركي والإسرائيلي سقفاً لا يمكن تفاديه للسياق الذي بدأ بانتشار الشرطة العسكرية الروسية، وحيث تركيا أيضاً مطالبة بالانتباه للخطوط الحمر الروسية، وحيث أوروبا مدعوة للخروج من سلبيتها.

لبنان أمام فرصة ذهبية ليكون ملف عودة النازحين من لبنان الى سورية، الترجمة الواقعية المتاحة. والتردّد هنا خسارة لبنانية قد يصعب تعويضها إذا ربط لبنان مصير عودة النازحين السوريين بساعة توقيت غير لبنانية.

Existential issues in Basil’s speech, Stop silly discussion قضايا وجوديّة في خطاب باسيل فلا تسَخّفوا النقاش

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Existential issues in Basil’s speech, Stop silly discussion

Nasser Kandil

Some will go to the U.S. indictment of Bassil for corruption, ignoring that Bassil opened a challenge to the U.S. administrations concerned to present any detailed incident outside of the structural speech to prove the corruption charges, and presented to the official negotiations with him to avoid sanctions and their interlocutors have nothing to do with corruption files. Others will want to focus the light on Bassil’s talk about elements of disagreement with Hizbullah and the differentiation from it, especially in the concept of conflict with the entity of occupation, and the ideological position of the existence of the entity, knowing that these positions are not new and have nothing to do with the time of sanctions, and they belong to a general Lebanese culture excluding the resistance team alone, b These positions have accompanied the experience of the resistance since its inception, and its demand that all Lebanese support its choice to liberate the land and defend the rights of without requiring them to share the ideological view of the entity. This was the basis for the birth of the Mar Mikhael understanding between Hizbullah and the Free Patriotic Movement and continues..

In the words of Bassil, what deserves to be much more illuminated than these two cases, and at the forefront of what is interesting, is that for the first time in the case of U.S. sanctions for corruption, in a country hungry for reform, it is the leader of a balanced team in Lebanese society, from the Christian environment that did not bear arms either with the occupation army or against it, the target, here is Mp Bassil, the content of the negotiations conducted with him by U.S. officials, from the level of secretary of state to the U.S. Embassy in Beirut. This content is a resounding scandal in itself, where there are no corruption files put on the negotiating table to seek clarification or correction, but penalties for corruption without files, ready to be issued without hesitation in exchange for clear political barter offers that are not acceptable to interpretation, to stand with the U.S. policy hostile to The interests of Lebanon, and in matters not related to direct U.S. interests, but to Israeli interests, from breaking the relationship with Hezbollah to accepting the settlement of Palestinian refugees and retreating from calling for the return of displaced Syrians and lowering the negotiating ceiling in the demarcation of the border. Material and moral, or reject, in which case your material interests and moral reputation will be mercilessly targeted under the heading of corruption, independent of the validity and credibility of this charge..

– The message that the Americans brought to Bassil is a scandalous, revealing message that is not limited to him, and it should not be viewed through the portal of personalizing it in the meaning directly, for it is the message of the American policy towards Lebanon and the Lebanese political leaders, which affects the most prominent Christian politician in Lebanon, which affects more than all other Christian leaders, and the Christian leader more severely affects all Muslim leaders. This means that everyone in Lebanon is interested in reading the message, America is not interested in corruption or reform in Lebanon except in the point of view of installing files for those who do not adhere to their policies aimed at establishing the priority of Israeli interests, which threaten Lebanon existentially, and who calls for appeasement of America as the savior and savior, he must openly declare during the day that he has no objection to settlement and abandonment of Lebanese wealth and sovereign rights, and that he is ready to accept what Basil rejected, and that the Lebanese have the right to ask those who are excluded from sanctions.

– Those who say that what Bassil says about the positive reasons, whether the negotiations conducted by the Americans with him or the decision of sanctions without any files related to corruption, or the offers of barter, should be aware that the issue is very important what deserves the opposite American responses, and Basil raised the challenge, and the lack of an American answer to the scale of the challenge drops their logic, and they say the validity of the words of Basil, but they call under the slogan of realism to acclimatize, although this is America and we have to accept it as it is indispensable, to pay attention to the extent that they are aware of the scale of the challenge, and the lack of an American answer to the scale of the challenge drops their logic, and they say the validity of the words of Basil, but they call under the slogan of realism to adapt even though this is America and we have to accept it as it is indispensable, to pay attention to the extent that it is not necessary to What the Americans want is clear and there is no room for the Maronites in it, and the essence of resolving the issue of Palestinian asylum by settlement, even if it leads to the displacement of Christians, and accepting The Israeli conditions for the demarcation of the border, even if it leads to the loss of the most prominent lebanese wealth promising, and the abandonment of the most prominent source of strength for Lebanon can create a negotiating balance that protects lebanon’s interest in these two files, which is the force of resistance and its weapons, and for this reason focused on dismantling the alliance with it, and for these we say that there is no problem with us to accept the American conditions, provided that they have the courage to declare it, and not to To  be surrounded by camouflaged words such as calls for neutrality, the decision of war and peace, and so on..


– It is the right of any Lebanese to disagree with Representative Basil in many positions, but the national and moral duty requires recognition of his courage, patriotism and solidity of his position, and the declared solidarity with him is the least duty in the face of this scandalous targeting of American policies and their moral and legal downfall, in contrast to the honorable national position of Bassil, and realizing that The demonization campaign that focused on it under the slogan “Hey hey, he” was nothing but an echo of the American barter movement.

– Any Lebanese has the right to disagree with Mp Bassil in many positions, but the national and moral duty requires recognition of his courage,  patriotism and the solidity of his position, and the solidarity proclaimed with him is less necessary in the face of this scandalous targeting of American policies and its moral and legal fall, as opposed to the national position honorable of Bassil, and the realization that the campaign of demonization that focused on him under the slogan«Hela  Hela ho» was only some echo of. the American movement of barter.

قضايا وجوديّة في خطاب باسيل فلا تسَخّفوا النقاش!

ناصر قنديل

سينصرف البعض لتركيز الضوء على جانبين من كلام رئيس التيار الوطني الحر النائب جبران باسيل، في مرافعته ضد قضية العقوبات الأميركية التي صدرت بحقه. فالبعض سوف ينصرف لعنوان الاتهام الأميركي لباسيل بالفساد، متجاهلاً أن باسيل فتح تحدياً للإدارات الأميركية المعنية بتقديم أي واقعة تفصيليّة خارج الكلام الإنشائي لإثبات تهم الفساد، وعرض للمفاوضات الرسميّة التي خاضها معه المسؤولون الأميركيون لتفادي العقوبات ومحاورها لا علاقة لها من قريب أو بعيد بملفات الفساد. والبعض الآخر سيريد تركيز الضوء على حديث باسيل عن عناصر تباين مع حزب الله والتمايز عنه خصوصاً في مفهوم الصراع مع كيان الاحتلال، والموقف العقائدي من وجود الكيان، علماً أن هذه المواقف ليست جديدة ولا علاقة لها بزمن العقوبات، وهي تنتمي لثقافة لبنانية عامة يُستثنى منها فريق المقاومة وحده، بقواه العقائدية الرافضة للاعتراف بكيان الاحتلال، وما عداها لا يتخطى سقفه العدائي للكيان، ما يسمّيه الدفاع عن الحقوق اللبنانية، والتزام المبادرة العربية للسلام، وهذه مواقف رافقت تجربة المقاومة منذ انطلاقتها، ومطالبتها لكل اللبنانيين دعم خيارها لتحرير الأرض والدفاع عن الحقوق من دون اشتراط مشاركتها النظرة العقائدية للكيان. وكان هذا الأساس لولادة تفاهم مار مخايل بين حزب الله والتيار الوطني الحر ولا يزال.

في كلام باسيل ما يستحقّ الإضاءة أكثر بكثير من هاتين القضيتين، وفي طليعة ما هو مثير للاهتمام، أننا للمرة الأولى في قضية عقوبات أميركيّة بالفساد، في بلد متعطش للإصلاح، وهي تطال زعيماً لفريق وازن في المجتمع اللبناني، من البيئة المسيحية التي لم تحمل السلاح لا مع جيش الاحتلال ولا ضده، يكشف المستهدّف فيها، وهو هنا النائب باسيل، عن مضمون المفاوضات التي أدارها معه مسؤولون أميركيون، من مستوى وزير الخارجية إلى مستوى السفارة الأميركية في بيروت. وهذا المضمون فضيحة مدوّية بذاته، حيث لا ملفات خاصة بالفساد وضعت على طاولة التفاوض طلباً لتوضيحها أو تصحيحها، بل عقوبات بتهمة الفساد بلا ملفات، وجاهزة للصدور من دون تردّد مقابل عروض مقايضة سياسية واضحة لا تقبل التأويل، أن تقف مع السياسة الأميركية المعادية لمصالح لبنان، وفي شؤون لا تتصل بمصالح أميركية مباشرة، بل بالمصالح الإسرائيلية، من فك العلاقة بحزب الله الى قبول توطين اللاجئين الفلسطينيين والتراجع عن الدعوة لعودة النازحين السوريين وتخفيض السقف التفاوضيّ في ترسيم الحدود. وفي هذه الحالة ستفتح لك جنات النعيم الأميركي المادي والمعنوي، أو أن ترفض؛ وفي هذه الحالة فستكون مصالحك المادية وسمعتك المعنوية عرضة للاستهداف بلا رحمة تحت عنوان الفساد، بمعزل عن صحة وصدقية هذه التهمة.

الرسالة التي حملها الأميركيون لباسيل هي رسالة كاشفة فاضحة، ليست محصورة به، ولا يجب النظر إليها من بوابة شخصنتها بالمعني بها مباشرة، فهي رسالة السياسة الأميركية تجاه لبنان والقيادات السياسية اللبنانية، فما يطال أبرز سياسي مسيحي في لبنان يطال بصورة أقوى كل ما عداه من الزعماء المسيحيين، وما يطال الزعيم المسيحي يطال كل الزعماء المسلمين بصورة أشدّ. وهذا يعني أن الجميع في لبنان معني بقراءة الرسالة، أميركا لا يهمها الفساد ولا الإصلاح في لبنان إلا من زاوية تركيب ملفات لمن لا يلتزم بسياساتها الهادفة لتثبيت أولوية المصالح الإسرائيلية، والتي تهدد لبنان وجودياً، ومَن يدعو لاسترضاء أميركا باعتبارها المنقذ والمخلص عليه أن يعلن جهاراً نهاراً أن لا مانع لديه بالتوطين والتخلي عن الثروات اللبنانية والحقوق السيادية، وأنه مستعد لقبول ما رفضه باسيل، ومن حق اللبنانيين أن يسألوا الذين تستثنيهم العقوبات هل قبلوا بما رفضه باسيل؟

– الذين يقولون بعدم صحة ما يقوله باسيل عن الأسباب الموجبة سواء بخلو المفاوضات التي أجراها الأميركيون معه أو لقرار العقوبات من أي ملفات تتعلق بالفساد، أو بعروض المقايضة، أن ينتبهوا الى ان القضية على درجة عالية من الأهمية ما يستحق ردوداً أميركية معاكسة، وباسيل رفع سقف التحدّي، وعدم صدور جواب أميركيّ بحجم التحدي يسقط منطقهم، والذين يقولون بصحة كلام باسيل لكنهم يدعون تحت شعار الواقعية الى التأقلم مع أن هذه هي أميركا وعلينا أن نقبلها كما هي ولا غنى لنا عنها، أن ينتبهوا الى أن ما يريده الأميركيون واضح ولا مجال للمواربة فيه، وجوهره حل قضية اللجوء الفلسطيني بالتوطين، ولو أدّى لتهجير المسيحيين، وقبول الشروط الإسرائيلية لترسيم الحدود، ولو أدّى لضياع أبرز ثروة لبنانية واعدة، والتخلي عن أبرز مصدر قوة للبنان يمكن أن تخلق توازناً تفاوضياً يحمي مصلحة لبنان في هذين الملفين، وهي قوة المقاومة وسلاحها، ولهذا تمّ التركيز على فك التحالف معها، ولهؤلاء نقول إن لا مشكلة عندنا بأن يقبلوا بالشروط الأميركية، شرط أن يمتلكوا شجاعة إعلان ذلك، ولا أن يلتحفوا بكلمات مموّهة مثل دعوات الحياد، وقرار الحرب والسلم، وسواها.

من حق أي لبناني أن يختلف مع النائب باسيل في الكثير من المواقف، لكن الواجب الوطني والأخلاقي يقتضي الاعتراف بشجاعته ووطنيّته وصلابة موقفه، والتضامن المعلن معه هو أقل الواجب بوجه هذا الاستهداف الفضائحي للسياسات الأميركية وسقوطها الأخلاقيّ والقانونيّ، مقابل الموقف الوطني المشرف لباسيل، وإدراك أن حملة الشيطنة التي تركزت عليه تحت شعار «الهيلا هيلا هو» لم تكن إلا بعض الصدى للحركة الأميركيّة للمقايضة.

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CHICKEN KIEV MEETS COLD TURKEY: BLACK SEA AXIS EMERGES?

South Front

Chicken Kiev Meets Cold Turkey: Black Sea Axis Emerges?

Written by J.Hawk exclusively for SouthFront

Kiev’s Unrequited Love

On the face of it, an alliance between Turkey and Ukraine seems like a rather odd creation, yet one that may surprisingly durable simply because neither country has anywhere else to turn. What practically dooms them to a partnership if not an outright alliance is their unenviable geographic and geopolitical position of occupying the strange “no man’s land” between Russia, NATO, and the Middle East. It is, of course, largely a predicament of their own making. Ukraine, with considerable Western backing and encouragement but nevertheless mostly through efforts of a faction of its own oligarchy, opted out of the Russia-centered network of loose alliances, trade partnerships, and other forms of cooperation that were mutually beneficial to the two in the previous two decades. But that defection was not rewarded by the West in a way the likes of Poroshenko, Yatsenyuk, Avakov, Parubiy, and other architects of the Maidan coup expected. Merely being stridently anti-Russian did not prove enough to warrant a shower of US and European cash, only onerous IMF loans which moreover come with conditions Kiev elites are in no hurry to abide by. EU foreign policy chief Josef Borrel lecturing Kiev that the European Union is not an “ATM machine” delivered that point loud and clear: Kiev is supposed to privatize whatever crown jewels its economy still has (at this point, mainly agricultural land), fight corruption of its own elites and facilitate the corruption of Western elites. Joseph Robinette Biden Junior is hardly the only Western politician with a talentless son in need of a lucrative sinecure. There are entire Western companies eager to participate in the thinly disguised plunder that the privatization of Ukraine’s economy will inevitably turn into. A Kiev court’s recent decision to declare the country’s anti-corruption institutions that were painstakingly stood up with considerable aid and tutelage from Western governments, down to screening appropriately-minded individuals for the job, looks as if it were calculated to send a middle-finger gesture to Borrel in terms even dense EU bureaucratic hacks will comprehend. Pro-EU newspapers like Kiev Post were quick to label this a “death of democracy”, presumably with the intent of interesting EU and NATO in sponsoring yet another Maidan since last one seems not to be delivering the goods. The expected shower of Western weaponry has not materialized, probably because NATO is afraid to give Ukraine so much aid that it will risk a full-blown war with Russia.

Ankara’s Burning Hate

Chicken Kiev Meets Cold Turkey: Black Sea Axis Emerges?

Erdogan’s Turkey, by contrast, is in process of de-facto opting out of NATO, though neither Turkey nor the alliance itself want to take the final step of severing ties completely. NATO membership is still beneficial to Turkey. While the procurement of Russian S-400 air defense systems angered NATO and US in particular, resulting in the expulsion of Turkey from the F-35 program and the cancellation of F-35 sale to the country, evidently Ankara hopes that by nominally remaining in the alliance it limits NATO and EU sanctions that would no doubt be far harsher if it were totally out of the alliance. The hope that Turkey, possibly post-Erdogan, will yet see the error of its ways and return to the fold, prevents NATO from adopting harsher stances that would definitely push Ankara away. Yet the drifting apart is unmistakable, and the animosity between Turkey’s leaders and their Western European counterparts is so intense as to beggar belief. While Germany’s Merkel is careful to tip-toe around the issue due to fear of another wave of refugees as well as unrest among the large Turkish diaspora in Germany, France’s Macron seems to have taken a personal affront to Erdogan’s suggestion he might need a mental evaluation and will press the issue of EU sanctions against Turkey at future Union summits.

But from Turkey’s perspective, getting a cold shoulder from the EU is par for the course. Its own migration to the geopolitical gray zone of Eurasia was motivated by EU’s failure to admit Turkey as a member after decades of leading it by the nose and promising neighborhood in some nebulously distant future right after Hell froze over. Like Ukraine, Turkey was not seeking EU membership because of some mythical “shared values”. It, too, saw EU as an ATM machine that would shower Turkey, one of the poorest countries on the continent, with development assistance and moreover allow Turks to freely travel and work throughout the Union. Needless to say, neither of these prospects appealed to pretty much any European country, no matter how close or distant it was geographically. So after decades of leading Turkey by the nose, EU politely put an end to the charade citing problems with Turkey’s democracy. Thus snubbed, Erdogan opted to chart an independent course and appears to be finding a similarly snubbed oligarch clique in Kiev looking for ways the two countries could extract mutual benefit from their isolated status.

Quid pro Quos

There are plenty of those to be had, as limited as Ukraine’s and Turkey’s resources are, compared to such patrons as EU, NATO, US. Faced with isolation and even a potential ban on arms exports, Turkey has a strong incentive to exploit the resources of the Ukrainian defense industry and engage in some export substitution in case vital supplies are no longer available from the West. Canada’s and Austria’s ban on exports of optronics and engines needed for the Bayraktar TB2 combat drones means Ukraine’s ability to provide substitutes would be most welcome. Ukraine, for its part, would not be against deploying a huge attack drone fleet of its own in the hopes of replicating Azerbaijan’s successful offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh on the Donbass, though there Ukraine’s drones would probably run afoul of Novorossiya’s air defenses in the same way Turkish drones were brought to heel over Idlib. Turkey’s Altay main battle tank is likewise little more than an assembly of components imported from other countries, particularly Germany. Since Germany has already placed a ban on export of powerpacks and transmissions for the Altay, Turkey has been casting about for replacements, looking as far as China. Whether Ukraine’s developments in this realm can be adopted to rescue the Altay project remain to be seen. However, the Oplot powerpacks and transmissions can probably be adapted to Altay use, resulting in Turkey realizing its goal of a home-grown MBT. Ultimately, the greater the contribution of Ukrainian defense industry to Turkey’s military modernization, the more freedom of action it would bestow on Turkey and make it less dependent on other foreign sources of military hardware who can exert influence over Turkey simply by withholding future technical support. If the United States were to follow up on the F-35 expulsion with a ban on servicing Turkish F-16s which form the mainstay of its airpower, the result would be crippling of the country’s air combat capabilities that drones cannot compensate for and which would be sorely missed in any confrontation with another comparable power like Greece. Turkey’s efforts to develop an indigenous fighter aircraft would benefit from Ukraine’s technological contributions and its own interest in indigenous aircraft designs. For Ukraine, the relationship would be an opportunity to acquire NATO-compatible weaponry with the caveat that it would have to pay in full for every last drone, either with cash or in kind. Turkey’s economic situation is not so strong as to allow largesse in the form of free military aid to anyone.

Chicken Kiev Meets Cold Turkey: Black Sea Axis Emerges?

Match Made in Hell

Mitigating against the long-term development of what Zelensky referred to as “strategic partnership” with Turkey is the erratic behavior of Erdogan who seeks to dominate any and all partners and tries to see how far he can push before the partners push back. This practice has led to the confrontations in Syria, Libya, and eastern Mediterranean. Ukraine, in contrast to Russia, France, and even Greece, is hardly in a position to push back. The most dangerous aspect of Turkish politics, from Ukraine’s perspective, is the ideology of Pan-Turkism that just might transform Ukraine’s Tatar community into a proxy force for Turkey right inside Ukraine, adding yet another fissure to the already fractured political picture. On the plus side, Erdogan does not appear interested in “combating corruption” in Ukraine, though that does not preclude the possibility Turkey’s military collaboration with Ukraine might not cost Ukraine dearly, though not to the same extent as EU-promoted privatization efforts.

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نهج أردوغان الإخواني يهدّد وجوده

الإخواني التركي أردوغان يهدد الجيش الوطني الليبي - Actualités Tunisie Focus

 سماهر الخطيب

وقف الرئيس التركي رجب طيب أردوغان، أمس، مدافعاً عن الإسلام والمسلمين منصّباً نفسه حامياً للدين الإسلامي في كلمة شهدت ترديده أنشودة إسلامية شهيرة «طلع البدر علينا» وهو كان كما «المنافق» الذي لا تعكس أقواله الأفعال، وهذا ليس بمكان استهجان مما يقوم به أردوغان الذي لا يترك ذريعة إلا ويتمسّك بها لبسط نفوذه وتنفيذ أجنداته «العثمانية»..

إنما ما يجعلنا نضع الاستهجان سيّد الموقف هو قوله بالأمس، أنه «لا يمكن أن يكون المسلم إرهابياً ولا الإرهابي مسلماً».. هذا القول يدفعنا للتساؤل ماذا عن الإرهابيين الذين درّبهم في معسكرات على أرضه للقتال في سورية، وإعادة تدويرهم للقتال في ليبيا ولاحقاً قره باغ.

وليس هناك من داعٍ للإجابة إذ باتت سيناريوات أردوغان واضحة ومكشوفة الأهداف تتلخص بالعزف على إيقاع الكلمات والمفردات لجذب القلوب والتأييد الأعمى وبات نهجه «الإخواني» في السياسة الخارجية واضح المعالم ذا أذرع عسكرية تخريبية في المنطقة برمّتها من شرق المتوسط حتى العمق الأفريقي، عاكساً خريطة الجرائم العدوانية التركية في بؤر الصراعات والأزمات كانغماسه في العمليات الإرهابية في سورية والعراق وليبيا. وليس هذا فحسب بل نسف مفهوم العمق الإستراتيجي بتهديده دولاً عربية كمصر والسعودية والإمارات وتونس، وتجاوز حدود البُعد الإقليمي مع التوتر الذي أشعلته أطماعه المصلحية على الحدود الأوروبية في شرق المتوسط، بعد ما تجاوزت أطماعه قبرص واليونان ضارباً في عرض الحائط ملف الانضمام إلى الاتحاد الأوروبي، ناهيك عن دعمه العدوان الأذري على الأرمن مكرراً سيناريو أحاكه وأخرجه أجداده في الإبادة الأرمنية.

إضافة إلى مواقف أنقرة من ملف اللاجئين وغيره من الملفات المقلقة لأوروبا وعلى رأسها الملف الحقوقي وما يقوم به من تجاوزات بعد محاولة الانقلاب الفاشل، ولأن للرئيس التركي رجب طيب أردوغان باعاً طويلاً من المراوغات والمراوحات بين الحبال الغربية تارة والروسية تارة والعربية تارة أخرى، باتت محاولاته مكشوفة لدى حلفائه وأعدائه فقد وضع نفسه أمام خيارات محدودة، بعد تلك التجاوزات والتي سجلت له صفراً في سورية عقب إرغام قواته على الانسحاب من «مورك» والتي ستتساقط بعدها النقاط التركية الواحدة تلو الأخرى كأحجار الدومينو ما سيجعل من الصعوبة عليه قلب ميزان القوى الذي تميل كفته للدولة السورية، لكونها تخضع بعملياتها هناك لمبدأ السيادة قبل كل شيء، فيما تخضع عملياته لـ»مبدأ» النرجسية وانتهاك السيادة.

وبالتالي تحوّلت تركيا وفق مبادئ «الأردوغانية» إلى قاعدة عالمية للإرهاب يستطيع معها أردوغان تقويض استقرار الدول وانتهاك سيادتها، هذا الرئيس التركي الذي تبجّح أمس، بحماية «المسلمين» وعلق بالقول «لا يمكن أن يكون المسلم إرهابياً» نسي بأنّ الإرهاب المدرّب في تركيا والمجرّب في سورية، أصبح حقيقةً قاطعةً واقعة في أرجاء المعمورة يخشاها المجتمع الدولي ويعمل على الحد من مخاطرها.

ما يعني أنه نفى عن نفسه اعتقاده الديني «المسلم». وخذوا الحكمة من أفواه المجانين إذ كيف له أن يكون «مسلماً» مدافعاً عن «الدين» وإرهابياً جاثياً وراء المخربين صانعاً لـ»فكر» المتطرفين.. متسلقاً على حبال الكلام بالدين والتبجّح بالدفاع عن المسلمين ليحشد حوله المؤيدين كـ»خليفة» للمسلمين ولا ننسى أنّ باكورة أحلامه بـ»الخلافة» بدأت مع تصريحه بالقول «سنصلّي في مسجد الأمويين» وبعد عشر سنين حوّل متحف آية صوفيا إلى مسجد لإرضاء غروره الذي مسحت به الأرض تحت نعال قديسي الجيش السوري وحلفائه..

في المحصّلة يمكننا القول إنه وبعد مرور قرن من الزمن على سقوط السلطنة العثمانية، تعيد السياسات الأردوغانية الهواجس الغربية والعربية تجاه الميراث العثماني الاستعماري، أو ما بات يُعرَف بـ»العثمانية الجديدة»، التي تتلخص في التدخل بالشؤون الداخلية للدول وانتهاج سياسة تخريبية وتدميرية بما يتوافق مع طموحات أردوغان وأحلامه العدوانية التي تشكل تهديداً مباشراً للأمن الاقليمي والدولي.

أما في الداخل التركي، فبدأ قناع أردوغان «الديني» يتلاشى وحتى ما يصرّح به من «كذبات» إن كانت دينية أو قومية بدأت تتكشّف على حقيقتها أيضاً كعُقدة مرَضية عثمانية موروثة تغذيها دكتاتوريته الفردية مستنداً إلى حزب ذي أفكار أخوانية وسلطة تدير أكبر عملية قمع شاملة، من اعتقال وتهجير، للنخب الاجتماعية والسياسية والثقافية والاقتصادية لا مثيل لها في التاريخ التركي المعاصر، متمثلة بعشرات ألوف من الضباط والصحافيين والقضاة والأكاديميّين والاقتصاديين والإداريين. كما يخوض حرباً قومية تدميرية ضدّ مناطق الأكراد رغم وقوف الكثير من وجوه النخب التركية، ولا سيما الثقافية، ضدّ هذه الحرب وتجريمها. أضف إلى ذلك ما يعانيه الشعب التركي من تردّي معيشي وانهيار في العملة التركية وتراجع في الدخل الفردي والقومي ما يجعل وجوده في سدة الحكم تهديداً مباشر للوجود التركي في نظر معظم الشعب التركي.

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