1982 Invasion of Lebanon | UPROOTED PALESTINIANS: SALAM ALQUDS ALAYKUM

Sayyed Nasrallah: Hezbollah Surely Crosses Israeli Red Lines, Assassination of General Zahedi Triggered Biden to Restrain Netanyahu (Videos)

Posted on April 9, 2024 by uprootedpalestinians

April 8, 2024

Lebanon – Live News – News – S. Nasrallah Speeches – Top – Videos

Mohammad Salami

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah stressed on Monday that the Israeli folly of striking the Iranian consulate in Damascus and assassinating the top military advisor General Mohammad Reda Zahedi and his martyred companions pushed the US President Joe Biden to impose certain limits on Netanyahu’s adventure in Gaza.

Addressing Hezbollah ceremony held at Sayyed Al-Shuhada Complex in Beirut’s Dahiyeh to honor the martyred Iranian general along with a number of his companions, Sayyed Nasrallah recalled the US rejection of the expansion of the war zone since October 7.

Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that the Supreme Leader Imam Sayyed Ali Khamenei took the decision of the military response upon the serious essence of the Israeli attack.

First, the attack targeted the Iranian consulate which is considered an Iranian territory, according to the international diplomatic norms, Sayyed Nasrallah, adding that the Zionist aggression claimed Iran’s top military advisor in Syria.

Sayyed Nasrallah cited Zionist analysts as describing the airstrike on the consulate as a major folly, adding that the Israeli officials may have fallen in the miscalculation that Iran would not respond.

US, ‘Israel’ and the whole world have yielded to the fact that Iran has the right to respond to the Zionist crime and will respond, Hezbollah Chief said.

In this regard, Sayyed Nasrallah explained the nature of the Iranian military role in Syria, confirming that only advisors are deployed in order to carry out certain missions and denying the deployment of troops.

His eminence added that the IRGC military advisors in Syria have been always targeted by the Israeli air raids aimed at expelling them and eradicating their role in that country.

Upon the defeat of the terrorist groups in Syria, the Israeli air raids started targeting IRGC cadres and advisors; however, they (Iranian military advisors) have insisted on keeping in Syria in order to support the resistance in Lebanon and Palestine and the Syrian army in its battle against the takfiri organizations, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.

Sayyed Nasrallah noted that all the diplomatic missions in the world include military attaches and advisors, yet that the Israeli enemy tried to promote the false claim of striking Iranian troops in Syria.

Sayyed Nasrallah clarified that the IRGC role in Lebanon and Syria started upon the Israeli invasion in 1982.

“Despite the global war waged by Saddam Hussein regime on Iran, Imam Khomeini dispatched Iranian forces to Lebanon and Syria to confront the Zionist invasion.”

One of the Gulf states provided Saddam Hussein with 200 billion dollars to fund his war on Iran, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that, had such an amount of money been granted to the serious resistance groups, ‘Israel’ would not be in existence nowadays.

As the Zionist invasion stopped, most of the Iranian forces returned home, yet IRGC cadres remained in Lebanon to train the resistance fighters, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that IRGC sacrificed martyrs in Zionist airstrikes on training camps in Bekaa and Syria.

The need of the popular resistance to face the the Zionist enemy made the IRGC cadres train the fighters, provide consultations, grant the logistical support, and convey the expertise to all the resistance groups, according to Sayyed Nasrallah who confirmed that the IRGC advisors were not tasked with fighting the Israeli enemy in the battlefields.

Even upon the eruption of the crisis in Syria, Iran sent military advisors, not troops, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that only resistance groups in the region decided to support Syria in face of the terrorist groups.

‘Israel’ participated in the war in Syria through supporting the terrorist groups by all means, according to Sayyed Nasrallah who recalled the Zionist financial, medical, and military support to takfiri groups.

Sayyed Nasrallah also denied the false claims that Iran controls the government in Syria, stressing that the IRGC advisors have just supported Syria against the terrorist groups.

Martyr Zahedi

In his twenties, Hajj Zahedi was one of the warriors against Saddam Hussein’s war and gained a great military expertise, which enabled him to be promoted to high ranks, according to Sayyed Nasrallah.

Hajj Zahedi became the commander of the IRGC airforce before turning to be the commander of the IRGC ground troops, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that the martyr was then promoted to be the commander of all IRGC operations.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that Hajj Zahedi started his jihadi journey when General Qassem Suleimani appointed him as the IRGC commander in Lebanon and Syria in 1998 for four years.

Hajj Zahedi followed up the liberation in 2000 and the period of preparing the military capabilities to face any Zionist aggression on Lebanon, Sayyed Nasrallah said.

“We expected that the Zionists will take the revenge and wage a war on Lebanon.”

After the martyrdom of Hezbollah military commander Hajj Imad Mughniyeh in 2008, Hajj Zahedi was appointed to be the IRGC commander in Lebanon and Syria for six years, Sayyed Nasrallah said.

After the martyrdom of Hajj Qassem Suleimani in 2020, Hajj Zahedi was appointed again as the IRGC commander in Lebanon and Syria till he was assassinated, Sayyed Nasrallah added.

Sayyed Nasrallah underlined the modesty, baldness, loyalty, and bravery of Hajj Zahedi, noting that he used to attend the scene amid all conditions.

Sayyed Nasrallah narrated how Hajj Zahedi was committed to the path of martyrdom, adding that the martyr wanted to join the resistance fighters in their border battle against the Israeli enemy since October 7.

Hezbollah Chief said that Hajj Zahedi abandoned all ranks in Iran and came to the jihadi field in Lebanon in order to embrace martyrdom.

Israeli War on Gaza

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah cited Israeli interpretations of the outcomes of the Zionist war on Gaza, stressing they highlight the enemy’s area in this regard.

Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out that the Israeli interpretations mention the various failures of the Zionist enemy after six months of the war, including the prisoners issue, missile fire from the Strip, Rafah operation, deaths, evacuation of settlements, diplomatic collapse, economic complication, political and social woes.

Sayyed Nasrallah also cited a survey conducted by Maariv which indicated that 62% of the respondents are not satisfied with the outcomes of the war.

Out of context, Netanyhau claims that he is one step away from the victory, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that the Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant alleged that his troops defeated Hamas just hours before the Zionist withdrawal from Khan Younis.

“Gallant is also detached from the realities.”

Sayyed Nasrallah said that the IOF managed only to commit a genocide and cause a massive destruction and failed to reach any target.

Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that, amid this military failure and the Iranian consulate folly in Syria, Biden held a phone call with Netanyhau to warn him against the continuation of the war on Gaza.

According to the White House statements and the US media, Biden asked Netanyahu to take certain measures pertaining to the killing of the relief workers, Sayyed Nasrallah said.

Just hours later, the IOF Chief of Staff sacked two officers and rebuked three others, Sayyed Nasrallah said, adding that even the aid corridors issue was decided during the phone calls, according to the US reports.

Hezbollah Chief emphasized that the US administration’s conduct proves that it can force the Israelis to stop the war whenever they decide, highlighting the major role of Biden in the ceasefire talks.

Sayyed Nasrallah considered that the Israeli military withdrawal from South Gaza was surprising, adding that the Israelis wanted to avoid making concessions in the ceasefire talks since the withdrawal is one of the basic terms of Hamas in the negotiations.

Hermes-900

Hezbollah leader stressed that, when the Islamic Resistance downed Hermses-450 drone, the enemy bombed Bekaa, adding that the Resistance responded by firing missiles at Golan.

Bekaa-Golan formula has been maintained since then, Sayyed Nasrallah maintained.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that the Islamic Resistance will certainly cross the Israeli red lines amid the Zionist violations, adding that the enemy would understand the deployment of the Resistance defenses on the Southern Front as it wants.

Lebanese Forces and Kataeb

On the anniversary of the civil war in Lebanon, Sayyed Nasrallah asked the Lebanese Forces and Kataeb about the war’s decision making at that time.

Sayyed Nasrallah indicated that such political always question the resistance about the war decision making and its costs, while they involved Lebanon in a costly civil war.

Sayyed Nasrallah also commented on the kidnap incident in Jbeil city, adding that Lebanese Forces and Kataeb’s reaction is a scandal.

Sayyed Nasrallah maintained that grudge, foolishness and connections with foreign schemes have been behind those parties’ anti-Hezbollah accusations.

Sayyed Nasrallah hailed the role of the Lebanese army and security forces in uncovering the culprits in the crime, which frustrates the scheme of accusing Hezbollah of being behind the kidnap crime and stirring sedition.

Sayyed Nasrallah, finally, warned against the threats sent to some of Jbeil locals after the kidnap incident, asserting that this is a very serious issue.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

CHRIS HEDGES: ISRAEL’S TROJAN HORSE

Posted on March 21, 2024 by martyrashrakat

MARCH 20TH, 2024

CHRIS HEDGES

Washington DC — (Scheerpost) — Piers allow things to come in. They allow things to go out. And Israel, which has no intention of halting its murderous siege of Gaza, including its policy of enforced starvation, appears to have found a solution to its problem of where to expel the 2.3 million Palestinians.

If the Arab world will not take them, as Secretary of State Antony Blinken proposed during his first round of visits after Oct. 7, the Palestinians will be cast adrift on ships. It worked in Beirut in 1982 when some eight and a half thousand Palestine Liberation Organization members were sent by sea to Tunisia, and another two and a half thousand ended up in other Arab states. Israel expects that the same forced deportation by sea will work in Gaza.

Israel, for this reason, supports the “temporary pier” the Biden administration is building to ostensibly deliver food and aid to Gaza – food and aid whose “distribution” will be overseen by the Israeli military.

“You need drivers that don’t exist, trucks that don’t exist feeding into a distribution system that doesn’t exist,” Jeremy Konyndyk, a former senior aid official in the Biden administration and now president of the Refugees International aid advocacy group, told The Guardian.

This “maritime corridor” is Israel’s Trojan Horse, a subterfuge to expel Palestinians. The small shipments of seaborne aid, like the food packets that have been air-dropped, will not alleviate the looming famine. They are not meant to.

Five Palestinians were killed and several others injured when a parachute carrying aid failed and crashed onto a crowd of people near Gaza City’s Shati refugee camp.

“Dropping aid in this way is flashy propaganda rather than a humanitarian service,” the media office of the local government in Gaza said. “We previously warned it poses a threat to the lives of citizens in the Gaza Strip, and this is what happened today when the parcels fell on the citizens’ heads.”

If the U.S. or Israel were serious about alleviating the humanitarian crisis, the thousands of trucks with food and aid currently at the southern border of Gaza would be allowed to enter any of its multiple crossings. They are not. The “temporary pier,” like the air drops, is ghoulish theater, a way to mask Washington’s complicity in the genocide.

Israeli media reported the building of the pier was due to pressure from the United Arab Emirates, which threatened Israel with ending a land corridor trade route it administers in collusion with Saudi Arabia and Jordan to bypass Yemen’s naval blockade.

The Jerusalem Post reported it was Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who proposed the construction of the “temporary pier” to the Biden administration.

Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who has called Palestinians “human animals” and advocated a total siege of Gaza, including cutting off electricity, food, water and fuel, lauded the plan, saying, “it is designed to bring aid directly to the residents and thus continue the collapse of Hamas’s rule in Gaza.”

“Why would Israel, the engineer of the Gaza famine, endorse the idea of establishing a maritime corridor for aid to address a crisis it initiated and is now worsening?” writes Tamara Nassar in an article titled “What’s the Real Purpose of Biden’s Gaza Port?” in The Electronic Intifada. “This might appear paradoxical if one were to assume that the primary aim of the maritime corridor is to deliver aid.”

When Israel offers a gift to the Palestinians, you can be sure it is a poisoned apple. That Israel got the Biden administration to construct the pier is one more example of the inverted relationship between Washington and Jerusalem, where the Israel lobby has bought off elected officials in the two ruling parties.

Oxfam, in a March 15 report, accuses Israel of actively hindering aid operations in Gaza in defiance of the orders by the International Court of Justice. It notes that 1.7 million Palestinians, some 75 percent of the Gaza population, are facing famine, and two-thirds of the hospitals and over 80 percent of all health clinics in Gaza are no longer operable. The majority of people, the report reads, “have no access to clean drinking water” and “sanitation services are not functioning.”

The report reads:

The conditions we have observed in Gaza are beyond catastrophic, and we have not only seen failure by Israeli authorities to meet their responsibility to facilitate and support international aid efforts, but in fact seen active steps being taken to hinder and undermine such aid efforts. Israel’s control of Gaza continues to be characterized by deliberate restrictive actions that have led to a severe and systemic dysfunctionality in the delivery of aid. Humanitarian organizations operational in Gaza are reporting a worsening situation since the International Court of Justice imposed provisional measures in light of the plausible risk of genocide, with intensified Israeli barriers, restrictions and attacks against humanitarian personnel. Israel has maintained a ‘convenient illusion of a response’ in Gaza to serve its claim that it is allowing aid in and conducting the war in line with international laws.

Oxfam says Israel employs “a dysfunctional and undersized inspection system that keeps aid snarled up, subjected to onerous, repetitive and unpredictable bureaucratic procedures that are contributing to trucks being stranded in giant queues for 20 days on average.” Israel, Oxfam explains, rejects “items of aid as having ‘dual (military) use,’ banning vital fuel and generators entirely along with other items essential for a meaningful humanitarian response such as protective gear and communications kit.” Rejected aid, “must go through a complex ‘pre-approval’ system or end up being held in limbo at the Al Arish warehouse in Egypt.” Israel has also “cracked down on humanitarian missions, largely sealing off northern Gaza, and restricting international humanitarian workers’ access not only into Gaza but Israel and the West Bank including East Jerusalem too.”

Israel has allowed 15,413 trucks into Gaza during the past 157 days of war. Oxfam estimates that the population of Gaza needs five times that number. Israel allowed 2,874 trucks in February, a 44 percent reduction from the previous month. Before Oct. 7, 500 aid trucks entered Gaza daily.

Israeli soldiers have also killed scores of Palestinians attempting to receive aid from trucks in more than two dozen incidents. These attacks include the killing of at least 21 Palestinians and the wounding of 150 on March 14, when Israeli forces fired on thousands of people in Gaza City. The same area had been targeted by Israeli soldiers hours earlier.

“Israel’s assault has caught Gaza’s own aid workers and international agencies’ partners inside a ‘practically uninhabitable’ environment of mass displacement and deprivation, where 75 percent of solid waste is now being dumped in random sites, 97 percent of groundwater made unfit for human use, and the Israeli state using starvation as a weapon of war,” Oxfam says.

There is no place in Gaza, Oxfam notes, that is safe “amid the forcible and often multiple displacements of almost the entire population, which makes the principled distribution of aid unviable, including agencies’ ability to help repair vital public services at scale.”

Oxfam blasts Israel for its “disproportionate” and “indiscriminate” attacks on “civilian and humanitarian assets” as well as “solar, water, power and sanitation plants, UN premises, hospitals, roads, and aid convoys and warehouses, even when these assets are supposedly ‘deconflicted’ after their coordinates have been shared for protection.”

The health ministry in Gaza said Monday that at least 31,726 people have been killed since the Israeli assault began five months ago. The death toll includes at least 81 deaths in the previous 24 hours, a ministry statement said, adding that 73,792 people have been wounded in Gaza since Oct. 7. Thousands more are missing, many buried under the rubble.

None of these Israeli tactics will be altered with the building of a “temporary pier.” In fact, given the pending ground assault on Rafah, where 1.2 million displaced Palestinians are crowded in tent cities or camped out in the open air, Israel’s tactics will only get worse.

Israel, by design, is creating a humanitarian crisis of such catastrophic proportions, with thousands of Palestinians killed by bombs, shells, missiles, bullets, starvation and infectious diseases, that the only option will be death or deportation. The pier is where the last act in this gruesome genocidal campaign will be played out as Palestinians are herded by Israeli soldiers onto ships.

How appropriate that the Biden administration, without whom this genocide could not have been carried out, will facilitate it.

Feature photo | Israel’s Trojan Horse | Mr. Fish

Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for fifteen years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East Bureau Chief and Balkan Bureau Chief for the paper. He previously worked overseas for The Dallas Morning News, The Christian Science Monitor, and NPR. He is the host of show The Chris Hedges Report.

Stories published in our Daily Digests section are chosen based on the interest of our readers. They are republished from a number of sources, and are not produced by MintPress News. The views expressed in these articles are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MintPress News editorial policy.

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Filed under: "Israel", Egypt, Palestine, Palestinian people, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates UAE, USA | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Benjamin Netanyahu, Besieged Gaza Strip., Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, Gaza Genocidal War on Gaza, International Court of Justice ICJ, Israeli Media, The District of Rafah, The Ministry of Health in Gaza, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Yemen’s Red Sea blockade | Comments Off on CHRIS HEDGES: ISRAEL’S TROJAN HORSE

‘This is for Gaza’ Galloway says after victory in Rochdale byelection

Posted on March 2, 2024 by uprootedpalestinians

March 1, 2024

Source: Agencies

British legislator George Galloway is welcomed after his arrival in Gaza at the Rafah border crossing with Egypt, southern Gaza Strip, Wednesday, Jan. 6, 2010. *(AP Photo/Eyad Baba)*

By Al Mayadeen English

The former Labour MP secures an impressive victory with 12,335 votes – 39.7% of the total.

Former Labour MP George Galloway secured the position of lawmaker for the English town of Rochdale on Friday.

Galloway secured an impressive victory with 12,335 votes – 39.7% of the total – surpassing predictions and establishing a significant 5,697-vote majority.

He surpassed the second-placed independent candidate David Tully, while the former Labour candidate, Azhar Ali, came in fourth after losing support from the opposition party over accusations against “Israel”.

“[Labout Party leader] Keir Starmer, this is for Gaza,” he said in his victory speech. During his campaign, Galloway criticized both Labour and the Conservatives for their support of the Israeli occupation entity in its war on Gaza.

“Keir Starmer. This is for Gaza.”
George Galloway victory speech. He says his victory is a warning for Keir Starmer that Labour has lost the confidence of their voters. #RochdaleByElection pic.twitter.com/wNPMs96cwN
— Darshna Soni (@darshnasoni) March 1, 2024

“You will pay a high price for the role that you have played in enabling, encouraging and covering for the catastrophe presently going on in occupied Gaza, in the Gaza Strip.”
This marks Galloway’s seventh parliamentary win and poses a challenge to Labour, a party he was once part of but was expelled for criticizing then-Prime Minister Tony Blair over the Iraq war.

Galloway’s victory marks the inaugural representation of his left-wing Workers Party of Britain in parliament.

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Galloway has pledged to be a vocal advocate for Gaza in parliament, challenging Labour’s evolving stance on the war that initially included full backing for the Israeli occupation, followed by a shift toward calling for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire.

“Labour is on notice that they have lost the confidence of millions of their voters who loyally and traditionally voted for them generation after generation,” he said following his victory.

He expressed his aspiration to form a “grand alliance” with Rochdale councilors to address local issues. He had advocated for the reinstatement of maternity services in the town.

Galloway’s support for Palestine

The Palestinian cause is not new to Galloway’s political career and identity. Back in 1977, after he made a visit to Beirut, he said: “Although it was a difficult decision for me to make the journey back to Scotland, barely a week after my return I made a pledge, in the Tavern Bar in Dundee’s Hawkhill District, to devote the rest of my life to the Palestinian and Arab cause, whatever the consequences for my own political future.”

Since then, Galloway formed the British Trades Union Friends of Palestine and became its first General Secretary in 1980. Two years later, in 1982, he founded the Emergency Committee against the invasion of Lebanon.

I'm proud of my support for #Palestine for 50 years. I'd rather die than recant it. As long as God gives me breath I will support them and after me my six children. And their children. Anyone who imagines otherwise is a fool. pic.twitter.com/p6ZBn2ehto
— George Galloway MP (@georgegalloway) February 27, 2024

When he was a young Labour Party activist, he called for his home town of Dundee in Scotland to be twinned with Nablus in the Occupied West Bank.

His unwavering support for Palestine and Gaza throughout his career has naturally caused tension between him and both American and British politics. He has spoken publicly during conferences and events to remind the public of the atrocities being carried out in Gaza and Palestine by “Israel”, and he has walked out during multiple meetings in refusal of debating with Israelis.

He currently hosts a talk show on YouTube called Mother of All Talk Shows (MOATS) in which he tackles global political matters, but the main highlight concerns Gaza. He also has a show on Al Mayadeen called Kalima Horra in which he also talks about the same matters.

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Filed under: "Israel", Britain, Egypt, Palestine, United Kingdom UK, USA | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Besieged Gaza Strip., George Galloway, Israeli Brutal Aggression, Israeli Occupation, Nablus, Palestinian cause, The District of Rafah, Tony Blair, UK Labour Party | Comments Off on ‘This is for Gaza’ Galloway says after victory in Rochdale byelection

1982 Beirut welcomes invaders with 3 bullets and a cup of coffee

Posted on September 25, 2023 by martyrashrakat

24 Sep 2023

Source: Al Mayadeen English

In memory of martyr Kahled Alwan, this pole continues to stand in Hamra Street near the former location of the Wimpy cafe where the Resistance operation was conducted on September 24, 1982 (Ahmad Karakira)

By Myriam Charabaty

The Wimpy Operation in Hamra, Beirut, drove the invading Israeli Occupation Forces of 1982 out of Beirut as it proved that Resistance is Beirut’s popular choice.

Believing they had conquered Beirut, the first Arab capital to be invaded, Israeli soldiers believed they owned the city and broke its will. However, a man, with a gun, at a coffee shop made a loud proclamation: Resistance is Beirut’s popular choice.

In the heart of Beirut, on a street that became an integral part of the collective memory of many Arabs, stood Khaled Alwan, on September 24, 1982, and welcomed Israeli invaders to Beirut with bullets shot at point blank.

Alwan who had chosen the path of either ‘Resistance or Martyrdom until Liberation’, had taken it upon himself to proclaim Beirut a beating heart of Resistance against Israeli occupation. Much was written and said about what was later known as the Wimpy Operation, but what remains today is the legacy the operation leaves today.

Resistance is Beirut’s popular choice

On June 6, 1982, “Israel” invaded Lebanon following a series of confrontations that had not stopped since the Zionist occupation of Palestine in 1948. By September 15, Israeli occupation forces had made their way to the border of Beirut with the ICRC marking the civilian death toll during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon as between 15 to 20,000 people.

During that time Lebanon was divided between East and West as the civil war was raging in the country and the confrontation line divided Beirut into East and West. “Israel” managed to invade West Beirut but East Beirut at the time was also facing the consequences of the Israeli plan to fragment Lebanon even further and occupy it as it has Palestine.

On August 23, 1982, Bachir Gemayel, a close Israeli ally at that time, was controversially elected President of the Lebanese Republic “on top of an Israeli tank,” as the saying goes in Lebanon. Soon after, and before he assumed power, Gemayel was assassinated on September 14 by Syrian Socialist National Party (SSNP) member Habib Shartouni who considered Gemayel a traitor for being allied with the enemy, occupier of Palestine, and invader of Lebanon.

Hours after the official announcement of the assassination of Gemayel, “Israel” invaded [at that time so-called] West Beirut, and at the time the Washington Post wrote, “Observers suggested last night that the Israelis were intent on occupying all of the capital.” The WashPo had also underscored that Israeli soldiers claimed to have been faced with little Resistance.

The deluded Israeli soldiers believed themselves conquerors but quickly realized they were not only facing political opposition but that Resistance was the popular choice of most people who walked the streets of Beirut.

How it went down

On September 24, 1982, just about 10 days after the Israelis made their way into West Beirut, Khaled Alwan, alongside a small group of his friends, made their move.

In an exclusive interview with those who were present with martyr Alwan on that day, Al Mayadeen uncovered in 2022 the details of the operation.

One of martyr Alwan’s comrades told the story as such:

“We were in one of the bingo shops on Hamra Street, and we were sitting with the martyr, may God have mercy on him, Khaled Alwan, and with us are some brothers who are currently in Lebanon, including W.H. and M.A., whom I cannot mention the names of given that they are currently in Lebanon serving in sensitive places.

They entered and told us that there was an Israeli Land Rover and an Israeli group outside in the Wimpy Café. We went out and monitored the situation in detail. There was an officer accompanied by two others drinking beer and coffee at the left entrance to the coffee shop. They had a Willys jeep equipped with a MAG machine gun.

Brother Khaled and I then entered. We kissed and said goodbye to each other and recited the Shahada.

I asked Khaled to stand in front of the existing Land Rover and cover me. He gave me a signal that the Mag was locked, so I told him let’s use the gun. I moved forward a meter or two, and the first officer was shot. He was wearing sunglasses and placing them on his forehead. He was hit directly in the face, and the two people who were with him were severely wounded.”

Then Alwan was able to withdraw safely from the scene, as was the case with the entire group of comrades he worked with. The Wimpy Operation marked a turning point, marking the start of a series of operations that the people of Beirut carried out against the Israeli occupation forces, forcing them to withdraw out of Beirut only days after having invaded it.

Wimpy cafe, Hamra, on September 24, 1982, following the neutralization of Israeli Occupation Forces invading Beirut. (Social Media)

It is no easy decision for any invading military to withdraw from a city they had recently conquered, let alone “Israel” making the decision to withdraw from the first Arab capital it conquered, following al-Quds, just in the span of a few days.

This indicated that despite the fact that Alwan himself and the group that conducted the operation were members of the SSNP, they acted and represented the core conscience of the people of Beirut where Resistance was. In fact, a popular choice.

Alwan’s operation prompted the intensification of operations targeting the Israeli invaders. Multiple parties embraced the new wave of Resistance based on the will of the people of Beirut to make the Israeli invaders pay for what they had done ever since 1948.

The scene at the Wimpy Cafe, Hamra, Beirut, following the Wimpy Operation carried out by martyr Khaled Alwan and his crew on September 24, 1982. (Social media)

Even today, the legacy of the Wimpy operation echoes despite Alwan having been assassinated a few years later on his way from Aley to Beirut in 1985.

Wimpy Operation still echoes today

Every year on September 24, Hamra streets remember martyr Khaled Alwan who proved that Beirut could not be conquered because the Arab people residing in this city will always choose Resistance over surrender.

In 1991, film director Atef al-Tayeb made a movie about Naji al-Ali, which is a scene wherein actors display the events of the Wimpy Operation. In this scene, and as the popular story of witnesses goes, Alwan saw the Israeli soldiers mocking the waiter saying they will not pay in Lebanese pounds and trying to force him to accept Shekel as payment, Alwan walks in and cuts them off saying, in a welcoming and hospitable tone, “how can we let you pay and you are our guests, leave the bill on me” and takes out his gun and shoots at them.

ولووووووو انتو ضيوفنا#خالد_علوان #عملية_الويمبي pic.twitter.com/kWSpzWnH9N— راغدة (@Raghidaksleem) September 23, 2023

This scene continues to circulate until today. From generation to generation, this scene marks in the hearts of many a moment of pride they have never experienced first-hand. It has become a symbol of “hospitality” toward the Israeli occupation underscoring that there is no flexibility in addressing the occupation and that the decision to remain steadfast in pursuit of armed Resistance until the complete liberation of Arab territories is a decision that has been passed on from one generation to another.

Renowned young caricaturist Mohammad Nouhad Alameddine also made a contribution in memory of the Wimpy Operation which was published initially in Al-Akhbar newspaper but soon after had taken over Arab social media platforms.

الذكرى الـ41 لعملية الويمبي التي نفّذها الشهيد #خالد_علوان ضّد جنود الاحتلال على رصيف مقهى #الويمبي في #الحمرا بتاريخ اليوم من العام 1982 خلال الاجتياح الاسرائيلي لبيروت. والتي أسفرت عن مقتل ضابط وجرح جنديين اثنين#خلي_الحساب_علينا #خالد_علوان pic.twitter.com/IG2xw2yf7F— Mohammed Alwajih (@MohammedAlwaj16) September 24, 2023

Lebanese Journalist described the Wimpy Operation as “6,000 kisses on the feet of 3,000 woman, children, and elders who were slaughtered in the camp of Sabra and Chatila. The Wimpy Operation was 30,000 flowers on the tombs of 30,000 martyrs who had risen in the war against the Israeli invasion in 1982. The Wimpy Operation resembled the dignity of an entire city and people….The Wimpy Operation is a prayer ritual and an olive bud sprouting with every confrontation, stone, bomb [targeting Israeli Occupation Forces] in Palestine.”

In the conscience of Beirut, the Wimpy Operation remains alive.

Filed under: "Israel", Lebanon | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Bashir Al-Jmayel, Individual resistance operations, Leb-Resistance alliance, Martyr Khaled Alwan, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, Syrian Socialist National Party (SSNP), The Wimpy Operation in Beirut, This is Beirut | Comments Off on 1982 Beirut welcomes invaders with 3 bullets and a cup of coffee

“The Idea of Palestine Hounds Zionists.” Edward Said

Posted on September 21, 2023 by uprootedpalestinians

September 20, 2023

Global Research,

By Edward W. Said and Nashwa Bawab

In These Times 18 September 2023

Region: Middle East & North Africa

Theme: History, Law and Justice

In-depth Report: PALESTINE

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In September of 1982, Edward Said analyzed the Zionist invasion of Lebanon, calling for justice for Palestinians. Days later, the right wing Lebanese Phalangist militia, accompanied by Israel, embarked on a brutal massacre at the Shatila refugee camp.

Forty-one years ago, in the midst of the Lebanese Civil War, Israeli Defense Forces invaded southern Lebanon and besieged Beirut, forcing the Palestine Liberation Organization into Tunisia. With much foresight, Edward Said wrote a piece in September 1982, stating:

“What matters about Palestine is what has always prevented Israel from converting its military superiority into lasting political gains: that invincible Palestinian desire to keep hold of what is right and to reject what is wrong.”

Image: “Robin Moyer, USA, Black Star for Time. Beirut, Lebanon, 18 September 1982. Aftermath of massacre of Palestinians directed by Lebanese Forces with the complicity of senior members of the Israeli Cabinet and Defence Forces and conducted by Christian Phalangists and members of the South Lebanon Army in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps.” “Moyer saw flares burst above the camps, and went there to discover piles of bodies – brutally shot. He photographed for hours surrounded by the smell of death, while soldiers joked around. The killers were never brought to justice.” (Licensed under Fair Use)

Just a few days after this piece by Said was published by In These Times, the right wing Lebanese Phalangist militia, accompanied by Israel, entered the Shatila refugee camp and the adjacent Sabra neighborhood, closed off exits and went on a two day killing campaign. The Sabra and Shatila Massacre occurred between September 16 and 18 and ended with between 2,000 and 3,500 Palestinian and Lebanese men, women and children dead. This became known as one of the most horrific massacres of the Lebanese Civil War.

Today, as Israel continues its occupation of Palestine in new and brutal ways, it also continues fighting skirmishes along the southern border of Lebanon.

In 1982, Edward Said wrote:

With thousands of Israeli troops ravaging Lebanon, with literally uncountable civilian casualties caused by terror bombing, with a political campaign designed expressly to dehumanize the Palestinians (two-legged beasts, terrorists, as Begin and his minions call them) in order to kill them more easily— with all this and worse, it may now seem inappropriate to reflect on the idea of Palestine. Certainly the Philip Habib mission allowed for no such reflection, and this, like American policy itself, takes the sense out of the Middle East.

Unlike Europe, where at least there is a historical sense of the human and political meaning of the struggle for Palestine by Palestinians, the American scene is rife either with on-the-spot reductive reporting of the kind that encourages Israeli apologists to say the media lied about the war’s horrendous scope, or with endlessly dreary commentary about questions, formulated by U.S. policymakers, that skirt the issues and confine the Palestinian problem to evacuation from Beirut.

Yet in both Europe and America, the immediate drama of the Palestinian-Lebanese tragedy threatens entirely to overwhelm thought. And even though expressions of outrage, displays of attitude and pratings about “new political opportunities” are understandable, one must not lose sight of the ideas and values embodied in the awful scenes unfolding before us. There are three important aspects of the idea of Palestine.

First, the idea of Palestine — represented by every one of the four million Palestinians — has driven the Israeli military machine to its furious assaults on Lebanon and elsewhere. There is a simple, irreducible authenticity in the simple existence of Palestinians who speak of Palestine as their homeland, an authenticity with which Zionists have been unable to deal except by massive negation and denial. Security, peace or an end to terrorism are not the root issue, but rather the assertion by every Palestinian, militant or not, that he or she was displaced, dispossessed, dispersed by Israel when it appeared in 1948. Leaving aside Begin, Sharon and Eytan, whose outrages upon logic and life have provoked respected Israelis like Professor Yehoshua Leibowitz to speak of “Judeo-Nazism,” Israeli resourcefulness has always faltered. when it came to native Palestinians. Either they were ignored, or they were to be punished. For once you create a polity based, so far as Palestinians are concerned, on the advantages of being a Jew and the equal and opposite disadvantages of being a non-Jew, the collective enterprise will inevitably be called into question by the non-Jews (the Palestinians) who must live the disadvantages. The more they have done so, the more Zionists have collectively denied them. This pattern has, obviously enough, increased the level of Palestinian resistance.

The idea of Palestine—represented by every one of the four million Palestinians—has driven the Israeli military machine to its furious assaults on Lebanon and elsewhere.

Zionist Project Has Always Been Colonisation and Exclusion of Indigenous Palestinians

Israeli’s present policies are all designed to destroy the Palestinian will to national self-determination by destroying the basis for an independent Palestine. The word Palestine is forbidden on the Occupied Territories, as are any institutions expressing Palestinian nationalism — schools, universities, books, newspapers, municipal councils. Above all, it is the idea of Palestine as it has been formulated, bumblingly and perhaps confusedly by Palestinians as an idea of coeval existence in the same world now ruled by Zionists, that Israel seems to have committed its national energies to fighting. No opening articulated by the PLO, or for that matter by Zionist doves, seems unworthy of rejection, attack, abuse.

How starkly it has come down to the truth that hardline Zionists, with their purblind Western apologists in tow, stake Israel’s existence on the actual liquidation of any trace of Palestinian life. How utterly despicable is Begin’s demagoguery when it posited either Palestine or Treblinka while his armies were bombing refugee civilians without mercy a few miles away, and incarcerating many thousands of their men in virtual concentration camps, denied prisoner of war status.

Yet Israeli supporters like Conor Cruise O’Brien still rant on about the virtues of “peace in Galilee,” ignoring the truth. For the past year alone there have been more than 7,000 Israeli violations of Lebanese air-space, territorial waters, land boundaries, each recorded by United Nations Truce Observers. Compared to one Israeli casualty during the three months prior to the invasion, Israel killed several hundred Palestinians and Lebanese in air strikes and border raids, and maintained a cashiered Lebanese officer in an enclave inside Lebanon. This is the state that now says it is for a free and independent Lebanon, without at the same time concealing that it wants Lebanon ruled by its Phalangist allies. Far from the attempted assassination of Shlomo Argov being a real reason for the invasion, Israeli officials — Begin, Shamir, Sharon, Arens, Eytan — have repeatedly stated their intention to raid Lebanon. It has always been a question of “when” not of “whether.” As for the gravity of the supposed PLO ability to destroy Israel, so gullibly and piously reported by the tearful O’Brien, that was never taken seriously by ruling Israelis. The war’s military results have disproved it completely, although now Begin’s propaganda mills are grinding out a new confection, that Israel forestalled a Soviet takeover of the Middle East. The main point has always been Israel’s unremitting war on the very concept of Palestinian nationalism, so that the aggression on Lebanon was a required extension of colonial practices on the West Bank and Gaza. Menahem Milson has been saying exactly that for well over a year.

The last remnant of Arabism.

Second, the idea of Palestine today is the last credible and actual component of Arabism. Divided as it has rarely been before, the Arab world presents a spectacle provoking laughter and tears in equal measure. Vast wealth and potential power for good are squandered. Internecine quarrels take an unseemly toll in lives as well as resources. The greedy corruption of alienated, incompetent regimes have turned most of the Arab world into something closely resembling a prison. Along with the abrogation of democracy, the regimes justify their authoritarianism in the name of national security and of Arabism. Religious fundamentalism has been bred in direct response both to the regimes’ tacit complicity with the enemies they profess to be fighting and to the Arab world’s directionless drift. When creativity or talent appears it is routinely, and officially, silenced. Only cults of the ruler, the party, and the regime are given unlimited headway. And still the rhetoric of Arabism pours forth.

At its focal point is Palestine. Yet, as recent research has shown, it has always been popular pressure on indifferent rulers that brought them round to the Palestinian cause. This was the case in the Gulf during the 1936 Palestine General Strike when the first financial aid to the Palestinian Arabs was sent, and the pattern has continued since. Plainly, however, rulers have gotten the better of their people, since during the darkest days of the Israeli siege of Beirut all that the Arab states could muster was some pleading at the American court, and ineffective pleading at that. The question is why, and why is the question of Palestine relevant to all this?

Palestinian stand in Lebanon and elsewhere incarnates opposition (indeed, the only consistent opposition) to Israeli designs on the Arab world.

For one, the presence of a body of committed, politicized Palestinian fighters organically related to their community directly impugns every inactive Arab army and party. Yasser Arafat is on the front lines with his people, not in a palace; he walks the streets as unprotected as anyone else. His enemy is the common enemy and he fights it directly, instead of resorting to public rantings expressing enmity, even as private accommodations are made with the status quo. Can it be lost on any Arab that while 500,000 Arab troops, 900 Arab planes, 3,000 Arab tanks and three Arab countries could not withstand Israeli might for more than six days in 1967, the PLO has done so for eight weeks with scarcely 100 antiquated tanks and no air force at all?

For another, the Palestinian stand in Lebanon and elsewhere incarnates opposition (indeed, the only consistent opposition) to Israeli designs on the Arab world. Consider that for at least 50 years the Zionist vision of the region has narrowed inexorably to a ghetto state on the one hand and, on the other, an Arab world kept in a state of permanent unrest. According to a former chief of Israeli intelligence, the campaign in Lebanon wouldn’t have been possible without the safeguard of a neutralized Egypt. Israeli efforts to destabilize Lebanon have been in place since the middle ’50s, even down to the details of a Maronite major in South Lebanon acting as an Israeli surrogate: the Sharret diaries are irrefutable evidence of this. Gen. Sharon has been open about his plans. Last December he declared that Israeli “strategic” interests now included the whole of the adjacent Arab world, plus Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, North Africa and Zimbabwe. Jordan he has unilaterally decided is to be Palestinian, and in addition his government has bombed Iraq, annexed the Golan Heights, penetrated Saudi land, sea and air space, to say nothing of destroying Lebanon in order to make it “Christian.“

Against all this, the Arab states have nothing to say, and have done less. The Palestinians are the only force actually resisting Israel in the Middle East. In this they immediately enact the ritual incantation of Arab nationalism — that imperialism must be opposed. Only the Palestinians do it because the abiding idea of Palestine, which fuels their stubbornness, has given them the courage to do so.

Third, because the idea of Palestine is grounded in the life of every Palestinian, and because it represents the only direct Arab effort against an expansionist Israel, it is also a kind of wedge opening up the discrepancy between Israel as it has appeared internationally and as it is in fact. Moral, democratic, unusual, special: These were the words baptizing Israel’s creation in 1948. Its claims on the West because of European guilt over anti-Semitism continue, although almost everywhere else Israel is synonymous with ruthlessness, cruelty and oppression. The fact that no less than 24 beleaguered West Bank and Gaza mayors signed a declaration denouncing Israel’s war on Lebanon and expressing unqualified support for the PLO is, despite Milson’s theories, something to be noted for its own sake in the annals of settler-colonialism.

Who are the Palestinians if not the functional equivalent of Israel’s blacks, or red Indians? Why, if not because of its attitude toward the Palestinians, does Israel herd together naturally with South Africa, every fourth-rate Latin American junta, the entire American right wing, from Jerry Falwell to Irving Kristol to Ronald Reagan?

As for liberals who preach support for Solidarity and tutelage for Palestinians, or those who go on sanctimoniously about terrorism and are silent when it comes to Israel’s almost apocalyptic state terrorism, they are shown up for the moral cowards and liars they are because Palestinians can be seen dying on the TV screen every night.

The idea of Palestine living in all Palestinians is not just a matter of land, water and a flag. They are important, but not the only thing. What matters about Palestine is what has always prevented Israel from converting its military superiority into lasting political gains: that invincible Palestinian desire to keep hold of what is right and to reject what is wrong. By most standards, the Palestinians are a modestly endowed people, although a people possessed by what is in the strict sense a secular ideal. They want justice, but not abstract justice. Rather, they want something that can be lived by them collectively in forms that can still be called just. In support of this, they have offered no metaphysical rationale, no divinely ordained trans-historical scheme. For them the idea of Palestine is adequate to their real memory, their actual present and their minimal requirements for the future. This is the idea’s power, which even the Lebanese conflagration will not diminish.

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Edward W. Said was Parr Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia University

Nashwa Bawab is Assistant Editor at In These Times. She is an organizer and reporter with bylines in The Intercept, Electronic Intifada, Texas Monthly, The Texas Observer and more.

Featured image: Memorial in Sabra, South Beirut (Licensed under CC BY 3.0)

The original source of this article is In These Times

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Filed under: American crimes, Israeli Crimes crimes against humanity, Lebanon, Palestine, Palestinian people | Tagged: 1975 Civil War in Lebanon, 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ariel Sharon, Edward Said, Menachem Begin, Palestinian Liberation Movement PLO, Pan-Arabism, Phalange party crimes, Ronald Reagan, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, The Six-Day War, Yitzhak Shamir | Comments Off on “The Idea of Palestine Hounds Zionists.” Edward Said

ISRAEL’S LICENSE TO KILL: UNRAVELING THE SABRA AND SHATILA MASSACRE

Posted on September 19, 2023 by Zara Ali

SEPTEMBER 18TH, 2023

Source

Miko Peled

The Sabra and Shatila massacre was no accident. Nor should it have come as a surprise to anyone. It had to have been well planned in advance and demanded a great deal of cooperation between the forces involved.

The logistics had to have been worked out first. Closure of the camps, providing supplies and ammunition for the murderers, plans where to dig the mass graves for thousands of bodies, trucks and bulldozers needed to carry the bodies and dig the graves, the flares to light up the skies at night had to be coordinated with the military so that the murders are not interrupted by darkness. Manpower had to be allocated, and the political consequences needed to be considered.

From Glorious Millennia to Death and Destruction: Zionists Rewrite Palestine’s Story

This list is not exhaustive, but it gives us an idea of the careful planning that likely took place and, in turn, required time. It also shows that a very large number of people had to be in on this plan, yet it was never revealed.

The Israeli invasion of Lebanon began in June of 1982, and in no time, the Israeli forces were on the outskirts of Beirut. This means there were more than three months to coordinate between the forces to plan the massacre.

I was still in the midst of my mandatory military service at the time. I was home on leave that day, and I recall being called to return to the base. My role was completely non-combative. I taught first aid to medics in a base near Tel Aviv, and I found it strange that I was called in on a Saturday night.

The official day of the beginning of the invasion was Sunday, June 6, but I recall being called to return on Saturday night. You could tell just by driving along the highways between Jerusalem, where I lived, to the base where I served and which was located just south of Tel-Aviv, that something was going on. I remember seeing tanks being sent north and thinking that was never a good sign.

IT WAS INEVITABLE

By 1982, Israel had been responsible for countless atrocities in which Palestinian men, women, children, the elderly, medical workers, journalists, writers, poets, clergy and political leaders were massacred or assassinated in their beds. So how was this massacre not foreseen, especially when all the signs were there?

The timeline of the buildup to the massacre in the Sabra and Shatila camps was presented in an Aljazeera report from 2022. In June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon. While the declared objective was to defend the Galilee from attacks from southern Lebanon, its aim was to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).

The PLO withdrew from Lebanon by September 1, 1982. Assurances were provided by the United States and a multi-national force that the remaining Palestinian refugees and civilians would be protected. Once again, the world stood idle as Israel slaughtered Palestinians and Lebanese.

Then, the leadership of the PLO and the Palestinian fighting forces were given no choice but to leave Lebanon and sail to Tunis. The assurances by the United States regarding the safety of the Palestinians who remained without any protection were useless, unenforceable and disingenuous.

Two weeks after the PLO leadership and fighters departed, the Israeli military closed off the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps. It provided cover for the Phalange, a right-wing Lebanese militia who were allies of Israel, allowing them to carry out the mass killings. Israeli commanders on the ground saw what was happening; they saw mass graves being dug, and they notified the chain of command all the way to the Minister of Defense, Ariel Sharon. Sharon was, of course, in on the planning and said that Israel should not trouble itself by intervening when “Arabs kill Arabs.”

A LICENSE TO KILL

The agreement under which the PLO left Lebanon was published in the New York Times on August 21, 1982. It is a pretty straightforward document. The clause dealing with guarantees for the safety of Palestinian civilians being left behind should have raised a red flag. It reads as follows:

Law-abiding Palestinian noncombatants left behind in Beirut, including the families of those who have departed, will be subject to Lebanese laws and regulations. The Governments of Lebanon (GOL) and the United States (US) will provide appropriate guarantees of safety in the following ways:

∗ The Lebanese Government will provide its guarantees on the basis of having secured assurances from armed groups with which it has been in touch.

∗ The United States will provide its guarantees on the basis of assurances received from the Government of Israel (GOI) and from the leadership of certain Lebanese groups with which it has been in touch.

In other words, the safety of the Palestinians in Lebanon was guaranteed by two governments, the Lebanese and the American. The guarantees were based on assurances given by parties that these governments do not control. The Lebanese government had no control over the armed groups within the country, and the United States government had no control over Israel. This, in effect, means that the guarantees were not given by the parties who were the most likely to attack the Palestinians – Israel and the armed groups within Lebanon – and so they were not bound by the agreement.

I asked my friend journalist Charles Glass, who has written extensively about Lebanon, about the Sabra and Shatila massacre. This was his response:

A Palestinian friend of mine, who grew up in Ain el Helwe refugee camp near Sidon, told me that summer that the Christian militias would begin massacres as soon as the commandos left. He said they were cowards who would kill people once their protection was gone. I saw it happen in Tel el Zaatar camp in 1976 when Arafat pulled the commandos out. Many such precedents. The Sabra-Shatila massacre was anything but a surprise.”

In 1982, the Palestinians in Lebanon were left with no one to defend them or even guarantee their safety. Just as they are today, just as they have been since 1948, Palestinians are left alone and unable to protect themselves while Israel is given a license to kill.

Filed under: "Israel", Israeli Brutal Aggression, Israeli Crimes crimes against humanity, Palestine | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ariel Sharon, LF-Christian Daesh, Palestinian Liberation Movement PLO, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, Tal Al-Zaatar Massacre | Comments Off on ISRAEL’S LICENSE TO KILL: UNRAVELING THE SABRA AND SHATILA MASSACRE

Sabra and Shatila in the digital era: Unchanged tragedy

Posted on September 19, 2023 by martyrashrakat

September 18, 202

Source: Al Mayadeen English

Sabra and Shatila in the digital era: Unchanged tragedy (Al Mayadeen English; Illustrated by Mahdi Rtail)

By Aya Youssef

Let’s imagine that the Sabra and Shatila massacre took place today, in the era of endless social media platforms and apps. Would things have turned out any different?

Scroll – a scream. Scroll again – a cry for help. Swipe – blood everywhere, piles of lifeless bodies, and countless people walking with bodies weighed down by sorrow and tears streaming from their eyes. Will you choose to look away, to shut off your phone, and pretend to not see? Or will you share, like, or ask for help?

What is the Sabra and Shatila massacre?

On September 16-18, 1982, militias of the Lebanese Forces (LF) carried out the brutal killings of thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese citizens in Beirut’s Sabra neighborhood and the nearby Shatila refugee camp.

The Palestinian refugees were originally victims of the 1948 Nakba (catastrophe), forced to flee from the violent crimes that Zionist gangs committed in their attempt to create “Israel.”

In June 1982, “Israel” invaded Lebanon with the aim of eradicating the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), based in Beirut. By September 1, 1982, the PLO had withdrawn from Lebanon, and assurances were given by the United States and other forces that remaining Palestinian refugees and civilians would be protected.

However, two weeks later, the Israeli military surrounded Sabra and Shatila, allowing their allies, the LF, to enter the camp and carry out the mass killings. This brutality lasted for 43 hours, resulting in over 3,000 civilian deaths.

After the horrific massacre, survivors started to describe the scenes, the endless acts of slaughter, mutilation, rape, and the existence of mass graves. The images, when broadcasted, shook the whole world.

Here's how Israelis planned the #Sabra and #Shatila massacre with the execution by #Lebanese right-wingers.#SabraAndShatila pic.twitter.com/QOtV2RIIH9
— Al Mayadeen English (@MayadeenEnglish) September 16, 2022

From Thursday 6 pm till Saturday 1 pm, not a single sound was heard. From Thursday 6 pm till Saturday 1 pm, not one picture was seen. From Thursday 6 pm till Saturday 1 pm, not a single condemnation. How would the world know that such a massacre is taking place? There were no bombs heard, only the scattered sounds of weapons fired every now and then.

When the massacre took place, the world of livestreaming did not exist. The world of different social media platforms did not exist. Unfortunately, some victims of the massacre are still missing, and their families do not know their destiny.

What if everything was heard and seen?

Related News

Wherever you are, on your bed, in a café, or at your desk finishing your shift for the day, how do you imagine yourself receiving such news? Would you talk about it over lunch with some colleagues? Or do you see yourself doing something to help the victims, to spread the word for the whole world to know? Would things turn out to be different? Would the international community hold “Israel” and its allies accountable for such a crime, or would a few words of condemnation have been enough?

As we scroll through our feeds today, we are bombarded with a countless number of posts, from the mundane to the extraordinary. But imagine logging on to witness live updates from Sabra and Shatila, stories told by those on the ground, desperate for the world to hear their cries. Their words would not be confined to history books, but echoed through our screens, demanding our attention and compelling us to act.

Into the world of social media

Social media platforms would have been filled with live updates from the ground. Ordinary people, journalists, and activists would have used platforms such as Twitter to share real-time updates about what’s happening in Sabra and Shatila from photos and videos.

Survivors and witnesses could have shared their testimonies in real-time, making it harder for the perpetrators to deny their involvement in the massacre or their horrific actions.

People would start to create and spread hashtags related to the horrific massacre to raise awareness. The hashtags might have trended globally, putting pressure on governments and international organizations to respond.

Protests could have erupted around the globe, with solidarity movements taking place to support the victims by providing aid and support.

In our hypothetical digital world, some influencers and activists would use their platforms to amplify the voices of those who had been silenced. They would lend their reach to organizations working on the ground, shedding light on the urgent need for aid, support, and intervention.

The real question here is whether the algorithms of the big social media platforms would have allowed such content to spread. Would Meta censor some posts related to the horrific massacre?

Unwavering global indifference?

The real question in this hypothetical scenario is whether the international community’s stance regarding any Israeli-related massacre would have changed. Reports will be published, soft words of condemnation would have been issued, and ambassadors would have been summoned, but holding “Israel” directly accountable? Never.

After the massacre, the United Nations General Assembly classified the massacre as an “act of genocide.” In a non-shocking response, none of the responsible individuals from either the Lebanese or Israeli sides faced punishment. An Israeli investigation held the Lebanese Forces militia primarily accountable, but also held Ariel Sharon, who at the time was Security Minister and was in close contact with the Phalangists and Lebanese Forces, personally responsible for “neglecting the risk of bloodshed and revenge.” Although Sharon resigned in 1983, he was later elected as prime minister in 2001.

Although the presence of social media during the Sabra and Shatila massacre would have accelerated the spread of information and news, is there any chance that it would have influenced the international response? There are books and survivors who have talked about the massacre, and described it in detail even; did this change anything?

Not by a long shot.

It’s your choice now. You scroll and you see an Instagram reel that shows the story of Ahmad Manasra, the Palestinian prisoner who was arrested, interrogated, and sentenced to nine years in prison at the age of 13. You watch a video of an Israeli officer interrogating him in the most brutal way possible.

Today, #Palestinian prisoner #AhmadManasra turns 21 years old.
Since Ahmad got to spend most of his childhood behind prison bars and all alone, here is what turning 21 would look like were Ahmad free and not living under a brutal #occupation. pic.twitter.com/7OcXQjrgV1
— Al Mayadeen English (@MayadeenEnglish) January 22, 2023

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Filed under: "Israel", Palestine | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ariel Sharon, Global indifference, LF-Christian Daesh, Palestine Days, Palestinian Liberation Movement PLO, Phalange party, Phalange party crimes, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, Social Media | Comments Off on Sabra and Shatila in the digital era: Unchanged tragedy

Jihadists vs Fatah: The Trojan Horse in Lebanon’s Palestinian Camps

Posted on August 16, 2023 by indigoblue76

AUGUST 15, 2023

Posted by INTERNATIONALIST 360°

Firas Shoufi

The recent outbreak of violence in Lebanon’s largest Palestinian refugee camp has sparked debate on security concerns, external machinations, Palestinian civil rights, and the fundamental question of the right to return.

The deadly clashes that erupted in late July in the Ain al-Hilweh camp, a prominent Palestinian refugee settlement in southern Lebanon, have cast a hot spotlight on the long-neglected issues of Palestinian arms and the rights of Palestinians in Lebanon.

Despite years of relative quiet, Ain al-Hilweh, the largest among the 13 Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, has been no stranger to such clashes over the past two decades.

The Lebanese authorities have erected a formidable concrete barrier around the camp in recent years – drawing comparisons to the Israeli apartheid wall in the occupied-West Bank – which was ostensibly built to fortify security and stymie the infiltration of jihadist elements into Ain al-Hilweh.

Fatah vs jihadists in Lebanon

On the morning of 29 July, in retaliation for the death of his brother, a Fatah gunman opened fire on a group of jihadists who had recently returned from Idlib, Syria. Intent on assassinating militant Mahmoud Khalil, he fatally shot Khalil’s comrade instead.

The retaliatory gunfire that followed claimed the life of Fatah Brigadier General Abu Ashraf al-Armoushi and four of his companions in an ambush. The camp swiftly transformed into a battlefield, with Fatah and the Palestinian National Security – a PLO-affiliated military faction that collaborates closely with Lebanese security services – in gunfights against jihadist groups like ISIS, Fatah al-Islam, Jund al-Sham, and the Muslim Youth.

Machine guns roared, and mortars thundered as the clashes ravaged the camp, causing severe damage to Palestinian property. The impact of the skirmish even reached the streets of nearby Sidon, where shells left their mark.

The fighting claimed 13 lives, mostly from Fatah, while over 50 armed combatants and civilians were injured before a truce was declared. In its aftermath, Fatah emerged militarily weakened and disjointed, grappling with substantial losses. While the jihadists fought cohesively and without significant human losses, they depleted part of their weapons stockpile, which is difficult to replace quickly, and have been thrust into the national spotlight and come under increasing security pressure.

The Lebanese military also incurred setbacks in the fray, as a fortified position fell, and Lebanese soldiers sustained injuries, prompting the deployment of special forces around the camp to quell further escalation.

Palestinians caught in legal limbo

In recent years, Ain al-Hilweh has evolved into a haven for jihadists seeking sanctuary from Syria and Iraq’s turbulent conflicts, and from clashes with the Lebanese army in the northern city of Tripoli.

Few of these militants are Palestinians; the majority are Lebanese and Syrians. The irony for many Lebanese political parties who spoke to The Cradle is that jihadists continue to infiltrate the camp today, despite the tight security measures around it. Lebanese military sources also confirm that it is impossible to deny entry to people, no matter how stringent the security measures they take.

Meanwhile, the Palestinian population within the camps is ensnared in a labyrinth of “legal” persecution, a plight exacerbated by the reluctance of Lebanese authorities to bestow full civil rights – including citizenship – on Palestinians, in fear that this may inadvertently pave the way for their permanent resettlement within Lebanese borders.

Over the years, numerous laws have been proposed to grant legitimate rights to Palestinians who have lived in Lebanon for generations, but MPs don’t dare to bring these to parliament for a vote. The Christian political parties fear that bestowing these rights will further sway Lebanon’s demographic in favor of Muslims, given the Muslim majority within the camps.

Beyond the confines of the camps, armed Palestinian factions maintain their presence in stategic locations around Lebanon, mainly in the south. Notable among these is the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC), whose combatants are strategically positioned at the Naameh base along the coastal fringes between Beirut and the southern expanse. The group is also present in the Qusaya military base along the Lebanese-Syrian border. Similarly, Fatah al-Intifada, also known as the Abu Musa faction in honor of their founding leader Said al-Muragha who long opposed the leading Fatah faction, occupies positions near the Syrian border.

Pursuing justice and order in camp conflicts

In the past, these Palestinian military encampments served as key locations from which to repel Israeli advances and safeguard the Beirut-Damascus route in the Bekaa region. However, civilian urban growth around these bases, the maturation of Lebanon’s own indigenous resistance forces, and Israel’s impeded ability to attack Lebanon, have raised questions about the need for their continued presence. These developments have provided Lebanese politicians with a pretext to demand the decommissioning of the Palestinian factions – and even threaten the use of military force against them.

Despite the calm currently prevailing in Ain al-Hilweh, all sides warn that a new round of battles may erupt before control can be reestablished in the camp. Meanwhile, the Joint Palestinian Action Committee, which is made up of all Palestinian factions and enjoys official Lebanese cover, is working to implement the understandings stipulated in the final ceasefire.

In collaboration with the government-sanctioned Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, they are working to hand over the culprits responsible for the killing of Brigadier General Armoush – the Fatah member whose actions ignited the conflict – along with other individuals wanted by the Lebanese judicial system.

Fatah has publicly accused a group of jihadists of killing Armoushi, and has expressed dissatisfaction with the concord between Hamas and the jihadists. Meanwhile, Hamas blames internal conflicts between Fatah leaders for inciting the outbreak of clashes in the camp.

An Israeli hand in the conflict?

Sources in the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) inform The Cradle that the recent events are part of a scheme to sow strife in Palestinian camps to benefit the Israeli enemy. The sources say that the Israelis and their local agents are using inter-Palestinian discord to subvert the Palestinian right of return and help uncover the Palestinian resistance’s weapons arsenal.

These sources further connect the latest clashes to the ramifications of the west’s decision to curtail financial support for UNRWA, the UN agency that serves Palestinian camps regionally, whose vital operations significantly waned during the tenure of former US President Donald Trump.

The clashes this time had a major political impact, given the political and security challenges that Lebanon is currently facing, daily violent confrontations with the Israelis in the Occupied Territories, the Fatah-Hamas struggle to control the West Bank, widespread speculation over a Saudi-Israeli normalization deal, and the notable lack of any “formal solution” to the conflict in Palestine.

Invariably, these critical events have also had internal implications on Lebanon’s political scene. Capitalizing on the chaos, traditional right-wing Lebanese Christian factions have renewed their opposition – not only against the weapons arsenals of the Palestinian factions, but also against the arms of the Lebanese resistance.

Last week the Lebanese army confiscated ammunition from an overturned truck belonging to Hezbollah in the Christian town of Kahale area, east of Beirut. Two people were killed after an exchange of fire between Hezbollah members and armed Christian residents.

A well-informed source within Fatah tells The Cradle that external actors orchestrated directives to the jihadist groups, with the explicit intent of provoking Fatah and tarnishing its reputation.

This calculated maneuver, it suggests, is part of an overarching scheme aligned with Israel’s objectives to destabilize and eventually dismantle the Palestinian camps in Lebanon:

“In 2007, the Nahr al-Bared camp was demolished after a war between jihadist groups and the Lebanese army. Today they are trying to do it again. Fatah is keen on the security of the camp more than everyone else. However, the wanted persons must be handed over to reduce tension.”

Conspiracy to dismantle the camp

Importantly, the jihadist scene within the camps is not monolithic in its intentions. Asbat al-Ansar, a formidable Al-Qaeda affiliate operating in Ain al-Hilweh, has abstained from engaging in acts of violence for several years. It maintains minimal relations with the Lebanese political forces, and enjoys a robust relationship with Hamas.

Mohammad al-Saadi, also known as Abu Mohjen and the de facto leader of this faction, has played a notable role in tempering tensions, despite being sought by the Lebanese judiciary in connection with the mid-1990s slaying of four judges in Sidon.

The increased prominence of jihadist groups in the refugee camps is considered suspicious by many in Fatah and other Palestinian factions, given that it bolsters a narrative that the camps are a haven for terrorists.

Some Palestinian jihadist groups have denied any connection to the killing of Armoushi, saying that the perpetrators are Lebanese jihadists – a claim The Cradle could not independently verify.

A source close to Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, a pivotal figure who has been closely involved in the truce efforts, informs The Cradle of a plan to destroy the refugee camp and involve the Lebanese army in clashes to undermine the right of return for Palestinians.

Disarmament debate

Regardless of the direct cause of the clashes between the jihadists and Fatah, the fallout invariably casts a pall over Palestinians in Lebanon. Instead of steering discourse toward securing Palestinian rights and integrating their arms into Lebanon’s defense strategy, the recent events have renewed calls for a compromising barter between their rights and their weapons.

In practice, civil rights without weapons may embolden Israel and its western allies to believe that the Palestinians have given up their right of return. On the other hand, weapons without rights – and without organizing them within a comprehensive defensive strategy – allow terrorist groups and right-wing forces to incite against the Palestinians.

For parties close to the Lebanese resistance, the demand for Palestinian disarmament is believed to be a prelude to the demand for the disarmament of the Lebanese resistance.

Recently, it was reported that the PFLP-GC handed over some of its weapons to the Lebanese army. But prominent sources in the group confirmed to The Cradle that this transfer involved obsolete weaponry, particularly batches of surface-to-surface missiles.The sources emphasize that handing over Palestinian arms is an issue related to the conflict with the enemy, and not a barter over Palestinian civil rights.

Ain al-Hilweh’s legacy of resilience

Members of various Palestinian factions tell The Cradle that, besides Israel, an increasing number of Arab and regional states are seeking to influence important West Asian issues, including that of the Palestinian presence in Lebanon. The financial support of Qatar for the jihadists is but one example; Doha’s salaries to these foreign militants, they say, are far higher than salaries paid by Fatah.

Suspicions also swirled around the visit of Palestinian intelligence director Majed Faraj to Beirut, which took place just days before the clashes erupted. These allegations are unsubstantiated, however, with no credible sources affirming a link between the visit and the subsequent turmoil.

Ain al-Hilweh remains an important symbol of resistance. When, in 1982, the Israeli military descended upon Beirut, the camp managed to stand firm against the onslaught, resolutely thwarting Israeli troops while inflicting many casualties upon their ranks.

Today, trapped within the vortex of Fatah-jihadist power dynamics, the question asked by many is: Will the internal clashes destroy the camp when the entire military might of Israel could not?

Filed under: "Israel", Al Qaeda, Lebanon, Lebanon's army, Lebanon’s Palestinian Camps, Takfiris | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ain al-Helweh Palestinian refugee camp, Fatah al-Islam, Fateh, Hamas Resistance movement, Jund al-Sham, Lebanese Christian factions, Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, Lebanon’s Palestinian Camps, Naameh base, Nabih Berri, Nahr al-Bared camp, Occupied Palestine, Pal intelligence Major General Majed Faraj, Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement (PIJ), PFLP G.Command | Comments Off on Jihadists vs Fatah: The Trojan Horse in Lebanon’s Palestinian Camps

Sayyed Nasrallah: Lebanon must Get Rid of US Hegemony

Posted on August 4, 2023 by indigoblue76

3 Aug 2023

Translated by Staff

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered on Thursday a televised speech at the memorial ceremony for the late scholar Sheikh Afif Nabulsi in the Imam Al-Mujtaba [AS] compound in the southern suburbs of Beirut [Dahyieh].

Back to the sixties, Sayyed Nasrallah recalled that the Lebanese people in general and the Shia community in particular “faced very serious challenges on various aspects”.

“Those who planned the ‘Israeli’ invasion of Lebanon had accurate calculations, and the invasion could have achieved its goals set by the US,” he said, revealing that “Since the 1^st day, Sheikh Afif Nabulsi was present in the establishment, activities, meetings, mobilization, education and organization of Hezbollah.”

On the traits of the late scholar, His Eminence detailed that “Since the beginning of the resistance, Sheikh Nabulsi gave everything even in his last years. During the July aggression, Sheikh Afif’s position was decisive, given that his house and the complex he had built in Sidon were destroyed. However, this increased his determination.”

“Sheik Afif’s positions were decisive and clear regarding the regional developments in Syria and Yemen,” he added.

On another level, Sayyed Nasrallah reiterated that “This resistance, with its various frameworks, surprised the Americans and the ‘Israelis’, and we have all witnessed its development and achievements.”

“We believe that the main problem in our region is the blatant American interference in all aspects,” His Eminence emphasized, pointing out that “As the blatant American interference continues in everything, the culture and policy of submission to the American will still exists.”

In parallel, he underscored that “Had it not been for the ‘Caesar Act’, Syria wouldn’t have needed aid from any side to overcome the repercussions of the war.”

“The American occupation prevents the Syrian government from reaching the oil and gas fields east of the Euphrates as its forces plunder these fields,” the Resistance Leader cautioned, reminding that “The US resembles the main obstacle to the end of the war in Yemen.”

According to His Eminence, “Today is the second anniversary of the American promise, and so far, electricity has not reached Lebanon, due to the American ban on Egyptian gas and Jordanian electricity.”

“Hezbollah brought the Iranian donation to Lebanon. However, the US and prevented the Lebanese government from receiving it,” he revealed.

Meanwhile, Sayyed Nasrallah disclosed that “The US is preventing Iraq from paying the price of gas to the Iranian government so that Iran will cut off electricity to Iraq, to say that the Iranians are cutting off electricity to Iraq.”

“The reason for the American ban on payment is that Iran stops pumping gas to Iraq, then they say to the Iraqi people: Look, what Iran is doing to you,” he said.

In addition, His Eminence affirmed that “The possibility of a two-state solution in Palestine is fading away, and those who wait for the Americans in politics, economics and values will continue to wait for the values of abnormality.”

“There are many sources that generate money for the Lebanese treasury, but they are banned by a veto from the US embassy,” he stated, pointing out that “We are proud when they name us as ‘the axis of opposition’, because that means that we are not slaves or tools to the American embassy, but rather honorable and proud people.”

In response, Hezbollah Secretary General urged all Lebanese sides “to get rid of the American hegemony so that we find a solution to the crisis in Lebanon.”

On another title, Sayyed Nasrallah expressed Hezbollah’s empathy with all those who were affected by the Beirut Port blast on the 4th of August, 3 years ago.”

“Since the first moment of Beirut Port explosion, some malicious TVs came out to say that Hezbollah was the one who blew up the port,” His Eminence mentioned, noting that “The one who covered the truth in the Beirut port blast is the one who politicized the case from the early moments.”

He further asserted that “The real reason for the loss of truth in the Beirut Port blast is that some insisted on linking the issue to regional events,” warning that “The Americans will take us to a painful and catastrophic reality in light of the massive US intervention and hegemony in Lebanon.”

Regarding the latest developments in Ain Al-Hilweh camp, Sayyed Nasrallah said that “There are those who say – the same TV that accused Hezbollah of the port blast- that what is happening in Ain Al-Hilweh camp is caused by Hezbollah, and this is nonsense. There are Lebanese media outlets that falsely insist on accusing Hezbollah of being behind the events of Ain Al-Hilweh camp.”

He declared: “We are not responsible for the battle of Ain Al-Hilweh. We have nothing to do with it. We are against this infighting and we are working to resolve it.

“The sacrifices of the civil defense must be respected, and they must attain their rights,” His Eminence stated.

To Sheikh Nabulsi, Sayyed Nasrallah pledged: “God willing, our beloved Sheikh, your youth and children will pray in Al-Quds.”

Filed under: "Israel", Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, USA | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, 2 states illusion, Ain al-Helweh Palestinian refugee camp, American Hegemony, Beirut's Port Explosion, Global war on Syria, Hezbollah Oil Imports, Lebanon's Embassies puppets, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah | Comments Off on Sayyed Nasrallah: Lebanon must Get Rid of US Hegemony

Hezbollah Enters Lebanon The Victory and Sovereignty Era: No More Steps Back!

Posted on June 14, 2023 by uprootedpalestinians

June 13, 2023

By Mohammad Youssef

Every year, on the 6th of June, Lebanon and the Lebanese remember a very important event; the 1982 ‘Israeli’ invasion of Lebanon.

This invasion led to the occupation of many parts of the country reaching the capital Beirut, which came under tough siege and heavy bombardment by the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces who managed to occupy it after months of siege but have never been able to control it and were forced to flee under the strikes of the resistance at the time.

Ariel Sharon, who has become later the ‘Israeli’ prime minister, was the butcher of the Sabra and Shatila Massacre and the leader of the invading ‘Israeli’ forces that entered later the presidential palace in Baabda and took pictures there.

The announced goal of the invasion, dubbed “Operation Galilee”, was to destroy the Palestinian military capabilities and to ward off the threat of the Palestinian shelling away from the Lebanese-Palestinian border. As time passed, the real aim of the ‘Israeli’ invasion and occupation started to surface.

After occupying Palestine, the Zionist regime wanted to annex Lebanon as a whole into its western-backed colonialist expansionist scheme.

The ‘Israeli’ leadership planned and succeeded to impose a so-called ‘peace treaty’ on Lebanon which was indeed a kind of complete surrender for the Arab country. The treaty would definitely compromise Lebanon’s sovereignty and would also violate its basic rights as an independent state. It would also threaten its very existence on the long run.

Lebanon was once and for a long time called the weakest ring, the country whose official policy and philosophy was Lebanon’s strength is in its weaknesses, and the country which the ‘Israelis’ paid the least attention to as a threat to their plans and made series of jokes mocking its fragility and weakness. This very country, Lebanon, has turned to be the worst nightmare to the ‘Israelis,’ thanks to the resistance!

The resistance, which at the time belonged to many Lebanese groups, has engaged in battling the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces in different parts of the country starting from Beirut. But as the time passed, one group of resistance fighters, which came to be known later as the Islamic Resistance or Hezbollah, spearheaded this action of resistance and thus has become its backbone.

Scores of operations were carried out by Hezbollah against the ‘Israeli’ occupation, including the self-sacrifice operations against its forces inside the occupied Lebanese territories.

One of the most successful self-sacrifice operations, which was a landmark and represented a turning point, took place in Tyre in 1982. The operation targeted the headquarter of the ‘Israeli’ occupation governor in Lebanon, the building was completely destroyed and turned into rubbles. 85 ‘Israeli’ occupation soldiers and officers were killed. It was, and continues to be the strongest and most important self-sacfirice operation against the ‘Israeli’ enemy in Lebanon’s history.

Ahmad Qasir, the name of Hezbollah’s martyr who carried out the heroic historical operation, was immortalized as the opener of the self-sacrifice operations era within Hezbollah ranks.

The operation dealt the ‘Israeli’ enemy a devastating blow, and portended the beginning of the end of this occupation.

In parallel, the occupied territories in South Lebanon and West Bekaa witnessed continuous and intensified military operations against the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces.

The enemy was in continuous need to change its tactics because a serious, devoted, and well-trained and organized resistance was there to target its occupying forces.

Before the liberation of most of the occupied Lebanese territories in 2000; two very important wars took place. The first aggression took place in July 1993, which the ‘Israeli’ enemy called “Operation Accountability.” The second was carried out in April 1996, the enemy called “Grapes of Wrath” war.

Both wars were very destructive. The second one was tragic and witnessed many ‘Israeli’ massacres. The most notorious of them was the Qana Massacre during which around 110 Lebanese people, mostly children, women, and elderly were martyred when the ‘Israeli’ occupation forces targeted them after they took shelter for safety in one of the United Nations [UN] forces centers in the Qana village.

Aside from the savage ‘Israeli’ brutalities, both wars added up to the strength of the resistance, especially the second one.

The resistance accomplished a huge military victory along with a great political success when Lebanon reached an agreement called the “April Understanding.” This understanding cemented the right of the resistance to target any ‘Israeli’ force and granted Hezbollah a sort of international legitimacy.

The resistance-led long military confrontation scored a historical achievement represented by the great liberation of Lebanon in 2000. The ‘Israeli’ occupation regime was forced to withdraw its troops in a humiliating defeat from most of the Lebanese territories with the exception of the Shebaa Frms and the Kfarchouba Hills.

Since then, such achievement has ushered in a new era in Lebanon which has unique title; victory and sovereignty…

Filed under: "Israel", Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, Palestine | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ahmad Qasir, Ariel Sharon, Israeli Occupation, Qana massacre, Resistance And Liberation Day, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, Shebaa Farms and KfarShuba Hills | Comments Off on Hezbollah Enters Lebanon The Victory and Sovereignty Era: No More Steps Back!

شركاء التحرير

Posted on May 26, 2023 by martyrashrakat

الخميس 25 أيار 2023

رغم مرور 23 عاماً على تحرير جنوب لبنان من الاحتلال الإسرائيلي، حكايات كثيرة من الألم والتصدي والنصر لم تُروَ بعد. 25 أيار ليس عيداً لتحرير الجنوب عام 2000 فقط، بل عيد آلاف المقاومين والأهالي ممن صمدوا وتصدّوا وقهروا العصابات الصهيونية ثم جيش العدو الإسرائيلي، من العرقوب وعيناثا وحولا، ثم من بيروت والجبل والبقاع إلى صيدا والجنوب، حتى دحره إلى خلف الحدود مع فلسطين المحتلة. عظمة هذا التاريخ صنعها أبناء الأرض وأبناء المخيمات الفلسطينية. لكنها أيضاً صنيعة مئات الفدائيين العرب والأجانب، شركاء التحرير والنصر الذين جاؤوا من أصقاع العالم ليساهموا بدمائهم وأشلائهم وبعضهم بشبابه في الأسر، في استعادة الحق لأصحابه

أبو السعيد» الايراني: حاضر أبداً للالتحاق بجبهات الصراع

آمال خليل

في أحد أزقة مخيم مار الياس في بيروت، تجلس أمينة القاضي تحت ظل راية فلسطينية نُشرت فوق مسار المارة في المخيم الصغير. اعتادت الجلوس أمام منزلها في كل الأوقات، قبالة رايات حركة فتح وصور الرئيس ياسر عرفات والشهداء. اكتسبت البيروتية عادات أهل المخيم مذْ تزوجت الفدائي محمود الغربي بداية الثمانينيات وأقامت معه هنا. بعد استشهاده خلال حصار بيروت عام 1982، رفضت ابنة العشرين عاماً ترك المخيم والعودة إلى منزل أهلها مع طفليها الرضيعين. بين المخيم ومثواه، في جبانة شهداء فلسطين في شاتيلا، نذرت القاضي ما تبقّى من حياتها للقضية. ليست حالة فريدة في ذلك الزمن الذي توحّدت فيه المقاومتان الفلسطينية واللبنانية بوجه العدو الإسرائيلي. إلا أنها عايشت تجارب كانت غريبة للبعض. فدائيون من أميركا اللاتينية واليابان وأوروبا والمغرب العربي… تركوا التزاماتهم وأحباءهم ونجاحاتهم في مساقط رؤوسهم، وجاؤوا ليساهموا في تحرير لبنان وفلسطين. في الزقاق الموازي، حيث مقر الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين، يسكن «أبو السعيد». إيراني الأصل، قاده الاجتياح الإسرائيلي الكبير عام 1982 من ألمانيا، وقرّر أن يمضي ما تبقّى من عمره هنا، موصياً بأن يدفن في مثوى شهداء فلسطين.

لم يمرّ الزمن على «الرفيق أبو السعيد». لا يزال عالقاً في «نوستالجيا» الفدائي الجاهز للالتحاق بجبهات الصراع ضد الإمبريالية والصهيونية أينما كان في العالم. وضعية الاستنفار والجهوزية المستمرة لديه منذ السبعينيات، منعته من الزواج وتأسيس عائلة. لا يزال يعرّف عن نفسه حتى الآن بأنه «مقاتل ميداني في المقاومة الفلسطينية – الجبهة الشعبية».

ينحدر «أبو السعيد» من جنوب غرب إيران. في سن المراهقة، شارك في تظاهرات أحزاب اليسار ضد نظام الشاه. لوحق واعتقل وهُدد، ما دفعه للمغادرة عام 1977 إلى ألمانيا لمتابعة دراسته. هناك، شارك بكثافة في أنشطة اتحاد الطلبة الإيرانيين ضد نظام الشاه والدول التي تدعمه وضد الإمبريالية الأميركية ودعماً للقضية الفلسطينية «لأن الطلاب الفلسطينيين كانوا ممنوعين من إقامة الأنشطة، ولا سيما الرفاق في الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين». تحفظ ذاكرته تحركات ضد اتفاقية كامب ديفيد وزيارة الرئيس الأميركي جيمي كارتر لفرانكفورت وضد المصالح اليهودية والإيرانية والقنصلية الأميركية… أدّى «أبو السعيد» واجبه ضد الإمبريالية والصهيونية في ألمانيا بما تيسّر له. لكنّ غليله الثوري لم يُشف إلا بعدما سمع نداء منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية عبر إذاعة الوفاء، عقب اجتياح بيروت عام 1982، يقول: «يا أحرار العالم قوموا فدافعوا عن ثورتكم». من دون تفكير، لبّى النداء مع ثلاثة رفاق إيرانيين. التحق بالجبهة الشعبية في سوريا، ومنها انتقل إلى لبنان. لم يسأله قادة العسكر الذين استقبلوه عن اسمه وجنسيته لأن «هذه التفاصيل غير مهمة أمام الالتزام الأممي بقضايا الشعوب المضطهدة». اختار لقب «أبو السعيد» لأسباب لا يزال يتكتم عنها.

سريعاً، انخرط في عمليات كبرى في بيروت والجبل والجنوب، هو الذي حمل خبرة عسكرية متطورة من خدمته الإلزامية في سلاح المدرعات في الجيش الإيراني. أولى مشاركاته كانت في التصدي لتقدم الجيش الإسرائيلي من بيروت نحو الجبل. يبدو كرادار خلال استعراضه للمواقع التي تنقّل بينها. لا يزال يحفظ جبال كفرسلوان وترشيش وبراري العبادية وعاريا وقرنايل وقرصون… يروي بدقة كيف قصف بصواريخ «غراد» مواقع للاحتلال في بعبدا، وكيف رصد مقر الاستخبارات في الكحالة. يتوقف عند أولى عملياته الميدانية في تشرين الأول عام 1982: «جهّزت نفسي لعملية استشهادية بموكب إسرائيلي كان سيمر من الكحالة في اتجاه عاليه بعد رصد سابق لأيام وتحديد الهدف عند مفترق شويت. سرت من أحراج رأس المتن باتجاه العبادية. مرّت آلية فيها جنديان، فانقضضت عليهما وأفرغت رشاشي فيهما». العملية الثانية البارزة، كانت في عام 1983 ضد حافلة تقلّ جنوداً إسرائيليين، اعترف إعلام العدو بسقوط قتيلين و11 جريحاً فيها.

جئت إلى لبنان استشهادياً ونجوت مرات من الموت فكيف أعود منه حياً بإرادتي؟

لم تكتمل فرحة «أبو السعيد» بتحرير الجبل من الاحتلال الإسرائيلي. في اليوم التالي، في آب 1983، بدأت حرب الجبل. انتقل إلى جبهة أخرى. من دوحة عرمون، دكّ قاعدة الجيش الأميركي في مطار بيروت. «في إحدى المرات، ردّت بارجة نيوجرسي من شاطئ السعديات على مصادر النيران، فاستشهد رفيق يمني». عام 1988، شارك في تفجير عبوة بسيارة تقلّ عناصر استخبارات اسرائيلية في وادي بسري. وفي 27 تشرين الأول 1990، قاد عملية مراح البيرة في سفح جبل الشيخ. لأيام طويلة، تقدم مجموعته سيراً من البقاع الغربي باتجاه راشيا حتى العرقوب: «كنا استشهاديين هدفنا التسلل إلى عمق فلسطين المحتلة. وقعنا في كمين عند محور شويا – شبعا. اشتبكنا مع العدو، فسقط الشهيد طلال عطية من كفرشوبا. كان معنا التونسي محمد مقداد خليفة الذي كان مجهّزاً بثلاثة كيلوغرامات تي أن تي. تقدّم باتجاه الجنود وفجّر نفسه فيهم. اعترف العدو يومها بسقوط ستة قتلى في عملية نفّذتها مجموعة كوماندوس تابعة للجبهة الشعبية»، فيما تمكّن «أبو السعيد» ومن تبقّى من رفاقه من الانسحاب.
عام 1996، شهد آخر عمليات «أبو السعيد». كان مسؤول وحدة حاولت تنفيذ عملية عند محور برعشيت ولم تفلح. توقف الأنشطة العسكرية للجبهة الشعبية لم يحبطه أو يعيده إلى بلده على غرار كثيرين من رفاقه: «جئت لأقاتل من أجل فلسطين ولبنان بوجه العدو الإسرائيلي. لذا لن أترك ساحة القتال ما دام الاستعمار والاستبداد قائميْن. في الأساس، جئت إلى لبنان استشهادياً، ونجوت مرات عدة من الموت المحتوم. فكيف أعود منه حياً بإرادتي؟».

إضافة إلى مَهماته الداخلية في «الجبهة الشعبية» كعضو لجنة مركزية، يعيش «أبو السعيد» بين صور الشهداء وملصقات العمليات وجبّانة الشهداء في شاتيلا. في مكتبه، صورة الشهيد «مظفر». لا يعرف عنه أكثر من أنه إيراني جاء من ألمانيا والتحق بالعمل الخارجي للجبهة بقيادة وديع حداد. تسلّل من الجنوب إلى فلسطين المحتلة واستشهد في عملية «سينما حين» في تل أبيب عام 1973. هناك أيضاً الإيراني شمس الدين كاظمي الذي استشهد عام 1974 في العمل الخارجي. تبادل الأسرى بين العدو وحزب الله في تموز 2008، أعاد نكء جراحه. يومها استُرجع رفات 35 شهيداً للجبهة منهم رفاق عمليات له، بينهم عطية وخليفة شهيدا عملية مراح البيرة والمغربي مصطفى قزبير. قبلهما، ودّع شهداء إيرانيين سقطوا في حرب الجبل وحرب المخيمات، منهم أحمد حسين نجاد الذي دُفن في سوريا، إضافة إلى شهداء سوريين وعراقيين ونيجيريين.

أيوب التونسي… آن أوان الرحيل

آمال خليل

في الشارع التحتاني في عين الحلوة، يقيم أيوب صادق منذ عام 1986، باسم حركي اختاره عند التحاقه بالجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين، رمزاً للصبر والصدق. يعرفه جيرانه بـ«أيوب التونسي» نسبة إلى جنسيته. في اليوم الثالث لاجتياح 1978، وصل إلى لبنان، وشارك في الجبهات في كفرتبنيت وأرنون وحرب الجسور وحرب الجبل وشرق صيدا وحصار عين الحلوة، قبل أن يقع في الأسر في معتقلَي عتليت وأنصار. خلال الاعتقال، ترجم كتاب «مجزرة صبرا وشاتيلا» للمؤرخ الصهيوني أمنون كابليوك بعدما حصل عليه من الصليب الأحمر الدولي، ووزّع الترجمة على معسكرات المعتقلين. أشرف على أول نشرة إخبارية يومية مكتوبة وزّعها على الزنازين، استقى أخبارها من «راديو ترانزستور» كان صلته بالعالم. بعد تحرير صيدا وشرقها، استقر أيوب في عين الحلوة. تزوّج من إحدى بنات المخيم وأنجب ثلاثة أولاد. ومنذ عام 2003، افتتح متجراً لبيع التذكارات التراثية الفلسطينية.

لا يجد معظم عارفي أيوب سبباً لبقائه في المخيم الذي يعيش ظروفاً صعبة من الاشتباكات الأمنية المتكررة إلى ضيق العيش. أما بالنسبة إليه، فإن الأسباب التي دفعته للمجيء إلى لبنان عقب الاجتياح الإسرائيلي عام 1978 ومشاركته في صد العدوان على المخيم خلال حصاره عام 1982 ثم نضاله السياسي والاجتماعي فيه، لم تنتف طوال عقود… قبل أن تنتفي عام 2020 عندما قُتل بيرم، النجل البكر لأيوب، على يد أحد شبان المخيم. في الرواية الأمنية، فإن الشاب الذي درس الهندسة في بيروت وأقام وعمل في شرقها، قُتل بسبب خلافات شخصية. لكن أيوب يرجّح بأن ابنه «ربما دفع ثمن تجربة والده النضالية والعسكرية». مقتل بيرم أصاب أيوب بمقتل دفعه للتحضير للعودة إلى تونس نهائياً. في لحظة ضعف، حدّث نفسه: «هل هكذا تكافئني القضية؟ هل هكذا يكافئني المخيم الذي نذرت عمري وعائلتي لأجله؟». لكنه استدرك قائلاً: «القاتل هو الفاقد لهويته وانتمائه إلى القضية الشريفة».

يحكي أيوب عن مصير رفاقه «التوانسة» والمغاربة الذين قاتلوا على جبهات لبنان. منهم من انتحر ومنهم من أكمل نضاله في بلده بأشكال مختلفة. أما في الشأن الخاص، فقليلون هم من استطاعوا الانخراط اقتصادياً ومهنياً واجتماعياً في محيطهم. بعضهم تعرّض لانتقاد شديد بعد عودته من لبنان، لأنه «تغرّب كل تلك السنين وعاد إيد ورا وإيد قدام. كأنّ القضية بتطعمي خبز».

«الأخت فرانسواز» من نيس إلى البص

آمال خليل

في الشارع الفوقاني في عين الحلوة، يقيم محمد غندور منذ عام 1988. ابن مخيم برج البراجنة نزح قسراً إلى عين الحلوة بسبب حرب المخيمات. يقر ابن حركة «فتح» بأنه يعيش عمراً إضافياً منذ 24 أيلول 1984 بعد مشاركته في الهجوم على موقع الاحتلال في الأولي في صيدا. الموت نال من رفاق العملية، الفرنسية فرنسواز كستيمان والسوري سمير المصري وابن مخيم الرشيدية خليل ظاهر. قلة تعرف تجربة «أبو علي». يتحاشى الاستعراض خجلاً ممن استشهد وأُسر، ويخاف من غدر الدموع التي تخنقه كلما استذكر «الأخت فرانسواز».

في مستوصف البص، تعرّف غندور إلى الممرضة المتطوعة في الهلال الأحمر الفلسطيني. علم منها أنها تركت طفلين لها في نيس، أحدهما مقعد. بعد معايشتها لضحايا الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية، طلبت من فتح تدريبها على السلاح لتنخرط في العمل الفدائي. تُوجت مهاراتها بإطلاق الصواريخ باختيار من قبل الزعيم ياسر عرفات لها لتنفيذ عملية في عمق فلسطين المحتلة. شكّلت فتح المجموعة من غندور وظاهر والمصري وطارق مصطفى، لتنفيذ عملية بواسطة زورق زودياك يصل إلى الساحل المحتل ويخطف مستوطنين بهدف مبادلتهم بالأسرى. الحصار المعادي منع الزورق من الوصول، فاستبدل الهدف بمعسكر الأولي. بحسب غندور، نزلوا من الزورق واشتبكوا مع الجنود حتى استشهد المصري وظاهر وفرنسواز، وأُسر غندور ومصطفى قبل أن يُطلقا بعملية تبادل للأسرى عام 1985.

جثامين الشهداء الأسيرة نُقلت إلى البراد الذي استحدثته قوات الاحتلال بجوار عين الحلوة. حاولت مجموعة تنفيذ عملية لتحرير الجثامين. استشهد شابان. إلى أن تدخّلت السفارة الفرنسية في بيروت لتحرير جثمان فرانسواز حصراً. وبناءً على طلب والدتها التي حضرت إلى لبنان، أقيمت الجنازة الشعبية في بيروت ودُفنت في مقبرة الشهداء في شاتيلا. أما جثمانا المصري وظاهر فعادا في صفقة تبادل الأسرى عام 2008.

«مثوى شهداء فلسطين» الأممي: فرانكو فونتانا… عائد إلى القبر

آمال خليل

عند مدخل «مثوى شهداء فلسطين» في شاتيلا، يقيم محمد مع عائلته منذ عشر سنوات. يرعى المدافن ويحفظ شواهد أصحابها «لأنها تختصر العالم». هنا قبر الإيطالي فرانكو فونتانا، وهناك قبر الفرنسية فرانسواز كسيتمان، وبينهما قبرا اليابانيين ياسوكي ياسودا وأوكاديرا تويوشي اللذين استشهدا في عملية مطار اللد في فلسطين المحتلة عام 1972 مع رفيقهما وساموما روكا الذي توفي عام 2011 متأثراً بالتعذيب خلال الاعتقال وباكاو هيموري الذي أحرق نفسه في طوكيو عام 2002 احتجاجاً على الاجتياح الإسرائيلي للضفة الغربية. قريباً من هذه القبور، دُفن عبد حسيني من العمارة في العراق والشاعر السوري كمال خير بك سوريا… لا يزال محمد، الذي نشأ في مخيمات بيروت، يعبّر عن دهشته «ممن تركوا بلادهم وهم في مقتبل الشباب ليقاتلوا من أجلنا، فيما كثير من الفلسطينيين يستميتون للهجرة إلى البلاد التي جاء منها هؤلاء. يدرك بأن الزمن تغيّر. أبرز حكايات أهل القبور، برأي محمد، هي فونتانا – أو «جوزيف إبراهيم» اسمه العسكري – الذي عاد إلى إيطاليا بعد اجتياح بيروت عام 1982. لكنه بعد تقاعده من عمله، عاد عام 2015 إلى بيروت حيث أقام ثلاثة أسابيع قبل أن يموت بسكتة قلبية ويُدفن هنا بناءً على وصيته.

في 15 أيار 2015، وصل فونتانا إلى مخيم مار الياس، قاصداً مكتب الجبهة الديموقراطية لتحرير فلسطين. بالصدفة، كان الناشط سامر مناع حاضراً. لبّى طلبه بالمبيت في المخيم رغم أنه لم يفصح عن تاريخه الفدائي في صفوف الجبهة منذ عام 1977. قال إنه متضامن أوروبي سيمضي شيخوخته في المخيمات خدمة للقضية الفلسطينية. بعد أيام قليلة، تعرّف إليه مسؤول مجموعته في محاور الجنوب «أبو السعد». لم يحظَ رفاقه القدامى وعارفوه الجدد بوقت كافٍ للقائه والتزود من تجربته. في 2 حزيران، أصيب بجلطة دماغية أدخلته في غيبوبة حتى فارق الحياة. «حاولنا التعويض في مماته. حظي بجنازة شعبية شارك فيها الآلاف من مخيمَي صبرا وشاتيلا، رافقوا جثمانه حتى مدافن الشهداء». واللافت أن قبره كان بانتظاره برغم أزمة ضيق المساحة. «قبل أيام من وفاته، حضرت عائلة شهيد تونسي كان قد سقط في صفوف المقاومة الفلسطينية في لبنان واستعيد رفاته في صفقة تبادل الأسرى عام 2008. استخرجت العائلة الرفات لنقله إلى مسقط رأسه في تونس، فشغر القبر قبل أن يشغله فرانكو».

إلى فلسطين… من البيرو وجنوب أفريقيا واليابان

آمال خليل

رغم التجربة الغنية للمقاتلين العرب والأجانب الذين قاتلوا العدو الإسرائيلي في لبنان، لم تقم القوى الفلسطينية واللبنانية التي قاتلوا في صفوفها بتوثيقها بشكل كامل. الأمين العام للحزب الديموقراطي الشعبي محمد حشيشو يحتفظ في وثائقه وذاكرته بجانب من التجربة التي عايشها ميدانياً في محاور الجنوب وبيروت والجبل. قبل عام 1982، ازدهرت المساهمة الأممية على الجبهات. سُجّل حضور لكل من الألوية الحمراء الإيطالية وجماعة الجيش الأحمر الألماني (بادر ماينهوف) ومجموعة العمل المباشر الفرنسية والجيش الأحمر الياباني ومنظمة الدرب المضيء من البيرو والخلايا الشيوعية المقاتلة في بلجيكا والجيش الجمهوري الإيرلندي والجبهة الشعبية في تركيا والذراع العسكرية لحزب المؤتمر الوطني الأفريقي (نيلسون مانديلا) ومنظمة إيتا من إقليم الباسك الإسباني وحزب وطد التونسي وحزب العمال الكردستاني… ولفت حشيشو إلى أن عناصر من مجموعات أخرى كانوا ينخرطون في صفوف قوى لبنانية وفلسطينية، يعملون تحت اسمها، ولا سيما مع الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين.

يرجّح حشيشو بأن عوامل الجذب للمقاتلين الأجانب بشكل خاص ارتبطت بـ«التصاق اليسار العالمي بالقضية الفلسطينية، إذ وجد فيها جزءاً من الصهيونية والإمبريالية، فضلاً عن شعور التضامن العالمي بعدالة القضية». ومن العوامل أيضاً «الميدان اللبناني الذي شكّل معسكر تدريب للتزود بالخبرات وتطوير المهارات القتالية لدى تلك المجموعات في بلادها». وإلى الخبرات العسكرية التي تبادلوها مع المقاتلين اللبنانيين والفلسطينيين، «برز دور المقاتلين الأجانب في رفع الوعي السياسي والثقافي والمجتمعي ولا سيما حول قضايا المرأة».

مقالات متعلقة

Filed under: "Israel", Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Arab and foreign fedayeen | Comments Off on شركاء التحرير

The Leader of the Resistance and Its Shield: Triumphant in his martyrdom

Posted on May 13, 2023 by uprootedpalestinians

May 12, 2023

Latifa Al-Husseini

The absence of martyred leader Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine feels strange. He was exceptional and his star did not fade after his departure. His friends, companions, family, students, and fighting groups are all attached to his legacy and what he earned during his years of struggle.

This military commander of the Islamic Resistance was devoted to the Husseini path. Even though years have passed since his martyrdom, the image of Sayyed Zulfikar hasn’t left the minds of his loved ones and those who knew him from the time of his youth.

Sayyed Nawaf Al-Mousawi may have been the closest person to him. When you ask him about his comrade in heaven, he recalls the experiences they went through together.

Al-Mousawi has plenty of stories about the martyred leader. However, he believes that the names of martyred leader Hajj Imad Mughniyeh and Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine are inseparable, and you can’t talk about one without talking about the other.

As such, Al-Mousawi believes that the news about the assassination of Hajj Radwan had the same effect as that of Sayyed Zulfikar. The presence of both was reassuring. They were a shield and a sword.

He found in Sayyed Mustafa an amiable companion. Both shared a common revolutionary approach to which they belonged very early on in life.

“I was 15 years old in Ghobeiri High School, which was adjacent to his family’s home, but the first long meeting between us took place on Laylat al-Qadr. That was the very first time we marked it together,” said Al-Mousawi.

Sayyed’s chivalry

To Al-Moussawi, Sayyed Mustafa’s name means brotherhood, nobility, sincerity, and loyalty. Here, he recalls an incident that took place after the “Israeli” invasion of Beirut in 1982.

“At that time, Amin Gemayel’s forces deployed in the southern suburbs. Our capabilities were non-existent. I was returning with two brothers from the Imam Al-Reda Mosque in Bir Al-Abd after reciting Dua Kumayl,” he recalled.

“When we arrived at the Imam Al-Hussein Mosque, we met with our comrades there before a patrol consisting of four vehicles arrived. The two young men were arrested, and I managed to escape. I went directly to Sayyed Mustafa’s house in Ghobeiry, and he told me, ‘Let’s go.’ We set off in his father’s car, armed with a Kalashnikov. He was focused on the intelligence patrol and wanted to clash with them to free the two detainees, regardless of the patrol’s size.”

According to Hezbollah’s former MP, any oppressed person who sought the help of Sayyed Mustafa got it, and this is what distinguished him from any other figure. Rescuing the distressed is an attribute that accompanied him throughout his life.

Al- Mousawi quotes the martyred leader who insisted on referring to the martyrs by their actual names. He used to say, “Introduce Hajj Imad Mughniyeh by his name.”

The media man

Sayyed Mustafa laid the groundwork for the media during his work for the resistance throughout the period of his jihad. Al-Mousawi stated that the martyred leader realized early on the importance of the media and its impact on the military war.

That is why he effectively employed media and psychological tools during the years of confrontation with the Zionists and the Takfiris. He also forged relationships with journalists to preserve the legacy of resistance.

This was evident through his two biggest achievements – the Ansariya Operation, which led to the breaching of the broadcast of “Israeli” spy planes, and the operation to liquidate Erez Gerstein, the commander of the Liaison Unit in southern Lebanon during the occupation.

The brains are the crown of jihad

The war of brains is the crown of Sayyed Mustafa’s jihad. Al-Mousawi drew attention to this component that marked the latter’s career.

He explains that the great commander evaluated every military operation based on the performance of the Zionists and how the “Israelis” dealt with it. He took measures to contain the precautions the enemy supposedly took against the resistance groups. He also focused on the need to take advantage of the capabilities and ambushes that the enemy carried out, especially in terms of using explosives and ensuring the complete destruction of “Israeli” vehicles.

The great commander, according to al-Mousawi, came up with a military concept that has become a “constitution” that he never deviated from – never make the same mistakes twice, fight fiercely without incurring human losses as much as possible, and return with all the mujahideen alive.

Accordingly, he overcame all challenges and difficulties. In Syria, he was a lion that did not fear the enemy. He was not afraid to travel long distances and be stationed behind Takfiri lines, and he personally carried out most of the tasks.

Sayyed Mustafa confided to Al-Mousawi that the resistance’s first achievement in Syria was exposing all the Takfiri groups, including their compositions, places of deployment, and movement.

This enabled the martyred leader to recover one of the captive brothers from the heart of the fighting as soon as he knew where he was. He carried out a security operation in the Takfiri depth and detained a number of them. These prisoners were swapped for the captured resistance fighter.

Sayyed Mustafa has always stressed the importance of gathering extensive data so that losses are accurate, while combining security and military action to record significant achievements for the resistance.

Nearing the end

Seven years after losing his companion, Al-Mousawi recalls his

last meeting with Sayyed Mustafa.

“I met him shortly before his martyrdom. At that time, I went on a mission to Syria assigned to me by His Eminence the Secretary General of Hezbollah Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah,” Al-Mousawi said.

“I stayed up with him [Sayyed Zulfiqar], and he felt that his death was near. He told me, ‘I know, since I walked this path, that I will be martyred in the end. Today, I know that all the elements are available, and I feel that they are close. The mission for which I came to Syria has been accomplished.’”

A hero and an amiable person, this is how Al-Mousawi saw Sayyed Mustafa. It is true that separation is difficult, but this exceptional figure does not leave him at all junctures. The path of jihad is long, and the battle does not know retreat; it is either victory or martyrdom, as Mustafa Badreddine once said.

Filed under: "Israel", Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, Syria, Takfiris | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ansariya ambush, Hajj Imad Mughniyeh (Hajj Radwan), Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Sayyed Mustafa Badreddine (Zulfiqar) | Comments Off on The Leader of the Resistance and Its Shield: Triumphant in his martyrdom

Martyr Sheikh Ragheb Harb Anticipated Danger of Normalization with ‘Israel’: Handshake is Recognition (Video)

Posted on February 16, 2023 by martyrashrakat

February 15, 2023

Mohammad Salami

Hezbollah Martyr Leader Sheikh Ragheb Harb, who returned from the Holy City of Al-Najaf in Iraq in 1974 to carry out religious and humanitarian projects, was one of the founders and basic supporter of the Islamic Resistance in face of the Zionist occupation in Southern Lebanon and Western Bekaa.

Sheikh of the martyrs of the Islamic Resistance was, thus, arrested and imprisoned Israeli occupation forces in 1983. The martyr played a vital role in the resistance against the Israeli occupation since 1982 invasion till he was assassinated by the collaborators with the Zionist enemy in his town Jibsheet.

During his noble Jihad years, his eminence consecrated the principle of resorting to the armed resistance against the Zionist occupation, stressing that any handshake with the representative of the enemy is considered as a recognition of its existence.

The Islamic Resistance in Lebanon has always rejected the choice of holding negotiations and concluding ‘peace’ deals with the Zionist enemy regardless of all the circumstances. However, the Egyptian regime, during that stage, was involved in the path of surrender.

In 1978, Egypt signed a peace agreement sponsored by the United States of America, disengaging concerns and causes with the Arab countries, especially Palestine.

Based on the Egyptian stance, Sheikh Ragheb Harb anticipated the danger of abandoning the resistance path and normalizing of ties with the Israeli enemy, affirming that normalization will legitimize the illegitimate existence of the occupation entity.

In 1994, Jordan followed the Egyptian path and signed a ‘peace’ agreement with Israeli enemy, which reinforced the importance of the Sheikh Harb’s warning against such deals.

The catastrophic collapse of the Arab attitude towards the conflict with the Zionist enemy was in 2020 when Bahrain, Emirates and Morocco concluded deals to normalize ties with the Zionist entity. In 2023, the military regime in Sudan also expressed readiness to normalize the relations with the Israeli enemy.

Consequently, the Palestinian cause is abandoned by certain Arab regimes; however, the armed resistance, as consecrated by the martyr cleric, has reached several achievements.

The resistance parties in Lebanon and Palestine have liberated the occupied territories in Southern Lebanon, Western Bekaa and Gaza and defeated the Israeli military arrogance in 2006 war and other confrontations.

Even the Palestinian youths and children have carried out attacks on the Zionist settlers and soldiers in the occupied West Bank, inflicting heavy upon them.

In other words, the Resistance in Lebanon and Palestine has ridiculed the occupation as said by Martyr Sheikh Ragheb Harb.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

Filed under: Bahrain, Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, United Arab Emirates UAE, USA | Tagged: "Peace with Israel", 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, 2006 July War, Camp David, Normalization with Israel, Pal-Lions’ Den (Areen Al-Osood), Palestinian Resistance factions, Palestinian youth generation, Sadat, South Lebanon, Wadi Araba peace treaty | Comments Off on Martyr Sheikh Ragheb Harb Anticipated Danger of Normalization with ‘Israel’: Handshake is Recognition (Video)

Were It Not for Iran, Where Would Palestine Be?

Posted on November 24, 2022 by uprootedpalestinians

November 23, 2022

Ahmad Farhat, Translated and Edited by Mohammad Salami

Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah stressed, during a speech last month, that , the most important factor of strength in the axis of resistance is the Islamic Republic of Iran, wondering where Palestine would be without the Iranian role.

The signing of Camp David Accords crowned the US-brokered Egyptian concessions to the Israeli enemy, knowing that the most prominent event in this context was the visit of the Egyptian President Anwar Al-Sadat to the Zionist entity in November, 1977.

Signing of Camp David Peace Accord (President Jimmy Carter, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin)

Since the end of the 1973 war and the advent of Egypt’s settlements era, the military formulas in the region had changed. The Arab countries, consequently, could not fight on one front against the Israeli enemy which managed to hold bilateral ‘peace’ agreements with the Arab countries in order to avoid facing them altogether.

The Arabs suffered then from a wide case of frustration amid the collapse of the Common Arab Security.

With respect to the Zionist entity, the Arab countries would no longer be able to attack ‘Israel’ without the participation of Egypt despite the fact that the Israeli enemy continued carrying out its occupation and expansion schemes. In this regard, the Zionist enemy invaded Lebanon in 1978 and 1982 and struck the Palestinian resistance.

The following video shows the Palestinian resistance fighters leaving Lebanon in 1982:

Hope Rising in the East

Amid the tragic developments, Imam Ruhollah Khomeini led the Islamic Revolution in Iran to a historic victory in 1979. Just 8 days later, the Islamic Republic identified its foreign policy, granting the keys of the Israeli embassy in Tehran to Yasser Arafat, the late head of the Palestinian Liberation Organization. This established a new epoch of a strategic Iranian support to the Palestinian cause.

Since its victory, the Islamic Revolution in Iran rejected and confronted all the schemes which targeted the Palestinian cause, providing all the possible means of support to the Palestinian resistance and intifada. The Iranian authorities have been also supporting and funding the Palestinian camps in the diaspora in order to maintain the steadfastness of the refugees.

On August 7, 1979, late founder of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Ruhollah Mousavi Khomeini designated the last Friday of Ramadan holy month as the International Al-Quds Day. Since then, Al-Quds Day has become a day all Muslims and oppressed people across the world rally for Al-Quds and Palestine against the Zionist occupation.

The Islamic Republic in Iran has been also supporting the Palestinian resistance factions which have committed to the rules of Islam.

Axis of Resistance

The axis of resistance led by the Islamic Republic of Iran engaged in several wars in Lebanon and Palestine. Iran supported founding Hezbollah Islamic Resistance that cooperated with the Palestinian resistance to reach victories.

This cooperation appeared clearly during Al-Quds Sword battle in 2021 between Gaza resistance and the Israeli enemy when Hezbollah, IRGC, and Hamas established a chamber of military operations in Beirut during the recent Israeli aggression on Gaza.

This axis, which has sacrificed a large number of martyrs crowned by the former head of IRGC’s Al-Quds Force martyr General Qassem Suleimani, has set praying at Al-Aqsa Mosque as a strategic target.

The video that follows the huge support demonstrated by the Iranian people to the Palestinian cause on various occasions, including mainly Al-Quds Day.

Source: Al-Manar English Website

Filed under: "Israel", Egypt, Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, Palestine, Palestinian people, The Islamic Republic of Iran | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Alquds force, ‘Al-Quds Sword operation’, Camp David, International Quds Day, Iran Islamic Revolution, October War, Palestinian cause, Palestinian Liberation Movement PLO, Sadat, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution in Iran Imam Khamenei, The Axis of Resistance, The Islamic Revolution Guard [IRGC], The Zio-temporary entity | Comments Off on Were It Not for Iran, Where Would Palestine Be?

Videograph| Ahmad Kassir: Prince of Hezbollah’s Martyrs

Posted on November 13, 2022 by martyrashrakat

November 12, 2022

“No other operation got the glory Ahmad Kassir had gotten,” Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah said in remembrance of the martyr who carried out the hugest operation against Israeli occupation in south Lebanon.

Ahmad Kassir, known as “Prince of Martyrs”, carried out a self-sacrifice operation against the headquarters of the Israeli military command in Tyre in November 11, 1982.

Hezbollah assigned November 11 as Martyr’s Day, in remembrance of martyr Ahmad Kassir who heroically slapped the Zionist entity in the face at a time no one even dared to think about confronting a single Israeli soldier.

Below is a videograph, prepared by Al-Manar Website, that talks more about martyr Ahmad Kassir.

Videograph| Ahmad Kassir: Prince of Hezbollah’s Martyrs

Source: Al-Manar English Website

Filed under: "Israel", Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ahmed Kassir “Prince of Hezbollah’s Martyrs”, Martyrdom anniversary of Hezbollah Leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, South Lebanon, tyre | Comments Off on Videograph| Ahmad Kassir: Prince of Hezbollah’s Martyrs

Ahmad Kassir’s Final Moments

Posted on November 11, 2022 by martyrashrakat

Nov 11, 2022

Samir Alemeh

He came up with an idea and fulfilled his joy by defeating the Zionists.

What did Ahmad do before executing the operation and what were the circumstances that accompanied it?

“Machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades will not destroy this building. It needs something that would completely destroy it.”

Martyr Ahmad Kassir confided these words to one of his friends while they passed by the Azmi building in the Jal al-Bahr area in Tyre. The building housed the headquarters of the “Israeli” military governor. It was just an idea he had since the Zionist enemy occupied southern Lebanon in June 1982. That idea then grew into a proposal that he presented to officials from Hezbollah. It entailed him blowing himself up in the Azmi Building. By doing so, he became the prince of the self-sacrificing martyrs.

Whenever he saw the enemy’s aircraft violating the airspace in southern Lebanon, he would say, “Your turn will come soon, God willing.”

Thus, Ahmad began preparing to defeat the Jews. He was rushing things fearing that he might miss his opportunity. Yet, he did so without any changes in his behavior that would indicate that he is on a path to martyrdom.

People close to him described him as cheerful and happy. No one could have imagined that this young man had the spirit of martyrdom in him. At the same time, he continued with the acts of worship, especially reading the Quran and performing Salat al-Layl [Night Prayer].

Those who knew him spoke about his patience. Some said that prior to the execution of the operation, he stayed alone in one of the houses for two weeks. Due to security concerns, he was unable to use the heating or even the lights. Yet, he bore the cold and dark. He prayed to God to bestow him with victory and martyrdom.

He spent his nights, all the way to the last one, in worship. As dawn approached, he performed Ghusl al-Shahada [bath of martyrdom]. Due to the necessities of the execution, he performed the Morning Prayers in the car, which was driven towards the target with his determination and faith.

God has men who will what he wills. The large number of dead and wounded among the ranks of the Zionists was, first and foremost, the result of divine care. The operation was postponed for two days due to several reasons. On the night of the execution, it rained heavily and forced “Israeli” soldiers housed in tents to take cover in the Azmi building. They remained in the building all night and left the second day as stiff corpses and torn body parts.

One of the coincidences that came under the auspices of God Almighty is that days before the operation, the Zionists transferred the Lebanese detainees to the roof of the building after placing barbwire around it. Instead of using one of the floors below, the rooftop was transformed into a prison. When the explosion struck, the building was flattened and the roof was reduced to the same level as the ground below. Most of the Lebanese detainees were safe and sound. They were able to escape. Those who found themselves in the interrogation rooms at the time of the blast were martyred.

Ahmad Kassir drove his car slowly with a great deal of courage and trust. Moments before his arrival, one of the Zionist soldiers moved a vehicle blocking the main entrance. The martyr was meant to enter through that entrance. Another soldier lifted the shutters of the door. Thus, Ahmad’s way to martyrdom was cleared of any obstacles. He was able to defeat the Jews at a time when they were perceived as invincible.

And so Ahmad got his wish that always used to utter, “my greatest joy is that, God willing, I will inflict losses on those Jews the way they harmed our dignity and our people.”

Source: Al-Ahed News

Self-Sacrifice Martyr: Ahmad Jaafar Kassir

Filed under: Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, Martyrdom | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ahmed Kassir “Prince of Hezbollah’s Martyrs”, Hezbollah Versus IOF, Israeli Brutal Aggression, Israeli Occupation Force IOF | Comments Off on Ahmad Kassir’s Final Moments

Sayyed Nasrallah: Hezbollah’s Eyes & Missiles Are on Karish, We Do Not Fear Any Imposed Confrontation

Posted on September 17, 2022 by martyrashrakat

September 17, 2022

By Al-Ahed News, Live Coverage

Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah delivered a speech at the end of the Arbaeen procession that headed towards the shrine of Sayyeda Khawal [AS] in Baalbek on September 17, 2022.

Sayyed Nasrallah began his speech by condoling Muslims on the Arbaeen of Imam Hussein [AS] and thanks the participants in the Arbaeen March who walked to the holy shrine of Imam Hussein daughter, Sayyeda Khawla in Baalbek.

In his speech, the Secretary General talked about the most important lessons of the Arbaeen saying, “Looking back at the stances of Imam al-Sajjad and Sayyeda Zeinab [AS] in Yazid’s palace, a believer could never show weakness or despair no matter how hard the calamities and the circumstances are.”

In the light of this, Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted that “The remembrance of Prophet Mohammad [PBUH] and his household is eternal until the Day of Resurrection.”

The Resistance Leader affirmed, “There is no place for humiliation, but rather for moving on based on the long history of faith in the future and the divine promise.”

Also, in his speech, His Eminence addressed the Iraqi people thanking them for their great generosity, hospitality, and love they have been showing for the visitors of Imam Hussein [AS].

“We must thank our brothers and sisters in Iraq, the authorities and the people, for their immense generosity, time, effort, and management of this grand event,” Sayyed Nasrallah said.

His Eminence highlighted that “The Arbaeen Walk in Iraq, in which 20 million visitors took part, is unprecedented in history on the level of the participating masses.”

“At least hundreds of thousands of those walked the road leading from Najaf to Karbala. Those visitors went there with their own money; states do not fund this ziyara. Those 20 million visitors are 20 million hearts beating in the love of Imam Hussein [AS]. The poor and the needy are the first we see there,” Sayyed Nasrallah clarified.

Elsewhere in his speech, the Hezbollah SG recalled the Sabra and Shatila Massacre which was carried out from the 16^th of September, 1982, and until the 18^th of the same month.

Sayyed Nasrallah explained, “The ‘Israeli’ enemy sponsored the Sabra and Shatila Massacre, but it was mainly perpetrated by certain Lebanese sides that are known and that were allied with ‘Israel’ militarily in the invasion of 1982.”

“The Sabra and Shatila Massacre could amount to the biggest and most heinous massacre that was committed in the history of the Arab-‘Israeli’ conflict,” the Resistance Leader added, remembering that “Around 1900 Lebanese martyrs and some 3000 Palestinian martyrs were the victims of the Sabra and Shatila Massacre.”

His Eminence said that the Sabra and Shatila Massacre remains “The most horrific to have been carried out by ‘Israel’s’ tools in Lebanon, and the ones responsible for it were never held accountable for it.”

Sayyed Nasrallah slammed those who have been sowing strife in Lebanon saying, “We’ve been hearing phrases comparing ‘our Lebanon’ and ‘your Lebanon’, telling us we do not belong to ‘their’ Lebanon. I tell them that the Sabra and Shatila Massacre is one of the faces of ‘their’ Lebanon! The liberation of the South is the face of our Lebanon!”

“The culture of death belongs to those who committed the Sabra and Shatila Massacre, while the culture of life belongs to those who liberated South Lebanon without even killing a chicken! They say the massacre was carried out to avenge Bachir Gemayel. They took revenge from who? From innocent civilians! Whereas during our fight, we did not even kill a chicken! Who are the ones of a death culture?!” the Hezbollah SG exclaimed.

Elsewhere in his speech, Sayyed Nasrallah said, “The American guarantees neither protected the Lebanese and the Palestinians in Sabra and Shatila nor elsewhere. Anyone who trusts the Americans in this sense is offering their men, women, children, and even the unborn to be slaughtered.”

The Resistance chief hailed the Palestinian youths, particularly those in the occupied West Bank, for their active presence in the field of resistance.

“The enemy now is frightened by the resistance of the West Bank as it is fighting its young generation,” His Eminence said.

Relatedly, Sayyed Nasrallah praised Hamas’ latest statement on resuming ties with Syria as a respected choice, saying, “Palestine’s priority lies in fighting the ‘Israeli’ enemy and the confrontation with the ‘Israeli’ enemy will prevail all stances as per the statement issued by Hamas.”

His Eminence went on to say, “The Syrian leadership and people will remain the true supported of the Palestinian people and are bearing the sacrifices for their sake,” adding, “Resistance, and not begging, is the sole way to reclaim the rights.”

Regarding the extraction of gas from the Karish platform, Sayyed Nasrallah highlighted that “Lebanon is in front of a golden opportunity that might not be repeated, which is extracting gas to solve its crisis.”

“We sent a powerful message warning that the enemy not to extract from the Karish field until Lebanon is given its rights, as this would be crossing a red line,” the Resistance Leader said.

“We offered the negotiations a true opportunity in which Lebanon extracts gas and we were not after any trouble,” His Eminence explained, saying, “We are not part of the maritime border demarcation negotiations, but our eyes are on Karish, as are our missiles.”

Sayyed Nasrallah went on to say, “I believe that the ‘Israelis’, the Americans, and others have enough info for them to know that the Resistance is very serious in its warnings, and that we don’t fear any confrontation if it was forced upon us.”

Another issue His Eminence addressed during his speech was the UNIFIL’s mandate in Lebanon.

“The most recent development regarding the UNIFIL is an act of aggression and a violation of the Lebanese sovereignty; it reflects the absence of the aging state and the one behind this ‘Israeli’ trap is either ignorant or traitor,” Sayyed Nasrallah pointed out.

His Eminence added, “The latest decision regarding the UNIFIL would have exposed Lebanon to grave dangers, but the stance of the Lebanese state was a good one.”

Concerning the issue of the government formation, Sayyed Nasrallah said that hopes are high, warning that the country must not enter a presidential void.

“Everybody should offer compromises so that electing a president would take place in its due constitutional time,” the Resistance chief said, saying, “Threats are futile and we support calls for agreeing on a president with meetings being held away from tensions and vetoes.”

Sayyed Nasrallah focused on the issue that “The President of the Republic must enjoy a wide popular and political base to assume his legal and constitutional duties.”

In his comments about the events surrounding the banking sector, the Hezbollah Secretary General said, “Dealing with the security level is insufficient and officials must form a crisis and emergency cell to finds real solutions.”

The Resistance leader summed up his address by stressing the importance of the popular support base that the coming president should have in order to be able to fulfill his duties adequately.

“No matter how hard the difficulties in Lebanon and the region are, we will definitely emerge victorious and our people will be able to enforce their will,” Sayyed Nasrallah concluded.

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Filed under: "Israel", American crimes, Israeli Crimes crimes against humanity, Lebanon, UNIFIL | Tagged: "Karish" Gas field, 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Karish and beyond Karish equation, Oslo Accords, Palestinian Resistance factions, Phalange party crimes, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, The Zio-temporary entity | Comments Off on Sayyed Nasrallah: Hezbollah’s Eyes & Missiles Are on Karish, We Do Not Fear Any Imposed Confrontation

‘Avenging Sabra and Shatila’: On Israeli Massacres and Palestinian Resistance

Posted on September 15, 2022 by Zara Ali

September 14, 2022

**On September 16, in 1982, several thousand Palestinians at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in Lebanon were brutally massacred. (Photo: File)**

By Ramzy Baroud

September 16 marks the 40th anniversary of the Sabra and Shatila massacre, the killing of around 3,000 Palestinians at the hands of Lebanon’s Phalangist militias operating under the command of the Israeli army.

Four decades have passed, yet no measure of justice has been received by the survivors of the massacre. Many of them have died, and others are aging while they carry the scars of physical and psychological wounds, in the hope that, perhaps, within their lifetime they will see their executioners behind bars.

However, many of the Israeli and Phalange commanders who had ordered the invasion of Lebanon, orchestrated or carried out the heinous massacres in the two Palestinian refugee camps in 1982, have already died. Ariel Sharon, who was implicated by the official Israeli Kahan Commission a year later for his “indirect responsibility” for the grisly mass killing and rape, later rose in rank to become, in 2001, Israel’s Prime Minister.

Even prior to the Sabra and Shatila massacre, Sharon’s name was always affiliated with mass murders and large-scale destruction. It was in the so-called ‘Operation Shoshana’, in the Palestinian West Bank village of Qibya in 1953, that Sharon earned his infamous reputation. Following the Israeli occupation of Gaza in 1967, the Israeli general became known as ‘The Bulldozer’, and following Sabra and Shatila, ‘The Butcher’.

The Israeli Prime Minister at the time, Menachim Begin, also died, exhibiting no remorse for the killing of over 17,000 Lebanese, Palestinians and Syrians in the 1982 invasion of Lebanon. His nonchalant response to the killings in the West Beirut refugee camps epitomizes Israel’s attitude toward all the mass killings and all the massacres carried out against Palestinians in the last 75 years. “Goyim kill Goyim, and they blame the Jews,” he said.

Testimonies from those who arrived at the refugee camps after the days of slaughter depict a reality that requires deep reflection, not only among Palestinians, Arabs and especially Israelis, but also humanity as a whole.

The late American journalist Janet Lee Stevens described what she had witnessed:

“I saw dead women in their houses with their skirts up to their waists and their legs spread apart; dozens of young men shot after being lined up against an alley wall; children with their throats slit, a pregnant woman with her stomach chopped open, her eyes still wide open, her blackened face silently screaming in horror; countless babies and toddlers who had been stabbed or ripped apart and who had been thrown into garbage piles.”

Dr. Swee Chai Ang had just arrived in Lebanon as a volunteer surgeon, stationed at the Red Crescent Society in the Gaza Hospital in Sabra and Shatila. Her book, ‘From Beirut to Jerusalem: A Woman Surgeon with the Palestinians’, remains one of the most critical readings on the subject.

In a recent article, Dr. Swee wrote that following the release of photographs of the “heaps of dead bodies in the camp alleys”, a worldwide outrage followed, but it was all short-lived: “The victims’ families and survivors were soon left alone to plod on with their lives and to relive the memory of that double tragedy of the massacre, and the preceding ten weeks of intensive land, air and sea bombardment and blockade of Beirut during the invasion.”

Lebanese and Palestinian losses in the Israeli war are devastating in terms of numbers. However, the war also changed Lebanon forever and, following the forced exile of thousands of Palestinian men along with the entire PLO leadership, Palestinian communities in Lebanon were left politically vulnerable, socially disadvantaged and economically isolated.

The story of Sabra and Shatila was not simply a dark chapter of a bygone era, but an ongoing moral crisis that continues to define Israel’s relationship with Palestinians, highlight the demographic and political trap in which numerous Palestinian communities in the Middle East live, and accentuate the hypocrisy of the West-dominated international community. The latter seems to only care for some kind of victims, and not others.

In the case of Palestinians, the victims are often depicted by western governments and media as the aggressors. Even during that horrific Israeli war on Lebanon 40 years ago, some western leaders repeated the tired mantra: “Israel has the right to defend itself.” It is this unwavering support of Israel that has made the Israeli occupation, apartheid and siege of the West Bank and Gaza politically possible and financially sustainable – in fact, profitable.

Would Israel have been able to invade and massacre at will if it were not for US-western military, financial and political backing? The answer is an affirmative ‘no.’ Those who are in doubt of such a conclusion need only to consider the attempt, in 2002, by the survivors of the Lebanon refugee camps massacre to hold Ariel Sharon accountable. They took their case to Belgium, taking advantage of a Belgian law which allowed for the prosecution of alleged international war criminals. After much haggling, delays and intense pressure from the US government, the Belgian court eventually dropped the case altogether. Ultimately, Brussels changed its own laws to ensure such diplomatic crises with Washington and Tel Aviv are not to be repeated.

For Palestinians, however, the case will never be dropped. In her essay, “Avenging Sabra and Shatila”, Kifah Sobhi Afifi’ described the joint Phalangist-Israeli attack on her refugee camp when she was only 12 years old.

“So we ran, trying to stay as close to the walls of the camp as possible,” she wrote. “That is when I saw the piles of the dead bodies all around. Children, women and men, mutilated or groaning in pain as they were dying. Bullets were flying everywhere. People were falling all around me. I saw a father using his body to protect his children but they were all shot and killed anyway.”

Kifah has lost several members of her family. Years later, she joined a Palestinian resistance group and, following a raid at the Lebanon-Israel border, was arrested and tortured in Israel.

Though Israeli massacres are meant to bring an end to Palestinian Resistance, unwittingly, they fuel it. While Israel continues to act with impunity, Palestinians also continue to resist. This is not just the lesson of Sabra and Shatila, but the bigger lesson of the Israeli occupation of Palestine as well.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is “Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out”. Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Filed under: "Israel", Israeli Crimes crimes against humanity, Lebanon, Palestine, Palestinian people, Uprooted Palestinians | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Ariel Sharon, Bashir Al-Jmayel, Lebanon's Zionists, Menachem Begin, Phalange party crimes, Sabra and Chatila Massacre, This is Zionism | Comments Off on ‘Avenging Sabra and Shatila’: On Israeli Massacres and Palestinian Resistance

قائد جهادي كبير يروي عن استعدادات المقاومة للحرب: هدفنا تدمير جيش العدو وسينتشـلون الجثث من تحت ركام المدن

Posted on August 26, 2022 by uprootedpalestinians

الجمعة 26 آب 2022

ابراهيم الأمين

لدى المقاومة قدرات غير موجودة حتى في ايران
لن يجرؤ الأميركيون على القتال ضدنا لأن ذكرى الثمانينيات حاضرة في أذهانهم

هو ليس آخر الأحياء من جيل المقاومين المؤسسين. بل واحد من قلّة لم يدر في خلدها، قبل أربعين عاماً، أن تعيش أكثر من أربعين يوماً. واحد من ثلّة تعرف لبنان القديم الخاضع والناس المقهورين بسبب الاستعمار وتوابعه. لكنه صار لاعباً في بناء لبنان آخر لم يكتمل قيامه بعد: لبنان القوة والعدالة والقادر على الانتقال بالمنطقة الى واقع جديد.

هو واحد من جيل سمع الحكايات عن نضالات واجهت الاستعمار الفرنسي والتدخلات الخارجية. وعندما اجتاح العدو لبنان في حزيران عام 1982، لم يكن يشعر بالوحدة القاتلة، ولا بالغربة التي تكبّله وتجعله عاجزاً عن الفعل. فهو واحد ممن عاشوا لحظة خفقان راية الجهاد التي رفعها الإمام الخميني عندما أصدر فتواه بوجوب قتال إسرائيل ومواجهتها بكل ما يمكن.

انقر على الصورة لتكبيرها

في ذكرى أربعينية المقاومة، ليس هناك من هو قادر على جمع الصورة مثله. قائد جهادي. تعرّف على الحرب وفنون القتال، ولو أنه لم يشارك في الحرب الأهلية. وتأثّر، كأبناء جيله من سكان أحزمة البؤس، بخطب الإمام السيد موسى الصدر. وبعد انتصار الثورة الإسلامية في إيران، وجد نفسه مقبلاً على أمر آخر. فزاد انخراطه في العمل الجهادي ضمن حدود ضيقة. جمعته مع رفاقه المؤسسين، من الشهداء والأحياء، علاقات صداقة وأخوّة والصلاة في المسجد الذي كان الرابط الأوّل والأهم بينهم، والتعرف على واقع المقاومة الفلسطينية والأحزاب التي تقاتل في لبنان. حتى صار مع رفاقه مجموعة تعرف الكثير عما يجري، وتربطها علاقات وصلات مكّنتها في لحظة الاجتياح من تحويل نداء الإمام الخميني للقتال، الى فعل له إطار تنظيمي وليد. لكنه فعل لم يكن القائمون به يفتشون له عن عنوان أو اسم أو راية. وعندما تعرّضوا للمرة الأولى لسؤال عن هويّتهم، سادهم الإرباك، قبل أن يجيب القائد الجهادي نفسه سائله: «نحن الخمينيون»!
على مر عقود أربعة، كان لهذا القائد دوره الميداني المباشر، منذ قتال اللحظة الأولى في خلدة. وهو واحد ممن رافقوا كل الذين تولّوا قيادة المقاومة. كان، ولا يزال، شريكاً أساسياً في قراءة الواقع وتحضير لوازم الحرب والاستعداد لفعل نوعي متى حانت لحظة الحرب الكبرى.
في لقاء مع «الأخبار»، يروي القائد الجهادي عن رحلة المقاومة، وعن العمل الذي لم يتوقف منذ 14 آب 2006، ليس فقط في سياق بناء قوة قادرة على صدّ أي عدوان جديد وتدميره بالكامل، بل إلى أبعد من ذلك بكثير لتصل إلى القدرة على الهجوم وما بعده. وهي ورشة لم تترك أمراً للصدفة. واستندت الى مبدأ أن كل ما تحتاج إليه المقاومة يجب العمل على توفيره، سواء عبر الأصدقاء والحلفاء، أو من خلال برنامج إنتاج ذاتي أو حتى من مصادر بعيدة.
خلال 16 عاماً، انتقلت المقاومة الى مستوى جديد ومختلف جذرياً عما كانت عليه عام 2006. مشاركة مجموعة كبيرة من كوادرها وعناصرها في مواجهة التكفيريين في سوريا والعراق، منحتهم خبرات كبيرة، وخصوصاً أن هذه المواجهة شهدت تنفيذ مناورات وتصورات عن مواجهات محتملة مع العدو، واختبار التنسيقات العسكرية بين الفرق والاختصاصات، وأمكن خلالها التعرف على تكنولوجيا وأسلحة جديدة، وتم تحصيل كميات كبيرة من الأسلحة النوعية التي وضعت في خدمة برامج المقاومة. أما العنصر المركزي الإضافي، فلم يتمثل فقط في رفع قدرات العاملين في التشكيلات العسكرية، بل في مستوى جديد من العمل الأمني والاستخباري من نوعيات تشبه ما تقوم به دول كبيرة. حتى وصلنا الى مرحلة تعرف فيها المقاومة عن العدو أكثر بكثير مما يعرف هو عنها، وهي علامة فارقة سيكون لها دورها في أي حرب مقبلة مع إسرائيل. «وربما يأتي اليوم الذي نخبرهم فيه ابتداءً عمّا يوجد في قاعة «شرفة غولدا» داخل ديمونا».

الاستعداد الدائم
يقول القائد الجهادي إن المقاومة في سباق دائم مع العدو منذ توقف إطلاق النار في 14 آب 2006 وحتى يومنا هذا، «وخصوصاً أن المهمة الجديدة التي ألقيت على عاتقنا بعد الحرب تركزت على بناء القدرة النوعية القادرة على تدمير الجيش الإسرائيلي، وليس فقط منعه من تحقيق أهدافه». ويضيف: «منذ انتهاء حرب تموز حتى اليوم، نعرف، بدقة، أن كل التقييم الذي قام به العدو ينتهي الى خلاصة بأننا متقدّمون عليه في مجالات لم يكن يعتقد أننا وصلنا فيها الى مراحل متقدمة. ومنذ صدور تقرير «فينوغراد» حول الحرب، مروراً بكل المناورات الكبرى، حتى مناورة مركبات النار الأخيرة، كان العدو يصل الى خلاصة مفادها أننا متقدمون عليه، رغم سعيه الدائم لمعالجة الثغرات لديه».
ويوضح: «يتصرف العدو، على سبيل المثال، بين فترة وأخرى، على أساس أنه يعرف مستوى التسليح المتوافر لدينا. لكنه يكتشف لاحقاً أن المستوى الموجود لدينا أعلى وأكبر. نعرف أن هناك أموراً كان العدو يكتشفها بجهوده الاستخبارية. لكنّ هناك أموراً أخرى كنا نحن من يبادر الى الكشف عنها، ويحصل ذلك بأشكال مختلفة».

الأسلحة الدقيقة
عملت المقاومة، بعد عام 2000، على تطوير البنية الصاروخية بهدف الردع من جهة، وإيذاء العدو من جهة أخرى. كانت إسرائيل تعمل على عدّاد لإحصاء ما تفترض أنه موجود كمّاً في حوزة المقاومة، ثمّ تطوّر عملها لتحديد النوعية أيضاً. ويقول القائد الجهادي: «أخيراً، اكتشف العدو أن الأسلحة الدقيقة التي في حوزة المقاومة لم تصل إلينا في الوقت الذي اكتشف فيه الأمر، بل تأكد بأنها كانت عندنا قبل ذلك». ويضيف: «يحق للعدو أن يعيش حالة من الرعب بناءً على ما يعلمه فقط، فكيف الحال بما لا يعلمه». ويشرح: «عندما كان العدو يهدد بأنه إذا أصبح لدى حزب الله 20 صاروخاً دقيقاً فسيتحرّك ولن يسكت. كان لدينا المئات، وقد علم بذلك لاحقاً وصمت وأخفى ذيله واختبأ. وعندما اكتشف أن لدينا مئات من الصواريخ الدقيقة وتأكّد من ذلك، كان من حقه أن يعتقد أن ما لدينا تجاوز الآلاف.

مهاجر

أبابيل

مرصاد

وعندما كشف خطته العملانية لمنع وصول السلاح، قال سماحة السيد له بصراحة إن الأمر انتهى والسلاح وصل. وكذلك الأمر عندما تحدث عن برنامج لمنع تطوير القدرات لدى المقاومة، فخرج السيد ليقول له من جديد إننا نصنع أسلحتنا ومستعدون لبيع السلاح النوعي من صواريخ ومسيّرات، وهذا فيه دلالة على قدرتنا على الإنتاج».
في هذا السياق، يلفت القائد الجهادي الى أن «من حق العدو الافتراض بأن لدى المقاومة – على صعيد سلاح المسيّرات مثلاً – كل ما لدى إيران. لكن الحقيقة الكبرى هي أن لدى المقاومة في لبنان قدرات تتناسب مع حاجاتها، وهي قدرات غير موجودة حتى في الجمهورية الإسلامية».
وفي اعتقاد القائد الجهادي، فإن المعركة مع العدو «لم تتوقف رغم كل الظروف، ولن تتوقف في يوم من الأيام. العدو يدرك هذه الحقيقة، وهو يسعى جاهداً من أجل عدم الوصول إلى الحرب، لأنه إذا أوصلَنا إلى الحرب فسنخوضها بقوّة، وستكون مدمّرة له بكل ما للكلمة من معنى، ولن يستطيع مواجهة حزب الله في كل الميادين. وإذا كان يهددنا بالدمار كعادته دائماً، فإننا نؤكّد أن الدمار في الكيان سيكون أكبر مما يتصوّر. على العدو أن يعلم أن الحرب مع حزب الله تعني هذه المرة تدمير البنية التحتية للكيان الإسرائيلي، بما يحوّل حياة المستوطنين الى جحيم حقيقي لا يمكنهم العيش فيه تحت النيران والدمار. نحن على يقين بأن العدو سيعمل على سحب الجثث من تحت الأنقاض خلال الحرب. هذا لم يجرّبه هو وشعبه من قبل».

أيوب

سحاب

النورس

ويضيف بثقة عالية: «الجيش الإسرائيلي لا يمكنه حماية البحر عنده، وهو غير قادر على حماية منشآته الحيوية ولا حتى على حماية الحدود البرية، ولا يستطيع حماية الجبهة الداخلية من القصف، حتى إنه لا يستطيع حماية نفسه. هذا يؤدي الى خلاصة بأن العدو فقد القدرة الدفاعية، فكيف الحال واسم جيش هو «جيش الدفاع»، ما يعني أنه فقد علّة وجوده. وعندما يصبح فاقداً للقدرة الدفاعية، وهو فاقد أصلاً لحافزية الهجوم، فهذا يعني أنه أصبح جيشاً بلا قيمة، ويمكن التجرؤ عليه. ولذلك نقول بأنه في الحرب التي ستحصل بالتأكيد، يعلم الجيش الإسرائيلي علم اليقين أنه غير قادر على حماية السفن التي يفترض أن تدخل الى الموانئ الفلسطينية، فضلاً عن حماية السفن الحربية. كما يعلم أنه في اللحظة التي تقع فيها الحرب، لن نخوض حرباً دفاعية. لأول مرة في تاريخها، سيكون على إسرائيل الدفاع عن نفسها في أراضي 1948. نعلم أن العدو يخطط لإخلاء المناطق الحدودية بعمق 5 كلم على الحدود، وهذا بحد ذاته نعتبره انسحاباً مسبقاً، فكيف والعدو يعلم علم اليقين بأن كل مرابضه ومواقعه ستكون ضمن نيران المقاومة».
وبحسب تقديرات القائد الجهادي «أكثر جهة لا تريد الحرب، هي الجيش الإسرائيلي نفسه، لأن المستوى العسكري يعرف أن إسرائيل استمدت قوتها من حالة التفرقة في محيطها، ومن قدرتها على الاستفراد بالجبهات واحدة بواحدة. لكن الصورة باتت اليوم معكوسة. القيادة الإسرائيلية والجيش بالتحديد يعرفان أن إسرائيل كيان مصطنع جمعت أوصاله في لحظة ضعف وخيانة وفرض على الشعب الفلسطيني الذي ترك وحده، وحاول هذا الكيان الصمود والبقاء والتوسّع بوهم الجيش الذي لا يقهر وبحماية خارجية (متعددة الأشكال). اليوم، الصورة معكوسة بالكامل». ويضيف إن الفرق هو أن ما تواجهه إسرائيل اليوم «مقاومة فرضت عليه خياراتها. وقد تجمعت اليوم مقاومات وشعوب على قتال إسرائيل مع الشعب الفلسطيني. إسرائيل اليوم تخاف من المقاومة. وهي تعيش خلافات داخلية لم يكن لها مثيل من قبل. بينما تقابلها مقاومة ذات عزم وإرادة قوية للقتال. وإسرائيل تعمل وفق خطة دفاعية لحماية نفسها وهي منكشفة أمام المقاومة التي تحضّر نفسها للهجوم عليها».

مستعدون لكل الخيارات بما فيها التعامل مع كل من يوفر دعماً لإسرائيل

وبحسب القائد الجهادي، فإن من المفيد تذكير الناس بمقولات رُدّدت منذ سنوات بعيدة وتصرّف معها الجميع باستخفاف. ويوضح: «أطلق سماحة الشهيد السيد عباس الموسوي مقولة إسرائيل سقطت. لم يفهم الكثير من الأصدقاء، فضلاً عن الأعداء، معنى كلمته حتى انسحبت إسرائيل، ولم تكن واقفة بل بفعل سقوطها. بينما نقول اليوم وبكل صراحة إن إسرائيل تفككت وهي تسير إلى الانهيار، والذي يفصلنا عنه هو الزمن والحرب فقط، ولن يوقف انهيارها شيء على الإطلاق. وكل من ربط نفسه بإسرائيل سينهار معها، لأن كل الموازين اليوم معكوسة».
ويؤكد القائد الجهادي أن «أي حرب ستندلع معنا ستكون هذه نتيجتها، فكيف إذا لم نكن وحدنا. وفي حال اندلاع الحرب الواسعة، ستكون فصائل المقاومة الفلسطينية شريكة في المعركة، وسيتحرك الشعب الفلسطيني، وكذلك الحال في مناطق 1948، وهذا سيكون وبالاً على العدو الذي سيكون أمام خيارين: إما أن يذهب لتحمّل الأثمان الكبيرة والدموية، ثم يوقف الحرب مرغماً خاسراً، وهذا ما لا يحتمله، وإما إيقاف الحرب تحت نيران المقاومة منذ البداية».

احتمالية توسع الحرب
في الفرضيات العسكرية القائمة، يجري الحديث عن احتمالية حصول إسرائيل على دعم خاص من أميركا وغيرها، وأنه مثلما تستعد قوى المقاومة لأن تكون في جبهة واحدة فإن إسرائيل لن تترك وحيدة في المعركة. والمقاومة مستعدة لكل الخيارات، بما فيها كيفية التعامل مع كل من يوفر دعماً لإسرائيل، علماً بأن المعنيّين بشؤون الحرب مع العدو يعرفون أنه في الأيام العشرة الأخيرة من حرب تموز 2006، لم يستعن العدوّ بذخائر إضافية من الولايات المتحدة فقط، بل بخبراء أيضاً.

لن نخوض حرباً دفاعية ولأول مرة سيكون على إسرائيل الدفاع عن نفسها

ووصل به الأمر الى أن يستعين بطيارين أميركيين لمساعدة القوة الجوية الإسرائيلية وطياريها المنهكين بفعل الحرب التي فشلوا فيها، وهذا ما أخفوه عن العموم لكن ليس عنا». لكن، بحسب القائد الجهادي، «الأمر مختلف اليوم. نحن نعتقد بأن الأميركيين لن يجرؤوا على القتال المباشر الى جانب العدو، وهم ينعشون ذاكرتهم دائماً بما حلّ بقواتهم بين عامَي 1983 و1984».

اللحظة الحاسمة
«يعمل عقل المقاومة وفق قواعد ثابتة. وتتصرّف قيادتها وفق أسس ربما لا تكون مفهومة لدى العدو أو لدى آخرين لا يعرفون من نحن». يقول القائد الجهادي: «يجب على الجميع أن يعرفوا عنا أموراً تعكس حقيقتنا، وهي أمور لا تتعلق فقط بالقدرات، بل تخصّ عقيدتنا، وفكرة أننا نتبع ولاية الله الممتدة والمتّصلة بالنبي محمد، هي فكرة جوهرية في طريقة تفكيرنا وتصرفنا وتجعلنا متمرسين في ترجمة شعار هيهات منا الذلة».
ويشدد القائد الجهادي على ضرورة استعادة قول خاص للسيد عباس الموسوي عندما خاطب العدو يوماً بأنه «رأى بعض بأسنا وسيأتي اليوم الذي سيرى فيه كلّ بأسنا، وهذا اليوم آتٍ لا محالة، وهو ما يخشاه العدو الإسرائيلي. لذلك فإنه بعدما كان يفاخر أمام شعبه بأعماله مقابل أعدائه، فإنه اليوم يخفي عن شعبه الحقائق معنا، حتى لا يصيبه الانهيار قبل الحرب. بينما تعرف قيادة المقاومة قوّتها وحقيقتها وتعرف قوّة عدوّها وضعفه وحقيقته، وتعمل وفق معايير وموازين ومعادلات وقواعد ثابتة وواضحة وحكيمة وشجاعة لم يعهد العدو مواجهتها من قبل».
ويضيف: «الكيان بكل ما فيه نراقبه ونعرفه. الإسرائيلي يعتقد أنه يعلم كل شيء عنا، ويعتقد أنه يتفوّق علينا استخباريّاً. وكم من مرة تركنا العدو أسير معطياته واعتقاده. لكن، في كل مرة يكون هناك استحقاق، يكتشف العدو أنه جاهل بنا وبما عندنا. كمثال بسيط، في الفترة بين 2000 و2006، مرت 6 سنوات أثمرت ما حصل في حرب تموز وهو معلوم لديه. فكيف بعدما مرت 16 سنة على حرب تموز، ليعلم أن نتيجتها شيء آخر تماماً. العدو يعرف أن لدينا قدرات استخبارية نعرف من خلالها ما يفعله الآن، وما كان يفعله قبلاً، وما سيفعله لاحقاً، لأننا بتنا نفهم جيداً كيف يتصرف العقل الإسرائيلي».

نعرف عن العدوّ أكثر مما يعرف عنّا وقد نخبره عما في قاعة «شرفة غولدا» في ديمونا

وفي هذا السياق، يقول القائد الجهادي إن العدو «يعلم أننا نستفيد من أي فرصة، وأنه في حال ارتكاب أي خطأ، سنوجّه له ضربة كبيرة تجبره على عدم التفكير في مهاجمة لبنان. قد تكون مسألة ترسيم الحدود البحرية واحدة من هذه الفرص. وإذا فكر العدو بأي ردّ فعل، فسنردّ عليه مباشرة، وهذه تشكّل معضلة له. وهم يتذكّرون أنه عندما جاء الدبلوماسي الأميركي ديفيد ساترفيلد مهدداً بضرب موقع لنا في البقاع، تبلّغنا أمراً من سماحة السيد حسن بأن نجهّز صواريخنا، وعندما نسمع – مجرد أن نسمع – بضربة إسرائيلية، يطلب منا أن نضرب أهدافاً محددة مسبقاً على الفور ومن دون العودة الى القيادة. ولو وقع الهجوم، كان سيسقط للعدو عشرات القتلى. علمت إسرائيل لاحقاً بهذا. وحتى في عملية المسيّرات الأخيرة، نحن من تعمّد القيام بخطوات تجعل العدو يتعرّف على الطائرات المسيّرة. وإلا نحن قادرون على الدخول والخروج من دون معرفته وبهدوء كما فعلنا مراراً».
ويختم القائد الجهادي الكبير: «حديثنا اليوم عن الماضي وعن تجارب العدو معنا وأحداث الساعة، لكن الذي يترقّبه العدو ليس ما يجري وما هو معلوم بل ما خفي عنه، لأنه سيصنع ما سيحدث لاحقاً. كما أن هاجس العدو وخوفه هو علمه بحقيقة ما سيصيبه من جرّاء ما يعلم، وكابوسه ورعبه الحقيقي هو جهله بما سيصيبه من خلال ما لا يعلم، ويحاول معالجة ضعفه وجهله قبل الحرب لأنه لن يستطيع معالجة شيء لا في الحرب ولا بعدها إن وقعت».

من ملف : إسرائيل تنتظر شتاء النار

فيديوات ذات صلة

The Hezbollah Women’s Organization Unit: An Islamic & Feminine Effort To Build A Society

Posted on August 19, 2022 by uprootedpalestinians

August 18, 2022

By Hiba Al-Annan

Late Leader of the Islamic Revolution Imam Ruhollah Khomeini believed that “a woman is like the Qur’an” when it came to her role in shaping men, i.e. building an Islamic society at all levels.

The implications of this Revolution reverberated around the world, reaching Lebanon and establishing a religious resistance movement that rejected the ‘Israeli’ occupation and its agendas. It was led by the mujahideen alongside young women, who worked and persevered in building a society that revives the authentic Muhammadan Islam.

In the early days, the work of the Hezbollah women was spontaneous and later became organized in accordance with new realities. This paved the way for the founding of the Women’s Organization Unit, with all its goals aligned with the approach and path of Hezbollah.

The launch and the early days

Hajja Afaf al-Hakim, the head of the Women’s Organization Unit, one of founders of the organization, and an Islamic feminist activist takes us back to the organization’s humble beginnings.

“After the start of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Husseiniyas and mosques in the south and the southern suburbs [of Beirut] heeded the call of this revolution. They were filled with young men and women who repeated the slogans of the revolution and carried its spirit. Later on, lectures and seminars began. Enthusiasm and commitment grew around the leader, Imam Ruhollah Khomeini.”

Al-Hakim tells Al-Ahed News that “the Islamic revolution formed the backbone for Islamic feminist work.

“Before that, women did not have any active and clear presence in any fateful political event, but the echoes of the revolution stirred enthusiasm in the hearts of young women believers and ignited in them the revolutionary spirit. Amidst this atmosphere full of work and activity, the ‘Israeli’ invasion and the brutal aggression against Lebanon took place. The groundwork was prepared and the spirits were ready to defend the land and the homeland.”

According to Al-Hakim, “the spontaneity of the Islamic feminist movement was transformed into an organized track designed to serve Hezbollah’s project. Then, the work turned into an organizational one that developed with the accelerating events and days.”

Al-Hakim recalls the work of the Women’s Organization Unit in Lebanon – the first gatherings and demonstrations in the Bir al-Abed area. At that time, the work was secret and limited:

“We used to urge each other, as young women, to participate in any event organized to reject the ‘Israeli’ occupation and its conspiracies.”

“Those who attended the demonstrations and went to Husseiniyas and mosques hailed from homes that sacrificed for this march and throbbed with the spirit of resistance. We were of all ages. Young women used to finish their lectures at the university and take part in the demonstrations. Likewise, there were housewives who attended to the needs of their children and heeded the call of the resistance. Other women did not allow their work to distract them from championing the truth.”

She explains that “the martyrdom of the Master of the Martyrs of the resistance Sayyed Abbas al-Moussawi in 1992 had a great impact on hearts and souls. People became more determined and had more faith in continuing the march.”

“At that time, I was contacted by Hezbollah to organize the women’s work and set an organizational structure for the Women’s Organization Unit in Hezbollah.”

“We developed a basic plan for the unit under the supervision of Hezbollah Secretary General His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. It included a large number of sisters in all the regions. Our tasks were divided in accordance with each region and the level of work there. Work on the structure was launched directly at the level of the Beirut region. About a year later, the work was distributed to other regions. Hence, each region had a head, and at the same time, she was the assistant to the official in charge of the region.”

Al-Hakim explains that “each region was divided into a number of sectors. There was a woman in charge of each town or village. In each neighborhood there is a section officer.”

She says “the unit took Bir Al-Abed as its headquarters. Thus, our work, which has always been and still is to a large extent voluntary, is completed. In each region, there are about 1,000 working sisters – volunteers and contract workers.”

Al-Hakim points out that “the official announcement of the establishment of the Women’s Organization Unit came in 2003, when I was appointed to head the unit. At that point I had a long session with His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah to get informed about all the aspects of the required work. He explained to me, over a period of three consecutive hours, how to harmonize our goals with implementation methods that suit our society. Thus, the work began to expand gradually to the rest of the regions.”

The task and goals

Al-Hakim enumerates the goals of the Women’s Organization Unit. All are aligned with Hezbollah’s goals at the cultural, social, and media levels. These goals include:

– Cultural mobilization: This is based on cultural courses, seminars, lectures and celebrations.

– Upgrading the status of women culturally, socially, and politically

– Promoting the positive image of women affiliated with Hezbollah in all fields

– Forming a network of relations with the pro-resistance parties to serve the line and path of Hezbollah

– Fortifying the women’s society and turning it into a source of support for the resistance in the face of conspiracies being hatched against Hezbollah

– Communicating with the families of the martyrs and the resistance fighters. They are credited with raising their children and their sincere drive

– First aid training with the aim of developing individual capabilities and initiatives in this field

According to Al-Hakim, the Women’s Organization Unit had an important role in shaping awareness among women towards the resistance and confronting the Zionist enemy by holding courses and cultural competitions at different levels and forming social committees, including eradicating illiteracy and first aid training.

Within the framework of its pioneering role, the Women’s Organization Unit formed the Al-Hawra Zainab Committee, which is concerned with marking the martyrdoms and births of Ahl al-Bayt. There is also the Support Committee (the first committee concerned with the families of the martyrs and the wounded), which moves weekly under the auspices of the wives of scholars and officials to visit these families. This attracted admiration and appreciation from Sayyed Nasrallah.

Development and expansion

Subsequently, the Committee to Support the Resistance emerged from the work of the Women’s Organization Unit. The Committee oversees the distribution of the resistance money boxes, holds political meetings depending on developments, and hosts various exhibitions that contribute to the work of the Women’s Organization Unit.

The Women’s Organization Unit also established relations with parties and associations supporting the resistance and participated in celebrations in support of the resistance. Here, the unit played an important role in establishing strong and effective ties and relations with many women’s activities and figures in Lebanon and various countries in the world.

Regarding the development and expansion of the Women’s Organization Unit, Al-Hakim points out that it “expanded to include five Lebanese regions, namely Beirut, the first region, then the second, third, fourth, and fifth regions.”

“We established the first institute to teach sisters and develop their abilities and awareness at the cultural level. Hence, the Sayyidat Nisa Al-Alamin Institute in Haret Hreik. This institute later developed to include the other five regions.”

The Women’s Organization Unit organized about 15 intellectual and cultural conferences under various titles that address the needs of society, including the volunteer work conference, which was attended by figures from the Lebanese Council of Women, and the reading and cultural advancement conference that was attended by the Minister of Education.

Al-Hakim tells Al-Ahed that “three associations were established: The Women’s Association for Social Guarantee, the Mother and Child Association, and the Lebanese Culture Association. In addition, the unit participated in 98 conferences in many Arab, Islamic, and other countries and cities, such as China, Iran, Sudan, London, UNESCO in France, Yemen, Indonesia, Italy, Turkey, Malaysia, Tunisia, Aleppo, Mecca and Medina.”

“Trips and cultural courses to Iran were also organized (two sessions each year for seven years), while a sister was appointed to be a delegate in the Lebanese Council of Women, through the three associations that we authorized,” said Al-Hakim.

As for the future projects of the organization, Al-Hakim assures Al-Ahed that “the unit looks forward in the coming years to be a reference for all sisters in Lebanon and the Islamic world, a model of women’s work that paves the way for the path of Sahib Al-Asr wa Al-Zaman, and a destination that keeps pace with the most important technical, technological, and scientific developments making it a pioneer at all levels.”

“We look forward to more social and cultural work, especially in light of these difficult economic conditions that the vast majority of people are going through, to secure aid and social solidarity,” Al-Hakim concludes.

Filed under: Lebanon, Lebanon Islamic Resistance - Hezbollah, Quranic Islam, The Islamic Republic of Iran | Tagged: 1982 Invasion of Lebanon, Iran Islamic Revolution, Sayyed Abbas Al-Mousawi, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution in Iran Imam Khamenei, The Zio-temporary entity | Comments Off on The Hezbollah Women’s Organization Unit: An Islamic & Feminine Effort To Build A Society

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